THE    WORKS 


OF 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN 


VOL.  I 


2     -  J 


TT  Bfl  £    L  J 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN, 


^MDliil 


THE 


WORKS 


OF 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN; 

CONTAINING 

SEVERAL  POLITICAL  AND  HISTORICAL  TRACTS 

NOT  INCLUDED  IN  ANY  FORMER  EDITION, 

AND 

MANY  LETTERS  OFFICIAL  AND  PRIVATE 

NOT  HITHERTO  PUBLISHED; 

WITH 

NOTES 

ANt> 

A  LIFE   OF  THE  AUTHOR. 


BY   JARED    SPARKS, 


VOLUME   I. 


BOSTON: 
WHITTEMORE,   NILES,  AND   HALL. 

MILWAUKIE:  A.  WHITTEMOKE  &  CO. 
1856. 

50141 


Entered  according  to  the  act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  thirty-nine,  by  MILLIARD,  GRAY,  AND  Co.,  in  the  Clerk's 
Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


237 


ANDOVER: 
P  K  I  N  T  E  D   BY   VT .   F.   DRAPER 


v,/ 
PREFACE, 

BY    THE    EDITOR. 


FEW  writers  have  been  so  regardless  of  literary 
reputation  as  Franklin.  Scarcely  any  of  his  com- 
positions were  published  under  his  own  eye ;  many 
of  them  were  not  written  for  the  press ;  and  the 
fame  of  authorship  appears  rarely  to  have  been 
among  the  motives  by  which  he  was  induced  to 
employ  his  pen.  It  is  true,  that,  in  early  life  and 
afterwards,  he  cultivated  with  uncommon  assiduity 
the  art  of  writing,  till  he  attained  a  mastery  over 
the  language,  which  has  raised  his  name  to  the 
first  rank  in  English  literature.  Yet  it  was  his  pri- 
mary object,  not  so  much  to  become  distinguished 
by  this  accomplishment,  as  to  acquire  the  power  of 
acting  on  the  minds  of  others,  and  of  communi- 
cating, in  the  most  attractive  and  effectual  man- 
ner, such  discoveries  as  he  might  make,  and  his 
schemes  for  the  general  improvement,  the  moral  cul- 
ture, the  comfort,  and  happiness  of  mankind.  He 
seldom  affixed  his  name  to  any  of  his  writings. 
They  were  mostly  designed  for  a  particular  pur- 
pose; and,  when  they  had  answered  the  end  for 


VI  PREFACE. 

which  they  were  intended,  he  seems  to  have  given 
himself  little  concern  about  their  future  destiny. 

Hence  he  never  took  pains  to  collect  and  revise 
for  the  press  any  portion  of  his  miscellaneous  pa- 
pers, which  had  been  separately  printed,  nor  to 
cause  a  collection  of  them  to  be  published  with  his 
name  and  under  his  own  supervision  •  although  in 
two  or  three  instances  he  rendered  some  assistance 
to  others,  who  had  voluntarily  undertaken  the  task. 

The  first  collection  was  published  in  London  in 
the  year  1751.  It  consisted  only  of  letters  and 
papers  on  electricity,  which  he  had  sent  to  Peter 
Collinson,  who  committed  them  to  the  press  with- 
out the  author's  knowledge,  giving  as  a  reason  the 
extremely  interesting  nature  of  their  contents,  and 
their  importance  to  the  public.  A  fourth  edition 
of  that  work,  in  a  handsome  quarto  volume,  was 
published  m  1769,  greatly  enlarged  by  the  addition 
of  other  papers  on  various  philosophical  subjects. 
This  edition,  and  a  fifth,  which  followed  it  five  years 
afterwards,  probably  received  some  degree  of  at- 
tention from  the  author,  as  he  was  then  in  Lon- 
don. These  papers  were  likewise  translated  into 
Latin,  French,  Italian,  and  German,  and  printed  in 
different  parts  of  Europe.  In  1772,  M.  Dubourg 
made  a  new  collection  of  Dr.  Franklin's  writings, 
embracing  all  that  were  in  the  above  work,  and 
many  others  on  miscellaneous  subjects,  communicat- 
ed by  the  author  himself,  some  of  which  had  not 
before  appeared  in  print.  The  whole  were  trans- 


PREFACE.  yii 

lated  into  French  by  the  editor,  illustrated  with 
notes,  and  published  at  Paris,  in  two  elegant  quarto 
volumes. 

In  1779  another  collection  was  published  in  Lon- 
don, consisting  of  political,  miscellaneous,  and  phi- 
losophical pieces.  These  formed  a  new  work,  very 
few  of  them  having  been  included  in  any  previous 
edition  of  the  author's  writings.  The  editor  was 
Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan,  who  was  for  many  years 
an  intimate  friend  and  constant  correspondent  of 
Dr.  Franklin.  The  task  of  editorship  was  perform- 
ed with  a  fidelity  and  success,  which  were  highly 
commended  by  the  author.  The  materials  are  well 
arranged,  and  the  notes  are  judicious,  appropriate, 
and  valuable. 

The  above  are  the  only  original  collections  that 
appeared  during  the  author's  lifetime.  A  compila- 
tion from  them,  in  a  thin  octavo  volume,  was  print- 
ed in  1787. 

Three  years  after  his  death,  in  1793,  the  Messrs. 
Robinson  published  in  London  what  they  called,  in 
the  title-page,  the  Works  of  Dr.  Franklin,  comprised 
in  two  small  volumes.  This  edition  is  remarkable  as 
containing  the  first  publication,  in  the  English  lan- 
guage, of  the  Life  of  Franklin,  written  by  himself. 
It  had  lately  been  published  in  French,  a  transla- 
tion having  been  made  from  an  original  manuscript, 
which  Dr.  Franklin  had  presented  to  his  friend, 
M.  Le  Veillard.  It  was  now  retranslated  into  Eng- 
lish by  a  skilful  hand.  This  retranslation  is  the 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

"  Life  of  Franklin,"  which  has  usually  been  circulated 
in  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  and  of  which 
numerous  editions  have  been  printed.  And  even  to 
this  day  it  continues  to  be  read,  and  to  be  quoted  by 
respectable  writers,  as  if  it  were  the  author's  origi- 
nal work,  although  the  fact  of  its  being  a  transla- 
tion is  expressly  stated  in  the  preface  to  the  first 
edition,  and  although  more  than  twenty  years  have 
elapsed  since  the  autobiography  was  published  from 
the  original  manuscript.  As  there  printed,  it  comes 
down  no  later  than  to  the  year  1731.  The  first 
volume  contains  this  portion  of  the  autobiography, 
and  the  continuation  by  Dr.  Stuber,  which  had  re- 
cently appeared  in  the  Columbian  Magazine  at  Phil- 
adelphia. The  second  volume  consists  of  essays,  the 
larger  portion  of  which  had  been  written  since  the 
publication  of  Mr.  Vaughan's  edition.  Another  re- 
translation  of  the  French  version  of  the  autobiogra- 

o 

phy  was  published  the  same  year  in  London,  which 
is  described  in  the  Monthly  Review  as  possessing 
little  merit. 

The  next  edition  in  the  order  of  time  was  that  of 
Castera,  published  in  two  octavo  volumes  at  Paris, 
in  1798,  being  a  selection  of  miscellaneous  pieces, 
with  the  addition  of  a  few  that  had  been  printed 
separately.  They  were  all  translated  into  French 
anew.  It  is  a  singular  circumstance,  that  the  auto- 
biography was  translated  for  this  edition  from  the 
first  English  retranslation  mentioned  above.  It  thus 
passed  through  three  changes,  first  into  French,  next 


PREFACE.  ix 

from  French  into  English,  and  then  back  again  into 
French.  The  editor  does  not  explain  why  he  pre- 
ferred this  method  to  that  of  adopting  the  first  French 
version.  He  likewise  translated  Dr.  Stuber's  con- 
tinuation. 

In  1806  a  larger  collection,  than  had  hitherto  been 
made,  was  published  in  London  by  Johnson  and 
Longman,  in  three  volumes,  octavo.  The  editor  was 
a  Mr.  Marshall.  His  name  is-  not  connected  with 
the  work ;  but  he  performed  his  part  with  good  judg- 
ment, and  used  much  diligence  in  searching  for  es- 
says and  papers,  that  had  not  before  been  comprised 
in  any  collection.  Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan,  who  was 
then  in  London,  rendered  him  important  assistance. 

Dr.  Franklin  had  been  dead  sixteen  years  when 
this  edition  appeared,  and  no  one  of  his  family  had 
as  yet  taken  measures  to  publish  any  of  his  writings 
from  the  original  manuscripts.  It  was  known,  that, 
in  his  will,  he  had  bequeathed  all  his  papers  to  his 
grandson,  William  Temple  Franklin,  who,  soon  after 
his  grandfather's  death,  went  to  London  and  made 
proposals  to  some  of  the  booksellers  for  the  publi- 
cation of  them.  Nothing  was  done,  however,  and 
after  a  little  time  no  more  was  heard  of  these  propo- 
sals. There  was  a  rumor,  that  the  British  ministry 
interposed,  and  offered  the  proprietor  of  the  papers 
a  large  remuneration  to  suppress  them,  which  he 
accepted.  This  rumor  was  so  broadly  stated  in  the 
preface  to  Johnson's  edition,  as  to  amount  to  a 
positive  charge ;  and  it  was  reiterated  with  an  as- 

VOL.  i.  i> 


X  PREFACE. 

surance,  that  would  seem  at  least  to  imply,  that  it 
was  fully  sustained  by  the  public  opinion. 

To  this  charge  William  Temple  Franklin  replied, 
when,  in  the  year  1817,  he  published  an  edition  of 
his  grandfather's  works  from  the  manuscripts  in  his 
possession.  In  the  preface  to  the  first  volume  he 
endeavours  to  explain  the  reason  why  he  had  so  long 
delayed  the  publication,  and  he  also  takes  notice  of 
the  charge  in  question.  He  treats  it  with  indigna- 
tion and  contempt,  and  appears  not  to  regard  it  as 
worthy  of  being  refuted.  He  was  less  reserved  in 
conversation.  Dr.  John  W.  Francis,  of  New  York, 
saw  him  often  in  London,  in  the  year  1816,  while  he 
was  preparing  his  grandfather's  papers  for  the  press. 
"  To  me,"  says  Dr.  Francis,  "  he  peremptorily  de- 
nied all  interference  of  any  official  authorities  what- 
ever with  his  intended  publication,  and  assigned,  as 
efficient  causes  for  the  non-execution  of  the  task 
committed  to  him,  the  interruption  of  communication 
and  the  hostilities  between  the  French  and  English 
nations,  and  the  consequent  embarrassments  he  en- 
countered in  collecting  the  scattered  materials."  The 
reason  here  assigned  for  delay  is  not  very  satisfactory, 
and  there  were  doubtless  others.  His  father,  Wil- 
liam Franklin,  died  in  1813.  He  had  been  a  pen- 
sioner on  the  British  government,  in  consequence  of 
the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  Revolution ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  he  may  have  been  averse  to  the  publi- 
cation of  his  father's  papers  during  his  lifetime.  To 
say  the  least,  the  suspicion  that  papers  were  finally 


PREFACE.  Xi 

suppressed,  for  any  cause,  is  without  proof  and  high- 
ly improbable.  A  paper  mentioned  by  Mr.  Jefferson, 
as  having  been  shown  to  him  by  Dr.  Franklin,-  and 
supposed  to  have  been  suppressed,  was  undoubtedly 
the  one  relating  to  a  negotiation  with  Lord  Howe 
and  others,  for  a  reconciliation  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, just  before  Dr.  Franklin  left  England  for  the 
last  time.  This  was  published  by  his  grandson,  and 
is  contained  in  the  fifth  volume  of  tfre  present  edition. 
The  autobiography  of  Dr.  Franklin,  as  he  wrote 
it,  first  appeared  in  his  grandson's  edition.  Many 
other  valuable  papers,  particularly  his  official  corre- 
spondence during  his  residence  in  France  and  nu- 
merous private  letters,  were  printed  from  the  origi- 
nal manuscripts.  Of  the  philosophical  and  political  pa- 
pers, the  work  comprised  only  a  selection  from  those 
that  had  already  been  printed.  It  was  first  published 
in  three  quarto  volumes,  and  afterwards  in  six  vol- 
umes octavo.  Some  time  before  this  edition  was  put 
to  press  in  London,  another  was  begun  by  Mr.  Wil- 
liam Duane  in  Philadelphia.  Three  or  four  volumes 
were  already  printed,  when  William  Temple  Frank- 
lin's proposals  were  issued.  Subsequently  he  and 
Mr.  Duane  entered  into  an  arrangement,  by  which 
both  were  to  have  the  use  of  all  the  materials,  and 
the  two  works  were  to  be  published  simultaneously 
in  England  and  the  United  States.  The  Philadel- 
phia edition,  in  six  octavo  volumes,  includes  many 
philosophical  and  political  papers,  and  some  letters, 
which  are  not  found  in  the  London  edition  ;  and  it 


Xli  PREFACE. 

has  recently  been  reprinted,  with  some  additions,  in 
two  volumes  of  the  royal  octavo  size.  There  has 
also  recently  been  published  at  Paris,  in  two  small 
volumes,  a  selection  from  Franklin's  writings,  in 
Spanish,  translated  from  the  French  by  Mangino. 

In  the  volumes  now  presented  to  the  public,  it  has 
been  the  Editor's  design  to  make  a  complete  collection 
of  the  writings  of  Franklin,  as  far  as  they  are  known 
to  exist,  and  to  add  such  occasional  notes  and  ex- 
planations, as  he  supposed  would  be  in  some  degree 
useful  to  the  reader.  The  previous  collections  have 
been  examined,  and  every  piece  contained  in  them 
has  been  inserted,  except  a  few,  which  the  Editor 
was  convinced  by  competent  evidence  were  not  writ- 
ten by  Franklin.  Moreover,  a  careful  search  has 
been  made  in  all  the  printed  books,  magazines, 
pamphlets,  and  newspapers,  in  which  it  was  deemed 
probable  that  any  of  the  author's  writings  would 
be  found,  in  the  form  either  of  essays,  political 
tracts,  or  letters.  By  this  research  the  mass  of 
materials  from  printed  sources  has  been  consider- 
ably enlarged.  Seven  years  ago  the  Editor  pub- 
lished a  small  volume  of  Franklin's  "  Familiar  Let- 
ters," which  were  then  nearly  all  printed  for  the  first 
time,  and  to  which  were  added  several  original  pa- 
pers. The  entire  contents  of  that  volume  are  em- 
braced in  the  present  work.  In  short,  no  printed 
paper  has  been  omitted,  which  is  known  to  have 
been  written  by  Franklin. 

The  Editor  has  been  fortunate,  also,  in  obtaining 


PREFACE.  Xlii 

manuscript  materials.  His  researches,  as  well  in  the 
public  offices  of  London  and  Paris,  as  in  those  of 
the  United  States,  and  in  many  private  collections, 
while  he  was  preparing  the  "  Life  and  Writings  of 
Washington"  for  publication,  brought  into  his  hands 
numerous  original  and  unpublished  letters  of  Frank- 
lin, of  which  he  has  availed  himself  in  this  work. 
But  he  has  been  mainly  indebted  to  individuals, 
who,  with  a  liberality ,  demanding  the  warmest  ac- 
knowledgment, have  readily  contributed  such  original 
papers  as  they  possessed. 

First,  more  than  twenty  original  letters  were  found 
among  the  papers  of  Cadwallader  Golden,  now  in  the 
possession  of  Mr.  David  C.  Golden,  of  New  York, 
who  politely  aLlowed  copies  of  them  to  be  taken. 
They  are  the  more  valuable,  as  being  of  an  early 
date,  and  containing  biographical  incidents.  Among 
these  papers,  also,  was  the  only  copy,  which  has  been 
discovered,  of  Franklin's  original  proposal  for  an 
American  Philosophical  Society.  Secondly,  the  man- 
uscripts of  James  Logan  have  furnished  a  few  letters, 
and  much  matter  for  notes,  selected  by  Mr.  J.  Fran- 
cis Fisher,  of  Philadelphia,  from  whom  the  Editor 
has  likewise  received  many  other  substantial  tokens 
of  kindness  in  aid  of  his  undertaking,  particularly 
copies  of  Franklin's  letters  to  John  Bartram,  the  bot- 
anist. Thirdly,  a  dozen  letters  to  the  Reverend 
Jared  Eliot,  of  early  date,  interesting  and  curious,  fur- 
nished by  Mr.  Thomas  F.  Davies,  of  New  Haven. 
Fourthly,  correspondence  with  James  Bowdoin,  on 

VOL.  i.  B 


XIV  PREFACE. 

philosophical  and  political  subjects,  extending  through 
many  years,  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Thomas  L. 
Winthrop,  of  Boston,  who,  in  the  most  liberal  man- 
ner, permitted  the  whole  to  be  inspected,  and  free 
use  of  it  to  be  made.  Fifthly ',  more  than  forty  let- 
ters to  Mary  Stevenson,  afterwards  Mrs.  Hewson, 
and  some  other  original  papers,  received  from  her 
daughter,  Mrs.  Caldwell,  of  Philadelphia.  Sixthly, 
several  letters  to  his  relative,  Jonathan  Williams,  and 
others  to  Samuel  Franklin,  furnished  by  Mr.  Samuel 
Bradford,  of  Philadelphia.  Seventhly,  letters  to  Cath- 
erine Ray,  afterwards  married  to  William  Greene, 
governor  of  Rhode  Island,  some  of  them  of  an  early 
date  and  interesting,  received  from  Mr.  William 
Greene,  of  Cincinnati.  Eighthly,  letters  to  Charles 
Thomson,  furnished  through  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Wil- 
liam B.  Reed,  of  Philadelphia,  who  procured  them 
from  Mr.  John  Thomson.  Ninthly,  numerous  let- 
ters to  his  sister,  Jane  Mecom,  derived  from  various 
sources. 

The  Reverend  Dr.  Charles  Lowell  obtained  in 
Scotland,  through  the  politeness  of  Mr.  Home  Drum- 
mond  and  Baron  Hume,  copies  of  a  few  letters  to 
Lord  Kames  and  David  Hume,  which  had  not  been 
published.  One  of  those  to  Hume  is  important,  as 
affording  positive  proof,  that  Dr.  Franklin  was  not 
the  author  of  the  "  Historical  Review  of  Pennsylva- 
nia," a  point  that  had  long  been  a  subject  of  dispute. 

In  the  Philadelphia  Athenaeum  are  volumes  of 
pamphlets,  which  belonged  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  in 


PREFACE.  XV 

• 

some  of  which  are  curious  marginal  notes  in  his 
handwriting.  The  most  important  of  these  notes 
have  been  selected  by  the  Editor,  and  they  are  in- 
serted in  the  present  work.  From  the  manuscripts 
in  the  library  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society 
he  also  procured  valuable  materials,  for  which,  and 
for  numerous  kind  offices  in  aid  of  his  inquiries,  he 
is  under  special  obligations  to  Mr,.  John  Vaughan, 
the  librarian  and  treasurer  of  the  Society.  Dr. 
Franklin  was  agent  for  Massachusetts  in  London 
nearly  five  years,  during  which  time  he  kept  up  an 
uninterrupted  correspondence  on  public  affairs  with 
the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly.  A  few  only  of  his 
letters,  written  on  the  business  of  this  agency,  have 
before  been  published.  Copies  of  all  that  remain  in 
the  Secretary's  office  have  now  been  obtained,  and 
they  are  printed  in  these  volumes. 

From  another  source  some  very  interesting  letters 
have  been  derived,  which  relate  to  public  events  in 
the  author's  life  during  the  same  period.  In  the  li- 
brary of  George  the  Third,  presented  to  the  British 
nation  by  George  the  Fourth,  is  a  manuscript  volume 
consisting  of  a  correspondence  between  the  Reverend 
Dr.  Cooper,  of  Boston,  Dr.  Franklin,  and  Governor 
Pownall,  for  several  years  immediately  preceding  the 
Revolution.  The  history  of  this  volume  is  curious. 
Immediately  after  the  affair  at  Lexington,  the  town 
of  Boston  was  surrounded  by  American  troops,  and 
all  intercourse  with  the  country  was  cut  off,  except 
by  permission  of  the  British  commander ;  and  no  per- 


XVI  PREFACE. 

• 

son  was  allowed  to  pass  the  lines  without  being 
searched.  Among  the  principal  men  in  the  town, 
who  were  friendly  to  the  cause  of  the  people,  was 
Dr.  Cooper,  a  man  distinguished  for  his  abilities  and 
for  the  influence  he  had  exercised,  bj  his  pen  and 
the  weight  of  his  character,  in  opposition  to  the 
British  claims.  With  others  he  obtained  a  passport 
to  leave  the  town. 

At  this  time  he  had  in  his  possession  a  number  of 
original  letters  from  Dr.  Franklin  and  Governor  Pow- 
nall,  and  the  drafts  of  his  answers,  all  of  which  had 
an  immediate  bearing  on  the  controversy  between 
the  two  countries.  Being  unwilling  to  destroy  or 
lose  these  papers,  and  apprehensive  that  they  would 
be  taken  from  him  if  he  attempted  to  convey  them 
through  the  lines,  he  determined  to  leave  them  be- 
hind, in  the  hands  of  a  confidential  friend,  with  direc- 
tions to  forward  them  to  him  by  the  first  safe  oppor- 
tunity. He  accordingly  put  them  together  in  a  par- 
cel, and  sent  them  to  Mr.  Jeffries,  who  was  then 
confined  to  his  bed  by  sickness,  and  unable  to  leave 
the  town.  These  papers  Mr.  Jeffries  deposited  in  a 
trunk,  which  contained  other  things  of  his  own.  As 
soon  as  Mr.  Jeffries  recovered,  he  likewise  went  into 
the  country.  In  the  mean  time  his  son,  Dr.  John 
Jeffries,  adhering  to  the  side  of  the  loyalists,  did  not 
choose  to  accompany  his  father,  but  remained  in 
Boston ;  and  his  father  left  many  things  in  his  charge, 
and  among  others  the  abovementioned  trunk,  either 
not  knowing  or  forgetting  that  it  contained  the  treas 


PREFACE. 

lire  belonging  to  his  friend.  This  trunk  was  nearly 
a  year  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Jeffries,  before  he 
examined  its  contents,  when,  upon  the  evacuation  of 
Boston,  collecting  his  effects  in  order  to  embark  with 
the  British  troops  for  Halifax,  he  accidentally  discov- 
ered the  packet  of  letters,  and  took  it  with  him. 
From  Halifax  he  carried  it  to  London,  and  present- 
ed it  to  a  Mr.  Thompson,  who  sent  it  to  the  King, 
with  an  explanation  of  the  particulars,  the  substance 
of  which  is  here  given.  The  original  papers  are 
bound  in  a  volume,  and  a  copy  of  the  whole  was 
procured  in  the  King's  library  by  Mr.  Richard  Biddle, 
the  able  and  ingenious  author  of  the  "  Memoirs  of 
Sebastian  Cabot,"  who  has  obligingly  intrusted  it  to 
the  judgment  of  the  Editor.  The  letters  of  both 
Dr.  Franklin  and  Dr.  Cooper,  thus  furnished,  are 
among  the  best  original  materials  in  the  present 
edition. 

But  the  most  important  and  far  the  most  exten- 
sive contributions  have  been  received  through  the 
politeness  and  liberality  of  Mr.  Charles  P.  Fox,  of 
Philadelphia.  When  William  Temple  Franklin  went 
to  Europe,  not  long  after  his  grandfather's  death,  he 
took  with  him  Dr.  Franklin's  letter-books,  and  some 
other  original  manuscripts;  but  the  great  mass  of 
papers  that  had  accumulated  in  his  hands  while  he 
was  minister  in  France,  as  well  as  many  others  of 
an  earlier  date,  were  left  behind  at  Philadelphia  in 
the  possession  of  Mr.  Fox,  the  father  of  Mr.  Charles 
P.  Fox.  They  have  remained  in  the  family  mansion 

VOL.  i.  c  B* 


XVlil  PREFACE. 

ever  since,  now  almost  fifty  years,  carefully  preserved, 
and  unexamined  till  they  were  submitted  to  the  in- 
spection of  the  Editor.  Such  of  them  as  were  se- 
lected for  use  in  preparing  this  work  filled  two  very 
large  trunks.  They  consist  of  original  letters  writ- 
ten to  Dr.  Franklin  during  his  residence  in  France, 
philosophical  tracts,  political  memoirs,  and  such  mis- 
cellaneous papers  as  would  naturally  be  collected  by 
a  man  in  his  situation  and  employment ;  and  also  of 
a  few  rough  drafts  of  letters  and  papers  in  his  own 
handwriting. 

When  Dr.  Franklin  went  to  France,  he  left  a 
chest  of  papers  with  Mr.  Galloway,  wrhom  he  had 
made  one  of  his  executors,  and  in  whose  care  he 
supposed  the,  papers  would  be  safe.  The  chest  was 
sent  to  Mr.  Galloway's  country-seat,  a  few  miles  from 
Philadelphia.  A  short  time  only  after  Dr.  Franklin's 
departure,  Mr.  Galloway  joined  the  enemy,  leaving 
the  papers  at  his  house ;  and,  when  the  British  held 
possession  of  Philadelphia,  this  house  was  within  or 
near  the  lines.  At  the  time  of  the  evacuation  of  the 
city,  the  chest  was  broken  open  and  rifled  of  a  large 
part  of  its  contents.  The  remainder  were  scattered 
about  the  floor  of  the  house,  trodden  under  foot,  and 
much  injured.  Whether  this  was  done  by  the  Brit- 
ish troops,  or  by  disaffected  Americans,  has  never 
been  ascertained.  Mr.  Bache,  hearing  of  the  con 
dition  of  the  papers,  went  to  Galloway's  house,  col- 
lected such  of  them  as  he  could  find,  and  put  them 
again  into  the  chest,  which  he  removed  to  Philadel- 


PREFACE. 

phia.  In  this  chest,  when  committed  to  Mr.  Gallo- 
way, were  the  drafts  of  Dr.  Franklin's  letters  for 
twenty  years,  including  the  whole  period  of  his  resi- 
dence in  England.  These  were  all  taken  away, 
except  a  few  sheets,  which  were  left  behind  de- 
faced and  torn.  In  short,  his  most  valuable  early 
papers  of  every  description  were  in  this  chest.  A 
great  many  of  them  were  lost,  and  never  heard  of 
afterwards.  Such  of  them  as  were  rescued  by  Mr. 
Bache  are  among  those,  which  now  belong  to  Mr. 
Fox.  They  have  furnished  much  original  matter, 
especially  more  than  forty  letters  from  Dr.  Frank- 
lin to  his  wife,  not  before  printed. 

To  many  other  gentlemen,  also,  the  Editor  has 
been  under  obligations  for  various  acts  of  kindness 
and  much  useful  assistance,  as  well  in  sending  him 
original  letters,  as  in  communicating  facts  illustrative 
of  the  writings  and  life  of  Franklin.  His  thanks 
are  in  a  particular  manner  due  to  Mr.  Edward  D. 
Ingraham  for  frequent  contributions  of  this  kind;  and 
to  Mr.  Willard  Phillips  for  the  valuable  notes,  which 
he  has  added  to  the  essays  on  subjects  relating  to 
political  economy.  He  has  likewise  been  more  or 
less  indebted  to  Dr.  Franklin  Bache,  Mr.  William 
Duane,  Mr.  Job  R.  Tyson,  Mr.  Thomas  I.  Wharton, 
Mr.  Henry  Reed,  Mr.  Henry  D.  Gilpin,  Dr.  James 
Mease,  Dr.  John  W.  Francis,  Mr.  Henry  Francis, 
Mr.  George  Gibbs,  Mr.  Caleb  Emerson,  Mr.  William 
C.  Folger,  Mr.  Josiah  Quincy,  Mr.  Samuel  A.  Eliot, 
Reverend  Dr.  Thaddeus  Mason  Harris,  Mr.  Isaac  P. 


XX  PREFACE. 

Davis,  Mr.  B.  B.  Thatcher,  Mr.  Charles  Brown,  Mr. 
Robert  L.  Emmons,  Mr.  William  Vaughan,  and  Mr. 
Petty  Vaughan.  To  these  should  be  added  Mr.  Ben- 
jamin Vaughan,  who,  although  he  died  soon  after  the 
first  part  of  the  work  was  put  to  press,  communi- 
cated to  the  Editor  many  particulars,  which  were 
serviceable  in  facilitating  his  labors.  Mr.  Vaughan's 
intimate  friendship  and  correspondence  with  Dr. 
Franklin,  for  many  years,  probably  enabled  him  to 
contribute  more  from  his  personal  knowledge,  than 
could  have  been  furnished  by  any  other  survivor. 

Such  are  the  sources  from  which  the  materials 
for  this  edition  have  been  derived.  The  whole 
number  of  articles,  which  have  not  appeared  in  any 
former  collection,  including  letters  and  miscellaneous 
pieces,  amounts  to  about  six  hundred  and  fifty. 
Upwards  of  four  hundred  and  sixty  of  these  have 
never  before  been  printed.  They  consist  of  letters 
and  other  papers  written  either  by  Franklin,  or  by 
some  of  the  most  distinguished  of  his  correspondents. 
In  the  tables  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  volume,  each 
of  the  pieces  now  printed  for  the  first  time  is  desig- 
nated. 

In  classifying  these  materials  the  following  ar- 
rangement has  been  adopted. 

1.  Autobiography. 

2.  Essays   on   Religious   and   Moral   Subjects   and 
the  Economy  of  Life. 

3.  Essays    on    General    Politics,    Commerce,   and 
Political  Economy. 


PREFACE.  XXI 

4.  Essays  and  Tracts,  Historical  and  Political,  be- 
fore the  American  Revolution. 

5.  Political   Papers   during   and    after    the   Ameri- 
can Revolution. 

6.  Letters  and   Papers  on  Electricity. 

7.  Letters   and   Papers  on  Philosophical  Subjects. 

8.  Correspondence. 

Under  each  head  all  the  articles  have  been  placed 
in  the  order  in  which  they  were  written,  with  the 
date  of  each  prefixed,  whenever  this  could  be  as- 
certained. The  Correspondence  is  also  printed  in 
chronological  order,  from  beginning  to  end,  without 
regard  to  the  contents  of  the  letters.  This  method 
was  believed  to  be  preferable  to  any  attempt  at  a 
classification,  because  in  numerous  instances  a  single 
letter  treats  of  various  subjects,  both  of  a  political 
and  a  private  nature. 

The  Editor's  notes  throughout  the  work,  and  the 
historical  remarks  at  the  beginning  of  many  of  the 
essays  and  political  treatises,  are  intended  strictly 
as  illustrations  of  the  author's  text,  and  not  as  com- 
mentaries or  critical  disquisitions.  The  substance  of 
these  notes  and  remarks  has  been  drawn,  in  a  great 
measure,  from  manuscripts.  Mr.  Fox's  papers,  and 
the  public  offices  in  Paris,  have  furnished  copious 
materials  for  this  part  of  the  work.  Some  curious 
particulars,  respecting  the  proceedings  of  the  Brit- 
ish ministry  and  Parliament  for  a  few  years  after 
the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  are  selected  from  the 
letters  of  Mr.  William  Samuel  Johnson,  who  was 


PREFACE. 

the  agent  from  Connecticut  in  London  during  that 
period.  His  original  letter- book  is  in  the  library  of 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  the  use  of 
it  has  been  freely  granted  for  this  occasion.  Many 
interesting  and  important  extracts  from  Mr.  Oswald's 
correspondence  with  the  British  ministry,  while  he 
was  engaged  in  negotiating  the  treaty  of  peace  in 
Paris,  are  likewise  subjoined  as  notes  to  Dr.  Frank- 
lin's letters  on  that  subject.  These  extracts  were 
taken  from  a  manuscript  volume,  containing  a  copy 
of  Mr.  Oswald's  entire  correspondence,  with  which 
the  Editor  was  favored  by  the  Marquis  of  Lans- 
down,  in  addition  to  other  evidences  of  that  noble- 
man's liberal  spirit  and  enlargement  of  mind,  in  aid- 
ing his  researches  for  materials  illustrative  of  Amer- 
ican history. 

A  few  notes  have  been  selected  from  Mr.  Vaughan's 
and  William  Temple  Franklin's  editions,  which  are 
indicated  in  each  case  by  their  initials.  For  all  the 
notes,  except  those  written  by  the  author,  and  those 
for  which  some  other  authority  is  cited,  the  Editor 
is  responsible. 

The  first  volume  consists  of  a  Life  of  Franklin, 
being  his  autobiography,  and  a  Continuation  by  the 
Editor.  The  autobiography  has  been  divided  into 
chapters,  of  suitable  length,  for  the  convenience  of 
readers.  In  the  Continuation  the  Editor  has  en- 
deavoured to  follow  out  the  author's  plan,  by  confin- 
ing himself  strictly  to  a  narrative  of  the  principal 
events  and  incidents  of  his  life,  as  far  as  these  could 


PREFACE.  xxiii 

be  ascertained  from  his  writings,  his  public  acts,  and 
the  testimony  of  his  contemporaries. 

The  engraved  portrait  of  Dr.  Franklin,  prefixed 
to  the  first  volume,  is  from  an  original  picture  now 
in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Thomas  W.  Sunnier,  of 
Brookline,  Massachusetts.  Neither  the  name  of  the 
artist,  nor  the  precise  time  at  which  it  was  paint- 
ed, is  known.  The  picture  formerly  belonged  to 
his  brother,  John  Franklin,  and  it  is  mentioned  in 
his  will,  dated  in  January,  1756.  It  has  been  re- 
tained in  the  family  ever  since.  It  was  painted  when 
Franklin  was  a  young  man,  probably  before  he  was 
thirty  years  old,  and  twenty-five  or  thirty  years  ear- 
lier than  the  portraits,  from  which  any  of  the  other 
engravings  extant  have  been  taken.  The  head  of 
Mrs.  Franklin,  contained  in  this  work,  is  from  a 
picture  owned  by  the  Reverend  Dr.  Charles  Hodge, 
of  Princeton,  New  Jersey.  Both  these  portraits  are 
of  the  size  of  life.  They  have  never  before  been 
engraved.  The  portrait  by  Duplessis  has  been  gen- 
erally acknowledged  to  exhibit  the  best  likeness  of 
Franklin  in  his  old  age.  The  engraving  of  it  for 
this  work  was  executed  in  Paris,  from  the  original. 

Although  the  Editor  has  spared  neither  labor  nor 
expense  in  his  endeavours  to  make  this  edition  a  com- 
plete collection  of  the  writings  of  Franklin,  yet  he 
is  constrained  to  say,  in  justice  to  the  memory  of 
the  author,  that  he  has  been  less  successful  than  he 
could  have  wished.  Many  papers,  known  to  have 
once  existed,  he  has  not  been  able  to  find.  Of  this 


XXIV  PREFACE. 

description  are  numerous  letters  to  his  son,  written 
before  the  Revolution ;  and  also  his  letters,  during  a 
long  course  of  years,  to  his  daughter  and  his  son-in- 
law,  a  very  few  of  which  have  been  preserved. 
Again,  his  entire  correspondence  with  the  Assemblies 
of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  and  Georgia,  while  he 
was  agent  for  those  colonies  in  England,  has  hitherto 
eluded  the  most  vigilant  search.  All  these  papers  are 
probably  lost,  as  well  as  those  taken  from  the  chest 
in  Galloway's  house,  and  others,  described  by  him  as 
important,  which  he  had  committed  to  the  charge  of 
his  son,  before  his  mission  to  France.  It  is  possible 
that  other  writings  may  yet  be  brought  to  light, 
which  may  afford  some  future  editor  the  means  of 
more  entire  success. 

FEBRUARY,  1840. 


CONTENTS 


OF   THE 


VOLUME    1. 

LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Pago 

Origin  and  Genealogy  of  his  Family.  —  His  Birth.  —  His  Mother. — 
Employments  in  his  Boyhood.  —  Anecdote.  —  Character  of  his 
Father.  —  Epitaph  on  his  Father  and  Mother.  —  Fond  of  reading. 

—  Apprenticed  to  his   Brother  to  learn  the   Printer's  Trade. — 
Writes  Ballads.  —  Intimacy  with/  Collins.  —  Practises  Composition. 

—  Adopts  a  vegetable   Diet.  —  Studies  the   Socratic  Method  of 
Disputation. —  Concerned   in  publishing  a  Newspaper.  —  Disa- 
grees with  his  Brother. — Leaves  Boston  and  takes  Passage  in  a 
Sloop  for  New  York. 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Journey  to  Philadelphia.  —  Adventure  in  a  Boat  —  Dr.  Brown. — 
Burlington.  —  His  first  Appearance  in  Philadelphia.  —  Quaker 
Meeting.  —  Seeks  for  Employment  as  a  Printer.  —  Commences 
Work  in  Keimer's  Office.  —  Forms  Acquaintances.  —  Patronized 
by  Sir  William  Keith,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  —  First  Inter- 
view with  him.  —  Keith  proposes  to  set  him  up  in  Business. — 
Returns  to  Boston.  —  His  Father  disapproves  Keith's  Plan.  — 
Voyage  to  New  York.  —  Incident  on  the  Passage  from  Newport. 

—  Meets  his  Friend  Collins  in  New  York.  —  They  go  together  to 
Philadelphia.  —  Collins's  ill  Conduct  causes  a  Separation  —  Keith 
insists  on  executing  his  original  Plan,  and  proposes  sending  him 
to  London  to  purchase  Types. —  Returns  to  the  Use  of  animal 
Food.  —  Anecdotes  of  Keimer.  —  His  Associates,  Osborne,  Wat- 

VOL.  I.  d  C 


XXVI  CONTENTS. 

son,  Ralph.  —  Their  Exercises  in  Composition.  —  Resolves  to  visit 
England,  as  advised  by  Governor  Keith.     ...  .29 

CHAPTER  III, 

Sails  for  London,  accompanied  by  Ralph.  —  On  his  Arrival  delivers 
Letters  supposed  to  be  written  by  the  Governor.  —  Discovers  that 
Keith  had  deceived  him. —  His  Money  exhausted.  —  Engages  to 
work  as  a  Printer  at  Palmer's,  in  Bartholomew  Close. —  Writes 
and  prints  a  metaphysical  Tract.  —  Frequents  a  Club,  consisting 
of  Dr  Mandeville  and  Others.  —  Disagreement  with  Ralph  and 
Separation.  —  Removes  to  Watts's  Printing-house,  near  Lincoln's 
Inn  Fields.  —  Habits  of  the  Workmen. — His  Expenses  of  Living. 

—  Feats  of  Activity  in  Swimming.  —  Enters  into  Mercantile  Bus- 
iness with  Mr.  Denham. —  Sir  William  Wyndham.    ...      53 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Voyage  from  London  to  Philadelphia.  —  His  Mercantile  Plans  de- 
feated by  the  Death  of  Mr.  Denham.  —  Accepts  an  Offer  from 
Keimer  to  superintend  his  Printing  Establishment.  —  Description 
of  the  Workmen  in  the  Printing-house.  —  Resolves  to  separate 
from  Keimer,  and  commence  Business  on  his  own  Account. — 
Engraves  the  Plates  for  Paper  Money  in  New  Jersey,  and  prints 
the  Bills.  —  His  Views  of  Religion.  —  Account  of  his  London 
Pamphlet.  —  A  New  Version  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  with  Explan- 
atory Remarks.  —  Forms  a  Partnership  with  Hugh  Meredith  in 
the  Printing  Business.  67 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Junto.  —  Description  of  its  original  Members.  —  Framdin  writes1 
the  "Busy  Body."  —  Establishes  a  Newspaper.  —  Partnership  with, 
Meredith  dissolved.  —  Writes  a  Tract  on  the  Necessity  of  a  Paper  . 
Currency.  —  Opens  a  Stationer's  Shop.  —  His  Habits  of  Industry 
and  Frugality.  —  Courtship.  —  Marriage 81 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Origin  of  the  Philadelphia  Library.  —  Mode  of  obtaining  Subscrip- 
tions.—  Thrives  in  his  Business. —  Anecdote  of  the  Silver  Spoon 
and  China  Bowl.  — Religious  Sentiments  and  Remarks  on  Preach- 
ing. —  Scheme  for  arriving  at  Moral  Perfection.  —  Explanation  of 
the  Scheme. —  List  of  Virtues  enumerated,  and  Rules  for  Prac- 
tising them.  —  Division  of  Time,  and  the  Occupation  of  each  Hour. 

—  Amnsino-  Anecdote  —  The  Art  of  Virtue.  —  A  Treatise  on 
that  Subject  proposed. 98 


CONTENTS.  XXVll 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Scheme  of  a  Society  for  extending  the  Influence  of  Virtue.  —  Belief 
in  one  God,  the  Immortality  of  the  Soul,  and  future  Rewards  and 
Punishments. —  Poor  Richard's  Almanac.  —  Rules  for  conducting 
a  Newspaper.  —  Controversy  concerning  Hemphill,  the  Preach- 
er.—  Studies  the  French,  Italian,  and  Spanish  Languages.  —  Visits 
Boston.  —  The  Junto. —  Chosen  Clerk  of  the  Assembly.  —  Ap- 
pointed Postmaster  of  Philadelphia. —  Suggests  Improvements  in 
the  City  Watch. —  Establishes  a  Fire  Company..  .  .  .  118 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Forms  an  Intimacy  with  Whitefield.  —  Building  erected  for  Preach- 
ers of  all  Denominations.  —  Character  of  Whitefield,  his  Oratory 
and  Writings.  —  Partnerships  in  the  Printing  Business. — Propos- 
es a  Philosophical  Society. — Takes  an  active  Part  in  providing 
Means  of  Defence  in  the  Spanish  War.  —  Forms  an  Association 
for  that  Purpose.  —  Sentiments  of  the  Quakers.  —  James  Logan. 
—  Anecdote  of  William  Penn.  —  The  Sect  called  Dunkers. —  Re- 
ligious Creeds.  —  New-invented  Fireplace 136 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Proposals  relating  to  the  Education  of  Youth.— Subscriptions  for  that 
Object  —  An  Academy  established.  —  Appointed  one  of  the  Trus- 
tees for  managing  it. — Partnership  with  David  Hall.  —  Electrical 
Experiments.  —  Chosen  a  Member  of  the  Assembly.  —  A  Com- 
missioner for  making  a  Treaty  with  the  Indians.  —  Pennsylvania 
Hospital.  —  Writes  in  Favor  of  it,  and  procures  Subscriptions. — 
Advice  to  Gilbert  Tennent. —  Suggests  Plans  for  cleaning,  paving, 
and  lighting  the  Streets  of  Philadelphia.  —  Project  for  cleaning 
the  Streets  of  London.  —  Appointed  Postmaster-general  for  Amer- 
ica. —  Receives  the  Degree  of  Master  of  Arts  from  Harvard  and 
Yale  Colleges 158 

CHAPTER  X. 

Attends  a  General  Convention  at  Albany,  as  a  Delegate  from  Penn- 
sylvania. —  Proposes  a  Plan  of  Union  for  the  Colonies,  which  is 
adopted  by  the  Convention.  —  Interview  with  Governor  Shirley 
at  Boston. —  Conversations  with  Governor  Morris  on  Pennsylvania 
Affairs.  —  Assists  Mr.  Quincy  in  procuring  Aids  for  New  Eng- 
land.—  Visits  General  Braddock's  Army  in  Maryland. —  Procures 
Horses  and  Wagons  to  facilitate  the  March  of  the  Army.  —  Ob- 
tains Supplies  for  the  Officers.  —  Character  of  Braddock.  —  Ac- 
count of  his  Defeat  in  the  Battle  of  tho  Monongahela.  —  Braddock 


XXviii  CONTENTS. 

commends  his  Services  in  Letters  to  the  Governmeit — These 
Services  poorly  rewarded.  —  Society  for  the  Relief  and  Instruction 
of  Germans  in  Pennsylvania 176 

CHAPTER  XL 

Appointed  One  of  the  Comir  jssioners  for  appropriating  the  public 
Money  for  military  Defence  —  Proposes  a  Militia  Bill,  which  pass- 
es the  Assembly.  —  Commissioned  to  take  Charge  of  the  Frontier, 
and  build  a  Line  of  Forts.  —  Marches  at  the  Head  of  a  Body  of 
Troops.  —  Account  of  the  March.  —  Operations  at  Gnadenhutten. 
—  Indian  Massacres. —  Moravians  at  Bethlehem. — Returns  to 
Philadelphia.  —  Chosen  Colonel  of  a  Regiment.  —  Journey  to  Vir- 
ginia.—  Declines  accepting  the  Governor's  Proposal  to  lead  an 
Expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne.  —  Account  of  his  Electrical 
Discoveries.. —  Chosen  a  Member  of  the  Royal  Society.  —  Receives 
the  Copley  Medal 196 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Conversations  with  Governor  Denny.  —  Disputes  between  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Assembly.  —  Deputed  by  the  Assembly  to  present  a  Pe- 
tition to  the  King,  and  to  act  in  England  as  an  Agent  for  Penn- 
sylvania.—  Meets  Lord  Loudoun  in  New  York.  —  Anecdotes  illus- 
trating his  Character. —  Sails  from  New  York.  —  Incidents  of  the 
Voyage.  —  Arrives  in  England 214 


CONTINUATION, 

BY  JARED  SPARKS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

State  of  Affairs  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Defects  of  the  Government.  — 
Legislation.  —  Conduct  of  the  Proprietaries.  — ^Objec^of  Franklin's 
Agejjcy--i»--Eagland. —  Collinson,  Miss  Stevenson,  Strahan,  Gov- 
ernor Shirley,  Beccaria,  Musschenbroek.— QVanklin's  Interview 
with  the  Proprietaries^— He  causes  a  Letter  to  be  published  re- 
specting Pennsylvania.  —  Delays  in  his  public  Business.  —  He 
travels  in  various  Parts  of  England. — Visits  the  Place  in  which 
his  Ancestors  were  born.  —  Forms  an  Acquaintance  with  Bas- 
kerville.  —  Publishes  the  "Historical  Review  of  Pennsylvania."  — 
Authorship  of  that  Work 229 


CONTENTS.  xxix 

CHAPTER  II. 

Franklin  advises  the  Conquest  of  Canada.  —  His  Scheme  adopted  by 
""theUinistry.  —  Journey  to  Scotland.  —  Lord  Kames,  Robertson, 
Hume.  —  "  Parable  against  Persecution."  —  First  published  by 
Lord  Kames.  —  How  far  Franklin  claimed  to  be  its  Author.  —  His 
Mission  hn>"ght-t^-a.  favorable  Terrpi nation. —  Lord  Mansfield's 
Agency  in  the  Affair.  —  Franklin's  Sentiments  in  Regard  to  Can- 
ada. —  Writes  a  Pamphlet  to  show  that  it  ought  to  be  retained  at 
the  Peace.  —  Tour  to  the  North  of  England.  —  Receives  Public 
Money  for  Pennsylvania.  —  Tour  in  Holland.  —  Experiments  to 
prove  the  Electrical  Properties  of  Tourmalin.  —  Cold  produced 
by  Evaporation.  —  Ingenious  Theory  for  explaining  the  Causes 
of  Northeast  Storms.  —  Invents  a  Musical  Instrument,  called  the 
Armonica.  —  His  Son  appointed  Governor  of  New  Jersey.  —  Re- 
turns to  America. 247 

CHAPTER  III. 

Receives  the  Thanks  of  the  Assembly. —  Tour  through  the  Middle 
and  Eastern  Colonies.  —  Engages  again  in  Public  Affairs.  —  Mas- 
sacre of  Indians  in  Lancaster.  —  Franklin's  Pamphlet  on  the  Sub- 
ject, and  his  Agency  in  pacifying  the  Insurgents.  —  Colonel  Bou- 
quet's Account  of  his  Public  Services.  —  Disputes  revived  between 
the  Governor  and  the  Assembly.  —  Militia  Bill  defeated.  —  The 
Governor  rejects  a  Bill  in  which  the  Proprietary  Estates  are  taxed. 
—  The  Assembly  resolve  to  petition  the  King  for  a  Change  of  Gov- 
ernment—  Petition  drafted  by  Franklin.  —  Chosen  Speaker  of  the 
Assembly.  —  Norris,  Dickinson,  Galloway.  —  Scheme  for  Stamp 
Duties  opposed  by  the  Assembly.  —  Franklin  is  not  elected  to  the 
Assembly.  —  Appointed  Agent  to  the  Court  of  ^JreaL-BritaiflT^ 
Sails  for  England.  .  .  270 


CHAPTER  IV.  . 

Origin  of  the  Stamp  Act.  —  Franklin's  Opposition  to  it  —  His  Re- 
marks on  the  Passage  of  the  Act,  in  a  Letter  to  Charles  Thomson. 
—  False  Charges  against  him  in  Relation  to  this  Subject.  —  Dean 
Tucker.  —  Effects  of  the  Stamp  Act  in  America.  —  Franklin's  Rx;- 
amination  before  Parliament.  —  Stamp  Act  repealed.  —  Mr.  Pitt  — 
Declaratory  Act.  —  American  Paper  Currency.  —  Franklin's  An^ 
swer  to  Lord  HillsboronghVi  Unpnrt-ngn \j\f$  it.  — "New  Scheme 
for  taxing  the  Colonies  by  supplying  them  with  Paper  Money. — 
Franklin  travels  in  Holland  and  Germany.  —  His  Ideas  of  the  Na- 
ture of  the  Union  between  the  Colonies  and  Great  Britain.  —  Plan 
of  a  Colonial  Representation  in  Parliament.  —  Franklin  visits  Paris. 
—  His  "Account  of  the  Causes  of  the  American  Discontents."  — 
Change  of  Ministry.  —  Lord  Hillsborrjgh  at  the  Head  of  the 


XXX  CONTENTS. 

American  Department  —  Rumor  that  Dr.  Franklin  was  to  have  an 
Office  under  him. 290 

CHAPTER  V. 

Dr.  Franklin  is  appointed  Agent  for  Georgia. — Causes  the  "Farmer's 
^jUll'lTy  "  to  be  republished  in  Londo'ru  — -  His  Opinion  of  them.  — 
Chosen  President  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society.  —  Pro- 
motes the  Culture  of  Silk  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Encourages  his  Coun- 
trymen to  adhere  to  their  Non-importation  Agreements. — Journey 
to  France.  —  Appointed  Agent  for  New  Jersey. — His  Answers 
to  Mr.  Strahan'!rQ.ueries.  —  Repeal  of  some  of  the  American  Rev- 
enue Acts. — Intimations  that  he  would  be  removed  from  Office. — 
His  Remarks  on  that  Subject.  —  Chosen  Agent  for  the  Assembly 
of  Massachusetts'" — Singular  Interview  with  Lord  Hillsborough. — 
OljjuL'rtSnable  Footing  on  which  the  Colonial  Agents  were  placed 
by  his  Lordship. —  Dr.  Franklin  makes  a  Tour  through  the  North 
of  England,  Wales,  Ireland,  and  Scotland.  —  His  Reception  by 
Lord  Hillsborough  in  Ireland. —  Irish  Parliament  —  Richard  Bache. 

—  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph 316 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Dr.  Franklin  meditates  a  Return  to  America.  —  Singular  Conduct  of 
Lord  Hillsborough.  —  Walpole's  Grant. — Hillsborough's  Report 
against  it. —  Franklin's  Answer.  —  Reasons  for  settling  a  New- 
Colony  west  of  the  Alleganies.  —  Interview  with  Lord  Hills- 
borough  at  Oxford.  —  Franklin  draws  up  the  Report  of  a  Commit- 
tee appointed  to  examine  the  Powder  Magazines  at  Purfleet.  — 
Performs  new  Electrical  Experiments.  —  Controversy  about  Point- 
ed and  Blunt  Conductors.  — Lord  Dartmouth  succeeds  Lord  Hills- 
boiough.  —  His  Character.  —  Franklin's  Interview  with  him.  —  Pe 
titions  from  the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts.  —  Franklin  writes  a 
Preface  to  the  London  Edition  of  the  Boston  Resolutions;  also 
"Rules  for  reducing  a  Great  Empire  to  a  Small  One,"  and  "An 
Edict  of  the  King  of  Prussia." — Abridges  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer. —  Experiments  to  show  the  Effect  of  Oil  in  smoothing 
Waves.  —  Dubourg's  Translation  of  his  Writings.  .  .  .  337 

CHAPTER  YIL— 

Hutchinson's  LeTters. — JJow  they  first  became  known  to  Franklin. 

—  His  Motives  for  transmitting  them  to  Mass^clmactta.  —  Proceed- 
ings  oT  llie  Assembly  conc"ermngrthem. — Dr  Cooper's  Remarks 
on  that  Occasion. —  Petition  for  the  Removal  of  Hutchinson  and 
Oliver  presented  by  Franklin.  —  Duel  between  Temple  and  Whate- 
ly.  —  Franklin's  Declaration  that  the  Letters  had  been  transmitted 
by  him.  —  Whately  commences  against  him  a  Chancery  Suit  — 


CONTENTS.  XXxi 

Proceedings  of  the  Privy  Council  on  the  Petition.  —  Further  Ac- 
count of  those  Proceedings. — Wedderburn's  abusive  Speech. — 
The  Petition  rejected.  —  Franklin  dismissed  from  his  Place  at  the 
Head  of  the  American  Postoffice 356 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Franklin  remains  in  England  to  await  the  Result  of  the  Continental 
Congress.  —  Josiah  Quincy,  Junior.  —  Anecdotes.  —  Death  of  Dr. 
Franklin's  Wife.  —  Family  Incidents.  —  He  receives  and  presents 
the- Petition  of  Congress. —  Rejected  by  Parliament.  — Galloway's 
Tlan  of  Union.  —  Franklin's  Attempts  to  promote  a  Reconciliation 
between  the  two  Countries.  —  Visits  Lord  Chatham.  —  Remarks 
on  Independence.  —  Mrs.  Howe.  —  He  draws  up  Articles  as  the 
Basis  of  a  Negotiation,  at  the  Request  of  Dr.  Fothergill  and  Mr. 
Barclay.  —  Interyiejsa.  with  Lord  Ho\ve  respecting  some  Mode  of 
Reconciliation.  —  He  drafts  another  Paper  for  .that  Pm-p^o.  —  Lord 
Camden.  —  Lord  Chatham's  Motion  in  Parliament.  —  Franklin's 
Interviews  with  him  in  forming  a  Plan  of  Reconciliation.  —  This 
Plan  offered  to  Parliament,  and  rejected.  —  Negotiation  resumed 
and  broken  off.  —  Franklin  sails  from  England  and  arrives  in 
Philadelphia .  .371 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Chosen  a  Member  of  Congress.  —  Proceedings  of  Congress.  —  Prep-_  J 
arations  for  Military  Defence.  — Petition  to  the  King.  —  Franklin 
assists  in  preparing  for  the  Defence  of  Pennsylvania,  as  a  Member 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety.  —  Drafts  a  Plan  of  Confederation. — 
His  Services  in  Congress.  —  Goes  to  the  Camp  at  Cambridge  on 
a  Committee  from  Congress.  —  Chosen  a  Member  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly. — Writes  Letters  to  Europe  for  the  Committee 
of  Secret  Correspondence. — His  Journey  to  CanadajiS_ a-Ceojj 
mjssioner  from  Congress.  — Declaration  uf  Ilidyp'endence.  —  An- 
ecdotes. —  President  of  the  Convention  of  Pennsylvania  for  form- 
ing a  Constitution.  —  His  Opinion  of  a  Single  Legislative  Assem- 
bly.—  His  Correspondence  with  Lord  Howe,  and  Interview  with 
him  on  Staten  Island.  —  Appointed  a  Commissioner  to  the  Court 
of  Versailles.  —  Lends  Money  to  Congress.  ....  393 

CHAPTER  X. 

Voyage  fo,  Franca.  —  Arrives  at  Nantes.  —  Proceeds  to  Paris,  and 
takes  up  his  Residence  at  Passy.  —  His  Reception  in  France.  — 
Influence  of  his  Name  and  Character.  —  Pictures,  Busts,  and  Prints 
of  him.  —  Interview  with  Count  de  Vergennes.  —  Money  obtained 
from  the  French  Court,  nnfl  IV^'tiiy  flnppliiF  rnntNn  tn'fi  IfiiiTpfl. 
States.  —  Contract  with  the  Farmers-General.  —  Franklin  disap- 
proves the  Policy  of  seeking  Alliances  with  the  European  Powers. 


XXxii  CONTENTS. 

—  Lord  Stormont.  —  Application  of  Foreign  Officers  for  Employ- 
ment in  the  American  Army.  —  Lafayette.  —  Reasons   why  the 
French  delay  to  enter  into  a  Treaty  with  the  United  States. — 
Interview  with  Count  de  Vergennes  on  that  Subject. — Treaty  of 
Amity  and  Commerce.  —  Treaty  of  Alliance.  —  Franklin  and  the 
other  Commissioners  introduced  at  Court 417 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Preparations  for  War  between  France  and  England.  —  M.  Gerard. — 
Mr  John  Adams.  —  Secret  Advances  made  to  Dr.  Franklin  for 
effecting  a  Reconciliation  between  England  and  the  United  States. 

—  Mr.  Hutton. —  Mr.  Pulteney. —  Mr.  Hartley.  —  An  Emissary 
in    Disguise.  —  Franklin's  personal  Friends  in  Paris.  —  Interview 
with  Voltaire.  —  Franklin  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the 
Court  of  France.  —  Machinations  of  his  Enemies  to  procure  his 
Recall.  — Mr.  Arthur  Lee.  — Mr.  Ralph  Izard.  — Visit  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Jones  to  Paris.  — Franklin   instructs  the  American  Cruisers 
not  to  seize  Captain  Cook's  Vessel.  —  Grants  Passports  to  Vessels 
carrying  Supplies  to  the  Moravian  Missionaries  on  the  Coast  of  Lab- 
rador.—  Paul  Jones.  —  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette.  —  Mr.  Vaughan's 
Edition  of  Franklin's  Political  and  Miscellaneous  Writings.        .    438 

CHAPTER  XII. 

(A  French  Army  sent  to  the  United  States^— Lafayette.  —  Northern 
rowers  of  Europe  combine^nTDefence  of  Neutrals.  —  Franklin's 
Opinion  cf  Privateering.  —  Correspondence  between  Count  de 
Vergennes  and  Mr.  Adams.  —  Franklin's  Remarks  upon  it.  — 
Charges  against  Franklin  by  his  Enemies,  examined  and  refuted. 

—  New  Attempt  in  Congress  to  procure  his  Recall.  —  Count  de 
Vergennes's  Opinion  of  him  as  Minister  at  the  French  Court.  — 
TJie  numerous  Duties  of  his  Office. —  Colonel  John  Laurens. — 
Franklin  proposes  to  retire  from  the  Public  Service. —  New  Prop- 
ositions for  Peace,  through  the  Agency  of  Mr.  Hartley.  —  Frank- 
lin's Answer  to  them.  —  His   Friends   at  Passy   and    Auteuil. — 
Madame  Brillon.  —  Madame  Helvetius 459 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Negotiations  for  Peace.  —  Debates  on  the  Subject  in  the  British 
Parliament — Change  of  Ministry.  —  Mr.  Oswald  sent  to  Paris  to 
consult  Dr.  Franklin  on  the  Mode  of  Negotiating.  — Grenville's 
Commission ;  disapproved  by  Franklin.  —  Mr.  Fox's  Views  of  Ir£ 
dependence.  —  Lord  Shelburne's  Administration. —  Mr.  Fitzher- 
bert.  —  Mr.  Oswald  commissioned  to  negotiate  the  American  Trea- 
ty, -r— ETsentmT Articles  of  the  Treaty  proposed  by  Franklin. — 
Advisable  Articles.  —  Mr.  Jay  disapproves  Mr.  OswalcFs  Com- 
mission. —  An  Alteration  required  and  obtained.  —  Progress. 


CONTENTS.  XXxiii 

the  Treaty.  —  Independence,  Boundaries,  Fisheries. —Attempts 
of  the  iJrltisli  Ministry  to  secure  the  Indemnification  of  the  Loy- 
alists.—  Mr.  Adams  joins  his  Colleagues  and  resists  the  British 
Claims.  —  Franklin  proposes  an  Article  for  Indemnifying  the 
Americans  for  their  Losses  during  the  War.  —  British  Claims 
relinquished.  —  Treaty  signed.  —  Ratified  by  Congress.  .  .  474 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Treaty  signed  without  the  Knowledge  of  the  Court  of  France. — 
—  Count  de  Vergennes's  Opinion  of  the  Treaty — Unfounded  Sus- 
picions. —  Rayneval  and  Marbois.  —  Franklin's  Explanation  of  the 
Grounds  upon  which  he  acted.  —  False  Rumor  concerning  his  Ex- 
ertions in  obtaining  the  Boundaries  and  Fisheries.  —  His  Financial 
Contract  with  Count  de  Vergennes.  —  Negotiates  a  Treaty  with 
Sweden.  —  Mr.  Hartley.  —  Definitive '  T f RRty  nf  Pfift?fi  B'gy-j-  — 
Franklin's  Sentiments  on  this  Occasion.  —  Animal  Magnetism. — 
Negotiations.  —  His  Request  to  be  recalled  is  finally  granted  by 
Congress. — Tjeatv  with  Prussia^— Franklin  prepares  to  return 
Home.  —  Journey  from  Passy  to  Havre  de  Grace.  —  Sails  from 
Southampton  and  arrives  in  Philadelphia.  ....  489 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Receives  congratulatory  Letters  and  Addresses.  —  Chosen  President 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  holds  the  Office  three  Years. — His  private 
Circumstances. —  Appointed  a  Delegate  to  the  Convention  for 
Framing  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  —  His  Speeches  in 
the  Convention.  —  His  Religious  Opinions.  —  Extracts  from  Dr. 
Cutler's  Journal  describing  an  Interview  with  him.  —  President  of 
the  Society  for  Political  Inquiries.  —  Neglect  of  Congress  to  exam- 
ine and  settle  his  Accounts. — Various  Pieces  written  by  him  dur- 
ing the  last  Year  of  his  Life.  — His  Illness  and  Death. —  Funeral 
Ceremonies.  —  Tribute  of  Respect  paid  to  him  by  Congress  and 
other  Public  Bodies.  —  Conclusion *  .511 


APPENDIX. 

I.    Remarks  on  the  Origin  and  Genealogy  of  the  Franklin  Family,  539 

Jl     Journal  of  a  Voyage  from  London  to  Philadelphia,       .            .  547 

III.  Proposals  relating  to  the  Education  of  Youth  in  Pennsylvania,  569 

IV.  American  Philosophical  Society,  .....  576 
V.    Extracts  from  a  Private  Journal,        ....  579 

VI.    Extracts  from  a  Private  Journal,             ....  587 
VII.    Proceedings  of  Congress,  and  of  the  National  Assembly  of 

France,  on  the  Death  of  Franklin,     .  .  .  .592 

VIII.    Epitaph, 596 

IX.    Franklin's  Will, 699 

VOL.  i.  e 


XXXIV  CONTENTS. 

• 

VOLUME   II. 

Page 

ESSAYS  ON  RELIGIOUS  AND  MORAL  SUBJECTS  AND  THE  ECON- 
OMY OF  LIFE, 1 

BAGATELLES,        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        164 

ESSAYS   ON  GENERAL  POLITICS,  COMMERCE,  AND  POLITICAL 

ECONOMY, 251 

SUPPLEMENT, 523 


VOLUME    III. 

ESSAYS  AND  TRACTS,  HISTORICAL  AND  POLITICAL,  BEFORE  THE 
AMERICAN  REVOLUTION, 1 

AN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  AND 
GOVERNMENT  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,       .        .        .     105 


VOLUME    IV. 

ESSAYS  AND  TRACTS,  HISTORICAL  AND  POLITICAL,  BEFORE  THE 
AMERICAN  REVOLUTION,  CONTINUED. 


VOLUME    V. 

POLITICAL  PAPERS,  DURING  AND  AFTER  THE  AMERICAN  REVO- 
LUTION,    1 

LETTERS  AND  PAPERS  ON  ELECTRICITY,     ....         171 
APPENDIX. 

I.  Watson's  Abstract  of  Franklin's  Electrical  Experiments  and 

Observations,       ........      487 

II.  Letter  from  the   Abbe   Nollet  to  Benjamin  Franklin,        .  493 

III.  Speech  of  the  Earl  of  Macclesfield,  President  of  the   Royal 
Society,  on  the  Occasion  of  awarding  to  Franklin  a  Medal 
for  his  Discoveries  in  Electricity,          ....      499 

IV   Letter  from  John  Baptist  Beccaria  to  Benjamin  Franklin,          605 
V.  Letter  from  Professor  Thorbern  Bergman,  of  Upsal,  to  Ben- 
jamin Wilson,    ........      513 

VI.  Letter  from  M.  Dubourg  to  M.  de  Lor.     Parallel   between 

the  Theories  of  Franklin  and  Nollet,     ....      514 


CONTENTS.  XXXV 


VOLUME  VI. 

LETTERS  AND  PAPERS  ON  PHILOSOPHICAL  SUBJECTS. 


VOLUME   VII. 
CORRESPONDENCE. 

PART  FIRST  ;  COMPRISING  PRIVATE  LETTERS  TO  THE  TIME  OP 
THE  AUTHOR'S  FIRST  MISSION  TO  ENGLAND.  1725-1757.  1 

PART  SECOND  ;  COMPRISING  LETTERS,  PRIVATE  AND  OFFICIAL, 
FROM  THE  TlME  OF  THE  AUTHOR'S  FlRST  MISSION  TO  ENG- 
LAND, TO  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION. 
1757-1775.  .  147 


VOLUME    VIII. 
CORRESPONDENCE. 

PART  SECOND,  CONTINUED, 1 

PART  THIRD  ;  COMPRISING  LETTERS,  PRIVATE  AND  OFFICIAL, 
FROM  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION,  TO 
THE  END  OF  THE  AUTHOR'S  MISSION  TO  FRANCE.  1775- 
1785. 151 

APPENDIX. 

I.  A  Fragment  of  Polybius ;  from  his  Treatise  on  the  Athenian 

Government,     .  .......      543 

II.  Memoir  of  Sir  John  Dalrymple ;  or  a  Project  of  Lord  Roch- 

ford  to  prevent  the  War,    ......      547 


VOLUME   IX. 

CORRESPONDENCE. 

PART  THIRD,  CONTINUED, 1 

JOURNAL  OF  THE  NEGOTIATION  OF  THE  TREATY  OF 
PEACE,  ...  .238 


XXXVI  CONTENTS. 

VOLUME    X. 

CORRESPONDENCE. 

PART  THIRD,  CONTINUED, 1 

PART  FOURTH  ;  COMPRISING  PRIVATE  LETTERS  FROM  THE 
TERMINATION  OF  THE  AUTHOR'S  MISSION  TO  FRANCE,  TO 
THE  END  OF  HIS  LIFE.  1785-1790 215 

SUPPLEMENT, 427 

INDEXES. 

I.     List  of  the  Author's  Writings,  chronologically  arranged,        .  449 

II.    Letters  written  by  Franklin  to  Individuals  and  Public  Bodies,  404 

III.  Letters  addressed  to  Franklin  by  various  Persons,          .          .  476 

IV.  Miscellaneous  Letters,           ...                    .  481 
V.    General  Index, 485 


LIST   OF   THE    PLATES. 


Vol.    Page. 

1.  Portrait  of  Franklin, Frontispiece,  I. 

2.  Portrait  of  Franklin,  by  Martin,  .        .        .        Frontispiece,  II. 

3.  Portrait  of  Franklin,  by  Duplessis,           .        .    Frontispiece,  III. 

4.  Houdon's  Bust  of  Franklin,          .        .        .        Frontispiece,  IV. 

5.  Emblematical  Representation, —       456 

6.  Facsimile  of  Franklin's  Handwriting,          .        Frontispiece,  V. 

7.  Electrical  Apparatus,  (Plate  I.) —       196 

8.  Electrical  Air-Thermometer,  (Plate  II.)       ....  —      372 

9.  Electrical  Apparatus,  (Plate  III.)    .        .        .        .     '   .        .  —      384 

10.  Electrical  Apparatus,  (Plate  IV.)         .....  —      442 

11.  Pennsylvania  Fireplace,  (Plate  V.) VI.        46 

12.  Profile  of  the  Pennsylvania  Chimney  and  Fireplace.  —  Stafford- 

shire Fireplace.  (Plate  VI.)         .        .        .        .    •    .        .  —        50 

13.  Magical  Squares,  (Plate  VII.) —       102 

14.  Magical  Circle,  (Plate  VIII.) —       104 

15.  Waterspout,  (Plate  IX.) —       156 

16.  Armonica,  (Plate  X.) .  —      248 

17.  Aurora  Borealis,  &c.,  (Plate  XI.) —      420 

18.  Improvements  in  Navigation,  (Plate  XII.)      ....  —       494 

19.  Chart   of  the  Atlantic   Ocean,  exhibiting  the   Course  of  the 

Gulf  Stream,  &c.,  (Plate  XIII.) —       504 

20.  Illustrating  the  Causes  and  Cure  of  Smoky  Chimneys,  (Plate 

XIV.) ....  —      542 

21.  Stove  for  burning  Pit-coal,  (Plate  XV.)          .        .        .        .  —       560 

22.  Portrait  of  Mrs.  Franklin,     .        .                .         Frontispiece,  VII. 


VOL.  I.  D 


LIFE 

OF 

BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

PART    FIRST; 
AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 


LIFE 


OF 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY.* 


CHAPTER  1. 

Origin  and  Genealogy  of  his  Family.  —  His  Birth.  —  His  Mother.  — 
Employments  in  his  Boyhood. —  Anecdote.  —  Character  of  his  Father. 
—  Epitaph  on  his  Father  and  Mother. —  Fond  of  reading.  —  Appren- 
ticed to  his  Brother  to  learn  the  Printer's  Trade.  —  Writes  Ballads. — 
Intimacy  with  Collins.  —  Practises  Composition.  —  Adopts  a  vegetable 
Diet.  —  Studies  the  Socratic  Method  of  Disputation.  —  Concerned  in 
publishing  a  Newspaper.  —  Disagrees  with  his  Brother.  —  Leaves  Bos- 
ton and  takes  Passage  in  a  Sloop  for  New  York. 

I  HAVE  ever  had  a  pleasure  in  obtaining  any  little 
anecdotes  of  my  ancestors.  You  may  remember  the 
inquiries  I  made  among  the  remains  of  my  relations, 
when  you  were  with  me  in  England,  and  the  journey 
I  undertook  for  that  purpose.  Imagining  it  may  be 
equally  agreeable  to  you  to  learn  the  circumstances  of 
my  life,  many  of  which  you  are  unacquainted  with,  and 
expecting  the  enjoyment  of  a  few  weeks'  uninterrupt- 
ed leisure,  I  sit  down  to  write  them.  Besides,  there 
are  some  other  inducements  that  excite  me  to  this 


*  The  first  part  of  the  Autobiography,  constituting  the  first  five  Chap- 
ters of  this  edition,  was  written  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  his  son,  Wil- 
liam Franklin,  then  governor  of  New  Jersey.  It  was  begun  while  the 
author  was  on  a  visit  to  the  family  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  at 
Twyford,  in  the  year  1771.  —  EDITOR. 

VOL.  I.   NO.  1.1  A 


2  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

undertaking.  From  the  poverty  and  obscurity  in  which 
I  was  born,  and  in  which  I  passed  my  earliest  years, 
I  have  raised  myself  to  a  state  of  affluence  and  some 
degree  of  celebrity  in  the  world.  As  constant  good 
fortune  has  accompanied  me  even  to  an  advanced 
period  of  life,  my  posterity  will  perhaps  be  desirous  of 
learning  the  means,  which  I  employed,  and  which, 
thanks  to  Providence,  so  well  succeeded  with  me. 
They  may  also  deem  them  fit  to  be  imitated,  should 
any  of  them  find  themselves  in  similar  circumstances. 

This  good  fortune,  when  I  reflect  on  it,  which  is 
frequently  the  case,  has  induced  me  sometimes  to  say, 
that,  if  it  were  left  to  my  choice,  I  should  have  no 
objection  to  go  over  the  same  life  from  its  beginning 
to  the  end ;  requesting  only  the  advantage  authors 
have  of  correcting  in  a  second  edition  the  faults  of 
the  first.  So  would  I  also  wish  to  change  some  inci- 
dents of  it,  for  others  more  favorable.  Notwithstand- 
ing, if  this  condition  was  denied,  I  should  still  accept 
the  offer  of  re-commencing  the  same  life.  But  as  this 
repetition  is  not  to  be  expected,  that,  which  resem- 
bles most  living  one's  life  over  again,  seems  to  be  to 
recall  all  the  circumstances  of  it;  and,  to  render  this 
remembrance  more  durable,  to  record  them  in  writing. 

In  thus  employing  myself  I  shall  yield  to  the  incli- 
nation, so  natural  to  old  men,  of  talking  of  themselves 
and  their  own  actions;  and  I  shall  indulge  it  without 
being  tiresome  to  those,  who,  from  respect  to  my  age, 
might  conceive  themselves  obliged  to  listen  to  me, 
since  they  will  be  always  free  to  read  me  or  not. 
And,  lastly,  (I  may  as  well  confess  it,  as  the  denial  of 
it  would  be  believed  by  nobody,)  I  shall  perhaps  not 
a  little  gratify  my  own  vanity.  Indeed,  I  never  heard 
or  saw  the  introductory  words,  "  Without  vanity  I  may 
say,"  &c.,  but  some  vain  thing  immediately  followed. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  3 

Most  people  dislike  vanity  in  others,  whatever  share 
they  have  of  it  themselves;  but  I  give  it  fair  quarter 
wherever  I  meet  with  it,  being  persuaded,  that  it  is 
often  productive  of  good  to  the  possessor,  and  to  oth- 
ers who  are  within  his  sphere  of  action;  and  there- 
fore in  many  cases  it  would  not  be  altogether  absurd, 
if  a  man  were  to  thank  God  for  his  vanity  among  the 
other  comforts  of  life. 

And  now  I  speak  of  thanking  God,  I  desire  with 
all  humility  to  acknowledge,  that  I  attribute  the  men- 
tioned happiness  of  my  past  life  to  his  divine  provi- 
dence, which  led  me  to  the  means  I  used,  and  gave 
the  success.  My  belief  of  this  induces  me  to  hope, 
though  I  must  not  presume,  that  the  same  goodness 
will  still  be  exercised  towards  me  in  continuing  that 
happiness,  or  enabling  me  to  bear  a  fatal  reverse,  which 
I  may  experience  as  others  have  done ;  the  com- 
plexion of  my  future  fortune  being  known  to  him  only, 
in  whose  power  it  is  to  bless  us,  even  in  our  afflictions. 

Some  notes,  which  one  of  my  uncles,  who  had  the 
same  curiosity  in  collecting  family  anecdotes,  once  put 
into  my  hands,  furnished  me  with  several  particulars 
relative  to  our  ancestors.  From  these  notes  I  learned, 
that  they  lived  in  the  same  village,  Ecton,  in  North- 
amptonshire, on  a  freehold  of  about  thirty  acres,  for  at 
least  three  hundred  years,  and  how  much  longer  could 
not  be  ascertained.* 


*  Perhaps  from  the  time,  when  the  name  of  FRANKLIN,  which  before 
was  the  name  of  an  order  of  people,  was  assumed  by  them  for  a  surname, 
when  others  took  surnames  all  over  the  kingdom. 

As  a  proof  that  FRANKLIN  was  anciently  the  common  name  of  an  order 
or  rank  in  England,  see  Judge  Fortescue,  De  laudibus  Legum  Jlnglia, 
written  about  the  year  1412,  in  which  is  the  following  passage,  to  show 
that  good  juries  might  easily  be  formed  in  any  part  of  England. 

"Regio  etiam  ilia,  ita  respersa  refertaque  est  possessoribus  lerrarum 
et  agrorum,  quod  in  ea,  villula  tarn  parva  reperiri  non  poterit,  in  qua  non 


4  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

This  small  estate  would  not  have  sufficed  for  their 
maintenance  without  the  business  of  a  smith,  which 
had  continued  in  the  family  down  to  my  uncle's  time, 
the  eldest  son  being  always  brought  up  to  that  em- 
ployment; a  custom  which  he  and  my  father  followed 
with  regard  to  their  eldest  sons.  When  I  searched 
the  registers  at  Ecton,  I  found  an  account  of  their 
marriages  and  burials  from  the  year  1555  only,  as  the 
registers  kept  did  not  commence  previous  thereto.  I 
however  learned  from  it,  that  I  was  the  youngest  son  of 
the  youngest  son  for  five  generations  back.  My  grand- 
father, Thomas,  who  was  born  in  1598,  lived  at  Ecton, 
till  he  wras  too  old  to  continue  his  business,  when  he 
retired  to  Banbury  in  Oxfordshire,  to  the  house  of  his 
son  John,  with  whom  my  father  served  an  apprentice- 
ship. There  my  uncle  died  and  lies  buried.  We  saw 

est  miles,  armiger,  vel  pater-familias,  qualis  ibidem  Franklin  vulgariter 
nuncupatur,  magnis  ditatus  possessionibus,  nee  non  libere  tenentes  et 
alii  valedi  plurimi,  suis  patrimoniis  sufficientes  ad  faciendum  juratam  in 
forma  prsenotata." 

"Moreover,  the  same  country  is  so  filled  and  replenished  with  land- 
ed menne,  that  therein  so  small  a  Thorpe  cannot  be  found  wherein 
dweleth  not  a  knight,  an  esquire,  or  such  a  householder,  as  is  there 
commonly  called  a  Franklin,  enriched  with  great  possessions  ;  and  also 
other  freeholders  and  many  yeon.en  able  for  their  livelihoods  to  make 
a  jury  in  form  aforementioned." — Old  Trnnslation. 

Chaucer  too  calls  his  Country  Gentleman  a  Franklin,  and,  after  describ- 
ing his  good  housekeeping,  thus  characterizes  him. 

"  This  worthy  Franklin  bore  a  purse  of  silk, 

Fixed  to  his  girdle,  while  as  morning  milk. 

Knight  of  the  Shire,  first  Justice  at  tlf  Assize, 

To  help  the  poor,  the  doubtful  to  advise. 

In  all  employments,  generous,  just,  he  proved; 

Renowned  for  courtesy,  by  all  beloved." 
Again. 

"A  spacious  court  they  see, 

Both  plain  and  pleasant  to  be  walked  in, 

Where  them  does  meet  a  Franklin  fair  and  free." 

SPENSER'S  Fairy  Queen. 

See  APPENDIX,  No.  I. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  5 

his  gravestone  in  1758.  His  eldest  son  Thomas  lived 
in  the  house  at  Ecton,  and  left  it  with  the  land  to  his 
only  daughter,  who,  with  her  husband,  one  Fisher  of 
Wellingborough,  sold  it  to  Mr.  Isted,  now  lord  of  the 
manor  there.  My  grandfather  had  four  sons,  who  grew 
up ;  viz.  Thomas,  John,  Benjamin,  and  Josiah.  Being 
at  a  distance  from  my  papers,  I  will  give  you  what 
account  I  can  of  them  from  memory;  and,  if  my  pa- 
pers are  not  lost  in  my  absence,  you  will  find  among 
them  many  more  particulars.* 

Thomas,  my  eldest  uncle,  was  bred  a  smith  under 
his  father,  but,  being  ingenious  and  encouraged  in  learn- 
ing, as  all  his  brothers  were,  by  an  Esquire  Palmer, 
then  the  principal  inhabitant  of  that  parish,  he  quali- 
fied himself  for  the  bar,  and  became  a  considerable 
man  in  the  county;  was  chief  mover  of  all  public- 
spirited  enterprises  for  the  county  or  town  of  North- 
ampton, as  well  as  of  his  own  village,  of  which  many 
instances  were  related  of  him ;  and  he  was  much  taken 
notice  of  and  patronized  by  Lord  Halifax.  He  died 
in  1702,  the  6th  of  January;  four  years  to  a  day 
before  I  was  born.  The  recital,  which  some  elderly 
persons  made  to  us  of  his  character,  I  remember  struck 
you  as  something  extraordinary,  from  its  similarity  with 
what  you  knew  of  me.  "Had  he  died,"  said  you, 
"four  years  later,  on  the  same  day,  one  might  have 
supposed  a  transmigration." 

John,  my  next  uncle,  was  bred  a  dyer,  I  believe  of 
wool.  Benjamin  was  bred  a  silk  dyer,  serving  an  ap- 
prenticeship in  London.  He  was  an  ingenious  man. 
I  remember,  when  I  was  a  boy,  he  came  to  my  fa- 
ther's in  Boston,  and  resided  in  the  house  with  us  for 

*  See  a  letter  to  his  wife,  describing  his  visit  to  Ecton,  in  the  year 
1758  ;  Vol.  VII.  p.  177 —  EDITOR. 

A* 


6  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

several  years.  There  was  always  a  particular  affection 
between  my  father  and  him,  and  I  was  his  godson. 
He  lived  to  a  great  age.  He  left  behind  him  two 
quarto  volumes  of  manuscript,  of  his  own  poetry,  con- 
sisting of  fugitive  pieces  addressed  to  his  friends.* 
He  had  invented  a  short-hand  of  his  own,  which  he 
taught  me,  but,  not  having  practised  it,  I  have  now 
forgotten  it.  He  was  very  pious,  and  an  assiduous  at- 
tendant at  the  sermons  of  the  best  preachers,  which  he 
reduced  to  writing  according  to  his  method,  and  had 
thus  collected  several  volumes  of  them. 

He  was  also  a  good  deal  of  a  politician ;  too  much 
so,  perhaps,  for  his  station.  There  fell  lately  into  my 
hands,  in  London,  a  collection  he  had  made  of  all  the 
principal  political  pamphlets  relating  to  public  affairs, 
from  the  year  1641  to  1717.  Many  of  the  volumes  are 
wanting,  as  appears  by  their  numbering,  but  there  still 
remain  eight  volumes  in  folio,  and  twenty  in  quarto 
and  in  octavo.  A  dealer  in  old  books  had  met  with 
them,  and  knowing  me  by  name,  having  bought  books 
of  him,  he  brought  them  to  me.  It  would  appear 
that  my  uncle  must  have  left  them  here,  when  he  went 
to  America,  which  was  about  fifty  years  ago.  I  found 
several  of  his  notes  in  the  margins.  His  grandson, 
Samuel  Franklin,  is  still  living  in  Boston.f 

*  These  two  volumes  have  been  preserved,  and  are  now  before  me. 
They  belong  to  Mrs.  Emmons,  of  Boston,  great-granddaughter  of  Ben- 
jamin Franklin,  their  author.  Some  further  account  of  them  is  con- 
tained in  the  APPENDIX,  No.  I.  —  EDITOR. 

f  This  grandson  of  Benjamin  Franklin  followed  the  trade  of  his  father, 
which  was  that  of  a  cutler.  On  the  father's  sign,  suspended  over  the 
shop  door,  was  painted  a  crown,  with  his  name,  "  Samuel  Franklin 
from  London."  It  had  also  some  of  the  implements  of  his  trade.  This 
sign  was  retained  by  Samuel  Franklin  the  younger.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolution,  the  "Sons  of  Liberty"  took  offence  at  this  crown, 
and  demanded  the  removal  of  the  sign ;  but  they  finally  contented  them- 
selves with  daubing  a  coat  of  paint  over  the  crown,  leaving  "  Samuel 


LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  7 

Our  humble  family  early  embraced  the  reformed  re- 
ligion. Our  forefathers  continued  Protestants  through 
the  reign  of  Mary,  when  they  were  sometimes  in  dan- 
ger of  persecution,  on  account  of  their  zeal  against 
Popery.  They  had  an  English  Bible,  and,  to  conceal  it 
and  place  it  in  safety,  it  was  fastened  open  with  tapes 
under  and  within  the  cover  of  a  joint  stool.  When 
my  great-grandfather  wished  to  read  it  to  his  family, 
he  placed  the  joint  stool  on  his  knees,  and  then  turned 
over  the  leaves  under  the  tapes.  One  of  the  children 
stood  at  the  door  to  give  notice  if  he  saw  the  apparitor 
coming,  who  was  an  officer  of  the  spiritual  court.  In 
that  case  the  stool  was  turned  down  again  upon  its 
feet,  when  the  Bible  remained  concealed  under  it  as 
before.  This  anecdote  I  had  from  uncle  Benjamin. 
The  family  continued  all  of  the  church  of  England,  till 
about  the  end  of  Charles  the  Second's  reign,  when 
some  of  the  ministers  that  had  been  outed  for  their 
non- conformity,  holding  conventicles  in  Northampton- 
shire, my  uncle  Benjamin  and  my  father  Josiah  adhered 
to  them,  and  so  continued  all  their  lives.  The  rest 
of  the  family  remained  with  the  Episcopal  church. 

My  father  married  young,  and  carried  his  wife  with 
three  children  to  New  England,  about  1 685.  The  con- 
venticles being  at  that  time  forbidden  by  law,  and 
frequently  disturbed  in  the  meetings,  some  considera- 
ble men  of  his  acquaintances  determined  to  go  to  that 
country,  and  he  was  prevailed  with  to  accompany  them 
thither,  where  they  expected  to  enjoy  the  exercise  of 
their  religion  with  freedom.  By  the  same  wife  my 


Franklin  from  London,"  and  the  implements  of  cutlery.  Time  gradually 
wore  off  the  paint  from  the  crown,  so  as  to  make  it  faintly  visible  ;  and 
Mather  Byles,  who  was  as  noted  for  his  loyalty  as  for  his  puns,  used  to 
lament  to  Mrs.  Franklin,  that  she  should  live  at  the  sign  of  the  half- 
crown.  —  EDITOR. 


8  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

father  had  four  children  more  born  there,  and  by  a 
second,  ten  others ;  in  all  seventeen ;  of  whom  I  re- 
member to  have  seen  thirteen  sitting  together  at  his 
table ;  who  all  grew  up  to  years  of  maturity  and  were 
married.  I  was  the  youngest  son,  and  the  youngest 
of  all  the  children  except  two  daughters.  I  was  born 
in  Boston,  in  New  England.*  My  mother,  the  second 
wife  of  my  father,  was  Abiah  Folger,  daughter  of  Peter 
Folger,  one  of  the  first  settlers  of  New  England ;  of 
whom  honorable  mention  is  made  by  Cotton  Mather 
in  his  ecclesiastical  history  of  that  country,  entitled 
Magnalia  Christi  Jlmericana,  as  "  a  godly  and  learned 
Englishman,"  if  I  remember  the  words  rightly.  I  was 
informed,  he  wrote  several  small  occasional  works, 
but  only  one  of  them  was  printed,  which  I  remem- 
ber to  have  seen  several  years  since.  It  was  writ- 
ten in  1675.  It  was  in  familiar  verse,  according  to  the 
taste  of  the  tunes  and  people;  and  addressed  to  the 
government  there.  It  asserts  the  liberty  of  conscience, 
in  behalf  of  the  Anabaptists,  the  Quakers,  and  other 
sectaries,  that  had  been  persecuted.  He  attributes  to 
this  persecution  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  calamities 
that  had  befallen  the  country ;  regarding  them  as  so 
many  judgments  of  God  to  punish  so  heinous  an  of- 
fence, and  exhorting  the  repeal  of  those  laws,  so  con- 
trary to  charity.  This  piece  appeared  to  me  as  written 

*  He  was  born  January  6th,  1706,  Old  Style,  being  Sunday,  and  the 
same  as  January  17th,  New  Style,  which  his  biographers  have  usually 
mentioned  as  the  day  of  his  birth.  By  the  records  of  the  Old  South 
Church  in  Boston,  to  which  his  father  and  mother  belonged,  it  appears 
that  he  was  baptized  the  same  day.  In  the  old  public  Register  of  Births, 
still  preserved  in  the  Mayor's  office  in  Boston,  his  birth  is  recorded 
under  the  date  of  January  6th,  1706.  At  this  time  his  father  occupied 
a  house  in  Milk  Street,  opposite  to  the  Old  South  Church,  but  he  re- 
moved shortly  afterwards  to  a  house  at  the  corner  of  Hanover  and  Union 
Streets,  where  it  is  believed  he  resided  the  remainder  of  his  life,  and 
where  the  son  passed  his  early  years. —  EDITOR. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  9 

with  manly  freedom,  and  a  pleasing  simplicity.  The 
six  last  lines  I  remember,  but  have  forgotten  the  pre- 
ceding ones  of  the  stanza;  the  purport  of  them  was, 
that  his  censures  proceeded  from  good  will,  and  there- 
fore he  would  be  known  to  be  the  author. 

"Because  to  be  a  libeller 

I  hate  it  with  my  heart. 
From  Sherbon  Town*  where  now  I  dwell, 

My  name  I  do  put  here ; 
Without  offence  your  real  friend, 

It  is  Peter  Folger."f 

My  elder  brothers  were  all  put  apprentices  to  dif- 
ferent trades.  I  was  put  to  the  grammar  school  at 
eight  years  of  age ;  my  father  intending  to  devote  me, 
as  the  tythe  of  his  sons,  to  the  service  of  the  church. 

*  In  the  island  of  Nantucket. 

f  The  poem,  if  such  it  may  be  called,  of  which  these  are  the  closing 
lines,  extends  through  fourteen  pages  of  a  duodecimo  pamphlet,  entitled, 
"  A  Looking-Glass  for  the  Times ;  or  the  former  Spirit  of  New  England 
revived  in  this  Generation ;  by  PETER  FOLGER."  It  is  dated  at  the  end, 
"April  23d,  1676."  The  lines,  which  immediately  precede  those  quoted 
by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  which  are  necessary  to  complete  the  sentiment 
intended  to  be  conveyed  by  the  author,  are  the  following. 

"  I  am  for  peace,  and  not  for  war, 

And  that  's  the  reason  why 
I  write  more  plain  than  some  men  do, 

That  use  to  daub  and  lie. 
But  I  shall  cease,  and  set  my  name 

To  what  I  here  insert, 
Because  to  be  a  libeller,"  &c. 

The  author's  muse  speaks  even  in  the  titlepage,  and  explains  to  the 
reader  his  design  in  writing  the  "Looking  Glass  for  the  Times." 

"Let  all  that  read  these  verses  know 
That  I  intend  something  to  show 
About  our  war,  how  it  hath  been, 
And  also  what  is  the  chief  sin, 
That  God  doth  so  with  us  contend, 
And  when  these  wars  are  like  to  end. 
Read  then  in  love ;  do  not  despise 
What  here  is  set  before  thine  eyes." 

Additional  facts,  respecting  the  Franklin  and  Folger  families,  are  con- 
tained in  the  APPENDIX,  No.  I.  —  EDITOR. 
VOL.  I.  2 


10  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

My  early  readiness  in  learning  to  read,  which  must  have 
been  very  early,  as  I  do  not  remember  when  I  could 
not  read,  and  the  opinion  of  all  his  friends,  that  I 
should  certainly  make  a  good  scholar,  encouraged  him 
in  this  purpose  of  his.  My  uncle  Benjamin  too  ap- 
proved of  it,  and  proposed  to  give  me  his  shorthand 
volumes  of  sermons,  to  set  up  with,  if  I  would  learn 
his  shorthand.  I  continued,  however,  at  the  grammar 
school  rather  less  than  a  year,  though  in  that  time  I 
had  risen  gradually  from  the  middle  of  the  class  of  that 
year  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  same  class,  and  was  re- 
moved into  the  next  class,  whence  I  was  to  be  placed 
in  the  third  at  the  end  of  the  year. 

But  my  father,  burdened  with  a  numerous  family, 
was  unable  without  inconvenience  to  support  the  ex- 
pense of  a  college  education.  Considering,  moreover, 
as  he  said  to  one  of  his  friends  in  my  presence,  the 
little  encouragement  that  line  of  life  afforded  to  those 
educated  for  it,  he  gave  up  his  first  intentions,  took 
me  from  the  grammar  school,  and  sent  me  to  a  school 
for  writing  and  arithmetic,  kept  by  a  then  famous  man, 
Mr.  George  Brownwell.  He  was  a  skilful  master,  and 
successful  in  his  profession,  employing  the  mildest  and 
most  encouraging  methods.  Under  him  I  learned  to 
write  a  good  hand  pretty  soon ;  but  I  failed  entirely 
in  arithmetic.  At  ten  years  old  I  was  taken  to  help 
my  father  in  his  business,  which  was  that  of  a  tallow- 
chandler  and  soap-boiler ;  a  business  to  which  he  was 
not  bred,  but  had  assumed  on  his  arrival  in  New  Eng- 
land, because  he  found  that  his  dyeing  trade,  being 
in  little  request,  would  not  maintain  his  family.  Ac- 
cordingly, I  was  employed  in  cutting  wicks  for  the 
candles,  filling  the  moulds  for  cast  candles,  attending 
the  shop,  going  of  errands,  &c. 

I  disliked  the  trade,  and  had  a  strong  inclination  to 


LIFE    OF    F  KAN  KLIN.  \\ 

go  to  sea ;  but  my  father  declared  against  it.  But,  re- 
siding near  the  water,  I  was  much  in  it  and  on  it.  I 
learned  to  swim  well,  and  to  manage  boats ;  and,  when 
embarked  with  other  boys,  I  was  commonly  allowed  to 
govern,  especially  in  any  case  of  difficulty ;  and  upon 
other  occasions  I  was  generally  the  leader  among  the 
boys,  and  sometimes  led  them  into  scrapes,  of  which  I 
will  mention  one  instance,  as  it  shows  an  early  project- 
ing public  spirit,  though  not  then  justly  conducted. 
There  was  a  salt  marsh,  which  bounded  part  of  the 
millpond,  on  the  edge  of  which,  at  high  water,  we  used 
to  stand  to  fish  for  minnows.  By  much  trampling  we 
had  made  it  a  mere  quagmire.  My  proposal  was  to 
build  a  wharf  there  for  us  to  stand  upon,  and  I  showed 
my  comrades  a  large  heap  of  stones,  which  were  in- 
tended for  a  new  house  near  the  marsh,  and  which 
would  very  well  suit  our  purpose.  Accordingly  in  the 
evening,  when  the  workmen  were  gone  home,  I  as- 
sembled a  number  of  my  playfellows,  and  we  worked 
diligently  like  so  many  emmets,  sometimes  two  or  three 
to  a  stone,  till  we  brought  them  all  to  make  our  little 
wharf.  The  next  morning,  the  workmen  were  sur- 
prised at  missing  the  stones,  which  had  formed  our 
wharf.  Inquiry  was  made  after  the  authors  of  this 
transfer ;  we  were  discovered,  complained  of,  and  cor- 

«3Cted  by  our  fathers ;  and,  though  I  demonstrated  the 
tility  of  our  work,  mine  convinced  me,  that  that  which 
was  not  honest,  could  not  be  truly  useful. 

I  suppose  you  may  like  to  know  what  kind  of  a 
man  my  father  was.  He  had  an  excellent  constitution, 
was  of  a  middle  stature,  well  set,  and  very  strong.  He 
could  draw  prettily,  and  was  skilled  a  little  in  music. 
His  voice  was  sonorous  and  agreeable,  so  that  when 
he  played  on  his  violin,  and  sung  withal,  as  he  was 
accustomed  to  do  after  the  business  of  the  day  was 


12  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

over,  it  was  extremely  agreeable  to  hear.  He  had  some 
knowledge  of  mechanics,  and  on  occasion  was  very 
handy  with  other  tradesmen's  tools.  But  his  great  ex- 
cellence was  his  sound  understanding,  and  his  solid 
judgment  in  prudential  matters,  both  in  private  and 
public  affairs.  It  is  true  he  was  never  employed  in 
the  latter,  the  numerous  family  he  had  to  educate,  and 
the  straitness  of  his  circumstances,  keeping  him  close 
to  his  trade ;  but  I  remember  well  his  being  frequent- 
ly visited  by  leading  men,  who  consulted  him  for  his 
opinion  in  public  affairs,  and  those  of  the  church  he 
belonged  to;  and  who  showed  a  great  respect  for  his 
judgment  and  advice. 

He  was  also  much  consulted  by  private  persons 
about  their  affairs,  when  any  difficulty  occurred,  and 
frequently  chosen  an  arbitrator  between  contending  par- 
ties. At  his  table  he  liked  to  have,  as  often  as  he 
could,  some  sensible  friend  or  neighbour  to  converse 
with,  and  always  took  care  to  start  some  ingenious  or 
useful  topic  for  discourse,  which  might  tend  to  improve 
the  minds  of  his  children.  By  this  means  he  turned 
our  attention  to  what  was  good,  just,  and  prudent,  in 
the  conduct  of  life;  and  little  or  no  notice  was  ever 
taken  of  what  related  to  the  victuals  on  the  table; 
whether  it  was  well  or  ill  dressed,  in  or  out  of  season, 

* 

in  such  a  perfect  inattention  to  those  matters,  as  to  be 
quite  indifferent  what  kind  of  food  was  set  before  me. 
Indeed,  I  am  so  unobservant  of  it,  that  to  this  day  I 
can  scarce  tell  a  few  hours  after  dinner  of  what  dishes 
it  consisted.  This  has  been  a  great  convenience  to  me 
in  travelling,  where  my  companions  have  been  some- 
times very  unhappy  for  want  of  a  suitable  gratification 
of  their  more  delicate,  because,  better  instructed,  tastes 
and  appetites 


of  good  or  bad  flavor,  preferable  or  inferior  to  this 
that  other  thing  of  the  kind;  so  that  I  was  brought  u] 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLPN.  13 

My  mother  had  likewise  an  excellent  constitution; 
she  suckled  all  her  ten  children.  I  never  knew  either 
my  father  or  mother  to  have  any  sickness,  but  that  of 
which  they  died;  he  at  eighty-nine,  and  she  at  eighty- 
five  years  of  age.  They  lie  buried  together  at  Bos- 
ton, where  I  some  years  since  placed  a  marble  over 
their  grave,  with  this  inscription; 

JOSIAH  FRANKLIN 

and 

ABIAH  his  wife, 

Lie  here  interred. 

They  lived  lovingly  together  in  wedlock, 

Fifty-five  years ; 

And  without  an  estate,  or  any  gainful  employment, 
By  constant  labor,  and  honest  industry, 

(With  God's  blessing,) 

Maintained  a  large  family  comfortably ; 

And  brought  up  thirteen  children  and  seven  grandchildren 

Reputably. 

From  this  instance,  reader, 
Be  encouraged  to  diligence  in  thy  calling, 

And  distrust  not  Providence. 

He  was  a  pious  and  prudent  man, 

She  a  discreet  and  virtuous  woman. 

Their  youngest  son, 
In  filial  regard  to  their  memory, 

Places  this  stone. 

J.  F.  born  1G55;  died  1744.    JEA.  89. 
A.  F.  born  16G7 ;  died  1752.     ^Et.  85.* 

By  my  rambling  digressions,  I  perceive  myself  to  be 
rown  old.     I  used  to  write  more  methodically.     But 
ne  does  not  dress  for  private  company,  as  for  a  public 
ball.     Perhaps  it  is  only  negligence. 

*  The  marble  stone,  on  which  this  inscription  was  engraved,  having 
become  decayed,  and  the  inscription  itself  defaced  by  time,  a  more 
durable  monument  has  been  erected  over  the  graves  of  the  father  and 
mother  of  Franklin.  The  suggestion  was  first  made  at  a  meeting  of  the 
building  committee  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Association,  in  the 
autumn  of  1826,  and  it  met  with  universal  approbation.  A  committee  of 
management  was  organized,  and  an  amount  of  money  adequate  to  the 
object  was  soon  contributed  by  the  voluntary  subscriptions  of  a  large 
VOL.  I  B 


14  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN. 

To  return ;  I  continued  thus  employed  in  my  father's 
business  for  two  years,  that  is,  till  I  was  twelve  years 
old;  and,  my  brother  John,  who  was  bred  to  that 
business,  having  left  my  father,  married,  and  set  up  for 
himself  at  Rhode  Island,  there  was  every  appearance 
that  I  was  destined  to  supply  his  place,  and  become 
a  tallow-chandler.  But  my  dislike  to  the  trade  con- 
tinuing, my  father  had  apprehensions,  that,  if  he  did  not 
put  me  to  one  more  agreeable,  I  should  break  loose 
and  go  to  sea,  as  my  brother  Josiah  had  done,  to  his 
great  vexation.  In  consequence,  he  took  me  to  walk 

number  of  the  citizens  of  Boston.  The  corner-stone  was  laid  on  the 
15th  of  June,  1827,  and  an  address  appropriate  to  the  occasion  was 
pronounced  by  General  Henry  A.  S.  Dearborn. 

The  monument  is  an  obelisk  of  granite,  twenty-one  feet  high,  which 
rests  on  a  square  base  measuring  seven  feet  on  each  side  and  two  feet 
in  height  The  obelisk  is  composed  of  rive  massive  blocks  of  granite 
placed  one  above  another.  On  one  side  is  the  name  of  FRANKLIN  in 
large  bronze  letters,  and  a  little  below  is  a  tablet  of  bronze,  thirty-two 
inches  long  and  sixteen  wide,  sunk  into  the  stone.  On  this  tablet  is 
engraved  Dr.  Franklin's  original  inscription,  as  quoted  in  the  text,  and 
beneath  it  are  the  following  lines. 

"The  marble  tablet, 
Bearing  the  above  inscription, 
Having  been  dilapidated  by  the  ravages  of  time, 

A  number  of  citizens, 

Entertaining  the  most  profound  veneration 

For  the  memory  of  the  illustrious 

Benjamin  Franklin, 

And  desirous  of  reminding  succeeding  generations, 

That  he  was  born  in  Boston,  A.  D.  MDCCVI, 

Erected  this 

Obelisk 

Over  the  graves  of  his  parents. 
MDCCCXXVII." 

A  silver  plate  was  deposited  under  the  corner-stone,  with  an  inscription 
commemorative  of  the  occasion,  a  part  of  which  is  as  follows.  "This 
Monument  was  erected  over  the  Remains  of  the  Parents  of  Benjamin 
Franklin  by  the  Citizens  of  Boston,  from  Respect  to  the  Private  Char- 
acter and  Public  Services  of  this  Illustrious  Patriot  and  Philosopher,  and 
for  the  many  Tokens  of  his  affectionate  Attachment  to  his  native 
Town." — EDITOR. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  15 

with  him  and  see  joiners,  bricklayers,  turners,  braziers, 
&,c.,  at  their  work,  that  he  might  observe  my  inclina- 
tion, and  endeavour  to  fix  it  on  some  trade  or  pro- 
fession that  would  keep  me  on  land.  It  has  ever  since 
been  a  pleasure  to  me  to  see  good  workmen  handle 
their  tools.  And  it  has  been  often  useful  to  me,  to 
have  learned  so  much  by  it,  as  to  be  able  to  do  some 
trifling  jobs  in  the  house  when  a  workman  was  not  at 
hand,  and  to  construct  little  machines  for  my  experi- 
ments, at  the  moment  when  the  intention  of  making 
these  was  warm  in  my  mind.  My  father  determined 
at  last  for  the  cutler's  trade,  and  placed  me  for  some 
days  on  trial  with  Samuel,  son  to  my  uncle  Benjamin, 
who  was  bred  to  that  trade  in  London,  and  had  just 
established  himself  in  Boston.  But  the  sum  he  ex- 
acted as  a  fee  for  my  apprenticeship  displeased  my 
father,  and  I  was  taken  home  again. 

From  my  infancy  I  was  passionately  fond  of  reading, 
and  all  the  money  that  came  into  my  hands  was  laid 
out  in  the  purchasing  of  books.  I  was  very  fond  of 
voyages.  My  first  acquisition  was  Bunyan's  works  in 
separate  little  volumes.  I  afterwards  sold  them  to  ena- 
ble me  to  buy  R.  Burton's  Historical  Collections.  They 
were  small  chapmen's  books,  and  cheap ;  forty  volumes 
in  all.  My  father's  little  library  consisted  chiefly  of 
books  in  polemic  divinity,  most  of  which  I  read.  I 
e  often  regretted,  that,  at  a  time  when  I  had  such 
a  thirst  for  knowledge,  more  proper  books  had  not 
fallen  in  my  way,  since  it  was  resolved  I  should  not 
be  bred  to  divinity.  There  was  among  them  Plu- 
tarch's Lives,  which  I  read  abundantly,  and  I  still  think 
that  time  spent  to  great  advantage.  There  was  also 
a  book  of  Defoe's,  called  Jin  Essay  on  Projects,  and 
another  of  Dr.  Mather's,  called  Jin  Essay  to  do  Good, 
which  perhaps  gave  me  a  turn  of  thinking,  that  had 


16  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

an  influence  on  some  of  the  principal  future  events  of 
my  life. 

This  bookish  inclination  at  length  determined  my 
father  to  make  me  a  printer,  though  he  had  already 
one  son,  James,  of  that  profession.  In  1717  my  brother 
James  returned  from  England  with  a  press  and  let- 
ters, to  set  up  his  business  in  Boston.  I  liked  it  much 
better  than  that  of  my  father,  but  still  had  a  hanker- 
ing for  the  sea.  To  prevent  the  apprehended  effect 
of  such  an  inclination,  my  father  was  impatient  to  have 
me  bound  to  my  brother.  I  stood  out  some  time,  but 
at  last  was  persuaded,  and  signed  the  indenture,  when 
I  was  yet  but  twelve  years  old.  I  was  to  serve  an 
apprenticeship  till  I  was  twenty-one  years  of  age,  only 
I  was  to  be  allowed  journeyman's  wages  during  the 
last  year.  In  a  little  time  I  made  a  great  progress  in 
the  business,  and  became  a  useful  hand  to  my  brother. 
I  now  had  access  to  better  books.  An  acquaintance 
with  the  apprentices  of  booksellers  enabled  me  some- 
times to  borrow  a  small  one,  which  I  was  careful  to 
return  soon,  and  clean.  Often  I  sat  up  in  my  cham- 
ber reading  the  greatest  part  of  the  night,  when  the 
book  was  borrowed  in  the  evening  and  to  be  returned 
in  the  morning,  lest  it  should  be  found  missing. 

After  some  time  a  merchant,  an  ingenious,  sensible 
man,  Mr.  Matthew  Adams,  who  had  a  pretty  collection 
of  books,  frequented  our  printing  office,  took  notice  of 
me,  and  invited  me  to  see  his  library,  and  very  kindly 
proposed  to  lend  me  such  books,  as  I  chose  to  read. 
I  now  took  a  strong  inclination  for  poetry,  and  wrote 
some  little  pieces.  My  brother,  supposing  it  might 
turn  to  account,  encouraged  me,  and  induced  me  to 
compose  two  occasional  ballads.  One  was  called  The 
Light  House  Tragedy,  and  contained  an  account  of  the 
shipwreck  of  Captain  Worthilake  with  his  two  daugh- 


LIFE  OF   FRANKLIN.  17 

ters;  the  other  was  a  sailor's  song,  on  the  taking  of 
the  famous  Teach,  or  Blackboard,  the  pirate.  They 
were  wretched  stuff,  in  street-ballad  st}  le ;  and  when 
they  were  printed,  my  brother  sent  me  about  the  town 
to  sell  them.  The  first  sold  prodigiously,  the  event 
being  recent,  and  having  made  a  great  noise.  This 
success  flattered  my  vanity ;  but  my  father  discouraged 
me  by  criticizing  my  performances,  and  telling  me 
verse-makers  were  generally  beggars.  Thus  I  escaped 
being  a  poet,  and  probably  a  very  bad  one ;  but,  as 
prose  writing  has  been  of  great  use  to  me  in  the  course 
of  my  life,  and  was  a  principal  means  of  my  advance- 
ment, I  shall  tell  you  how  in  such  a  situation  I  ac- 
quired what  little  ability  I  may  be  supposed  to  have 
in  that  way. 

There  was  another  bookish  lad  in  the  town,  John 
Collins  by  name,  with  whom  I  was  intimately  acquaint- 
ed. We  sometimes  disputed,  and  very  fond  we  were 
of  argument,  and  very  desirous  of  confuting  one  an- 
other ;  which  disputatious  turn,  by  the  way,  is  apt  to 
become  a  very  bad  habit,  making  people  often  extreme- 
ly disagreeable  in  company,  by  the  contradiction  that 
is  necessary  to  bring  it  into  practice ;  and  thence,  be- 
sides souring  and  spoiling  the  conversation,  it  is  pro- 
ductive of  disgusts  and  perhaps  enmities  with  those, 
who  may  have  occasion  for  friendship.  I  had  caught 
this  by  reading  my  father's  books  of  dispute  on  religion. 
Persons  of  good  sense,  I  have  since  observed,  sel- 
dom fall  into  it,  except  lawyers,  university  men,  and 
generally  men  of  all  sorts,  who  have  been  bred  at 
Edinburgh. 

A  question  was  once,  somehow  or  other,  started  be- 
tween Collins  and  me,  on  the  propriety  of  educating 
the  female  sex  in  learning,  and  their  abilities  for  study. 
He  was  of  opinion  that  it  was  improper,  and  that  they 

VOL.  I.  3  B  * 


18  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

were  naturally  unequal  to  it.  I  took  the  contrary  side, 
perhaps  a  little  for  dispute's  sake.  He  was  naturally 
more  eloquent,  having  a  greater  plenty  of  words,  and 
sometimes,  as  I  thought,  I  was  vanquished  more  by  his 
fluency  than  by  the  strength  of  his  reasons.  As  we 
parted  without  settling  the  point,  and  were  not  to  see 
one  another  again  for  some  time,  I  sat  down  to  put 
my  arguments  in  writing,  which  I  copied  fair  and  sent 
to  him.  He  answered,  and  I  replied.  Three  or  four 
letters  on  a  side  had  passed,  when  my  father  happened 
to  find  my  papers  and  read  them.  Without  entering 
into  the  subject  in  dispute,  he  took  occasion  to  talk  to 
me  about  my  manner  of  writing ;  observed,  that  though 
I  had  the  advantage  of  my  antagonist  in  correct  spelling 
and  pointing  (which  he  attributed  to  the  printing-house), 
I  fell  far  short  in  elegance  of  expression,  in  method, 
and  in  perspicuity,  of  which  he  convinced  me  by  sev- 
eral instances.  I  saw  the  justice  of  his  remarks,  and 
thence  grew  more  attentive  to  my  manner  of  writing, 
and  determined  to  endeavour  to  improve  my  style. 

About  this  time,  I  met  with  an  odd  volume  of  the 
Spectator.  I  had  never  before  seen  any  of  them.  I 
bought  it,  read  it  over  and  over,  and  was  much  de- 
lighted with  it.  I  thought  the  writing  excellent,  and 
wished  if  possible  to  imitate  it.  With  that  view,  I 
took  some  of  the  papers,  and  making  short  hints  of  the 
sentiments  in  each  sentence,  laid  them  by  a  few  days, 
and  then,  without  looking  at  the  book,  tried  to  com- 
plete the  papers  again,  by  expressing  each  hinted  sen- 
timent at  length,  and  as  fully  as  it  had  been  expressed 
before,  in  any  suitable  words  that  should  occur  to  me. 
Then  I  compared  my  Spectator  with  the  original,  dis- 
covered some  of  my  faults,  and  corrected  them.  But 
I  found  I  wanted  a  stock  of  words,  or  a  readiness  in 
recollecting  and  using  them,  which  I  thought  1  should 


LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  19 

have  acquired  before  that  time,  if  I  had  gone  on  making 
verses ;  since  the  continual  search  for  words  of  the 
same  import,  but  of  different  length  to  suit  the  measure, 
or  of  different  sound  for  the  rhyme,  would  have  laid 
me  under  a  constant  necessity  of  searching  for  variety, 
and  also  have  tended  to  fix  that  variety  in  my  mind, 
and  make  me  master  of  it.  Therefore  I  took  some 
of  the  tales  in  the  Spectator,  and  turned  them  into 
verse ;  and,  after  a  time,  when  I  had  pretty  well  for- 
gotten the  prose,  turned  them  back  again. 

I  also  sometimes  jumbled  my  collection  of  hints  into 
confusion,  and  after  some  weeks  endeavoured  to  reduce 
them  into  the  best  order  before  I  began  to  form  the 
full  sentences  and  complete  the  subject.  This  was  to 
teach  me  method  in  the  arrangement  of  the  thoughts. 
By  comparing  my  work  with  the  original,  I  discovered 
many  faults,  and  corrected  them ;  but  I  sometimes  had 
the  pleasure  to  fancy,  that,  in  certain  particulars  of  small 
consequence,  1  had  been  fortunate  enough  to  improve 
the  method  or  the  language,  and  this  encouraged  me 
to  think,  that  I  might  in  time  come  to  be  a  tolerable 
English  writer;  of  which  I  was  extremely  ambitious. 
The  time  I  allotted  for  writing  exercises,  and  for  read- 
ing, was  at  night,  or  before  work  began  in  the  morn- 
ing, or  on  Sundays,  when  I  contrived  to  be  in  the 
printing-house,  avoiding  as  much  as  I  could  the  con- 
stant attendance  at  public  worship,  which  my  father 
used  to  exact  of  me  when  I  was  under  his  care,  and 
which  I  still  continued  to  consider  a  duty,  though  I 
could  not  afford  time  to  practise  it. 

When  about  sixteen  years  of  age,  I  happened  to 
meet  with  a  book,  written  by  one  Tryon,  recommend- 
ing a  vegetable  diet.  I  determined  to  go  into  it.  My 
brother,  being  yet  unmarried,  did  not  keep  house,  but 
boarded  himself  and  his  apprentices  in  another  family. 


20  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

My  refusing  to  eat  flesh  occasioned  an  inconvenience, 
and  I  was  frequently  chid  for  my  singularity.  I  made 
myself  acquainted  with  Tryon's  manner  of  preparing 
some  of  his  dishes,  such  as  boiling  potatoes  or  rice, 
making  hasty-pudding  and  a  few  others,  and  then  pro- 
posed to  my  brother,  that  if  he  would  give  me  weekly 
half  the  money  he  paid  for  my  board,  I  would  board 
myself.  He  instantly  agreed  to  it,  and  I  presently 
found  that  I  could  save  half  what  he  paid  me.  This 
was  an  additional  fund  for  buying  of  books ;  but  I  had 
another  advantage  in  it.  My  brother  and  the  rest 
going  from  the  printing-house  to  their  meals,  I  re- 
mained there  alone,  and,  despatching  presently  my  light 
repast  (which  was  often  no  more  than  a  biscuit,  or  a 
slice  of  bread,  a  handful  of  raisins,  or  a  tart  from  the 
pastry  cook's,  and  a  glass  of  water),  had  the  rest  of 
the  time,  till  their  return,  for  study;  in  which  I  made 
the  greater  progress  from  that  greater  clearness  of  head, 
and  quicker  apprehension,  which  generally  attend  tem- 
perance in  eating  and  drinking.  Now  it  was,  that,  be- 
ing on  some  occasion  made  ashamed  of  my  ignorance 
in  figures,  which  I  had  twice  failed  learning  when  at 
school,  I  took  Cocker's  book  on  Arithmetic,  and  went 
through  the  whole  by  myself  with  the  greatest  ease.  I 
also  read  Seller's  and  Sturny's  book  on  Navigation, 
which  made  me  acquainted  with  the  little  geometry  it 
contains,  but  I  never  proceeded  far  in  that  science.  1 
read  about  this  time  Locke  on  Human  Understand- 
ing, and  The  Jlrt  of  Thinking  by  Messrs,  de  Port- 
Royal. 

While  I  was  intent  on  improving  my  language,  I 
met  with  an  English  grammar  (I  think  it  was  Green- 
wood's), having  at  the  end  of  it  two  little  sketches  on 
the  Arts  of  Rhetoric  and  Logic,  the  latter  finishing  with 
a  dispute  in  the  Socratic  method.  And,  soon  after,  I 


LIFE  OF   FRANKLIN.  21 

procured  Xenophon's  Memorable  Things  of  Socrates, 
wherein  there  are  many  examples  of  the  same  method. 
I  was  charmed  with  it,  adopted  it,  dropped  my  abrupt 
contradiction  and  positive  argumentation,  and  put  on 
the  humble  inquirer.  And  being  then  from  reading 
Shaftesbury  and  Collins  made  a  doubter,  as  I  already 
was  in  many  points  of  our  religious  doctrines,  I  found 
this  method  the  safest  for  myself  and  very  embarrassing 
to  those  against  whom  I  used  it ;  therefore  I  took  de- 
light in  it,  practised  it  continually,  and  grew  very  artful 
and  expert  in  drawing  people,  even  of  superior  knowl- 
edge, into  concessions,  the  consequences  of  which  they 
did  not  foresee,  entangling  them  in  difficulties,  out  of 
which  they  could  not  extricate  themselves,  and  so  ob- 
taining victories,  that  neither  myself  nor  my  cause  al- 
ways deserved. 

I  continued  this  method  some  few  years,  but  grad- 
ually left  it,  retaining  only  the  habit  of  expressing  my- 
self in  terms  of  modest  diffidence,  never  using,  when 
I  advance  any  thing  that  may  possibly  be  disputed,  the 
words  certainly,  undoubtedly,  or  any  others  that  give 
the  air  of  positiveness  to  an  opinion;  but  rather  say, 
I  conceive,  or  apprehend,  a  thing  to  be  so  and  so;  It 
appears  to  me,  or  /  should  not  think  it,  so  or  so,  for 
such  and  such  reasons ;  or,  7  imagine  it  to  be  so ; 
or,  It  is  so,  if  I  am  not  mistaken.  This  habit,  I  be- 
lieve, has  been  of  great  advantage  to  me,  when  I 
have  had  occasion  to  inculcate  my  opinions,  and  per- 
suade men  into  measures,  that  I  have  been  from  time 
to  time  engaged  in  promoting.  And  as  the  chief  ends 
of  conversation  are  to  inform  or  to  be  informed,  to 
please  or  to  persuade,  I  wish  well-meaning  and  sen- 
sible men  would  not  lessen  their  power  of  doing  good 
by  a  positive  assuming  manner,  that  seldom  fails  to 
disgust,  tends  to  create  opposition,  and  to  defeat  most 


22  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

of  those  purposes  for  which  speech  was  given  to  us.  In 
fact,  if  you  wish  to  instruct  others,  a  positive  dogmatical 
manner  in  advancing  your  sentiments  may  occasion 
opposition,  and  prevent  a  candid  attention.  If  you 
desire  instruction  and  improvement  from  others,  you 
should  not  at  the  same  time  express  yourself  fixed  in 
your  present  opinions.  Modest  and  sensible  men,  who 
do  not  love  disputation,  will  leave  you  undisturbed  in 
the  possession  of  your  errors.  In  adopting  such  a 
manner,  you  can  seldom  expect  to  please  your  hearers, 
or  obtain  the  concurrence  you  desire.  Pope  judiciously 
observes 

"  Men  must  be  taught,  as  if  you  taught  them  not, 
And  things  unknown  proposed  as  things  forgot." 

He  also  recommends  it  to  us 

"To  speak,  though  sure,  with  seeming  diffidence." 

And  he  might  have  joined  with  this  line,  that  which 
he  has  coupled  with  another,  I  think,  less  properly, 

"For  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense." 

If  you  ask,  Why  less  properly?  I  must  repeat  the 
lines, 

"Immodest  words  admit  of  no  defence, 
For  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense." 

Now,  is  not  the  want  of  sense,  where  a  man  is  so 
unfortunate  as  to  want  it,  some  apology  for  his  want 
of  modesty  ?  And  would  not  the  lines  stand  more 
justly  thus? 

"Immodest  words  admit  but  this  defence, 
That  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense." 

This,  however,  I  should  submit  to  better  judgments. 

My  brother  had,  in  1720  or  1721,  begun  to  print  a 
newspaper.  It  was  the  second  that  appeared  in  Amer- 
ica, and  was  called  the  New  England  Courant.  The 
only  one  before  it  was  the  Boston  News-Letter.  I  re- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  23 

member  his  being  dissuaded  by  some  of  his  friends 
from  the  undertaking,  as  not  likely  to  succeed,  one 
newspaper  being  in  their  judgment  enough  for  Amer- 
ica.* At  this  time,  1771,  there  are  not  less  than  five 
and  twenty.  He  went  on,  however,  with  the  under- 
taking. I  was  employed  to  carry  the  papers  to  the 
customers,  after  having  worked  in  composing  the  types, 
and  printing  off  the  sheets. 

He  had  some  ingenious  men  among  his  friends,  who 
amused  themselves  by  writing  little  pieces  for  this  pa- 
per, which  gained  it  credit,  and  made  it  more  in  de- 
mand, and  these  gentlemen  often  visited  us.  Hearing 
their  conversations,  and  their  accounts  of  the  approba- 
tion their  papers  were  received  with,  I  was  excited  to 
try  my  hand  among  them.  But,  being  still  a  boy,  and 
suspecting  that  my  brother  would  object  to  printing 
any  thing  of  mine  in  his  paper,  if  he  knew  it  to  be 
mine,  I  contrived  to  disguise  my  hand,  and,  writing  an 
anonymous  paper,  I  put  it  at  night  under  the  door 
of  the  printing-house.  It  was  found  in  the  morning, 
and  communicated  to  his  writing  friends  when  they 
called  in  as  usual.  They  read  it,  commented  on  it  in 
my  hearing,  and  I  had  the  exquisite  pleasure  of  find- 
ing it  met  with  their  approbation,  and  that,  in  their 
different  guesses  at  the  author,  none  were  named  but 

*  This  was  written  from  recollection,  and  it  is  not  surprising,  that, 
after »the  lapse  of  fifty  years,  the  author's  memory  should  have  failed 
him  in  regard  to  a  fact  of  small  importance.  The  ./Veto  England  Courant 
was  the  fourth  newspaper  that  appeared  in  America.  The  first  number 
of  the  Boston  News-Letter  was  published  April  24th,  1704.  This  was 
the  first  newspaper  in  America.  The  Boston  Gazette  commenced  De- 
cember 21st,  1719;  the  American  Weekly  Mercury,  at  Philadelphia,  De- 
cember 22d,  1719  ;  the  JVet0  England  Courant,  August  21st,  1721. 
Dr.  Franklin's  error  of  memory  probably  originated  in  the  circumstance 
of  his  brother  having  been  the  printer  of  the  Boston  Gazette,  when  it 
was  first  established.  This  was  the  second  newspaper  published  in 
America.  —  EDITOR. 


24  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

men  of  some  character  among  us  for  learning  and 
ingenuity.  I  suppose,  that  I  was  rather  lucky  in  my 
judges,  and  that  they  were  not  really  so  very  good  as  I 
then  believed  them  to  be.  Encouraged  however  by 
this  attempt,  I  wrote  and  sent  in  the  same  way  to  the 
press  several  other  pieces,  that  were  equally  approved ; 
and  I  kept  my  secret  till  all  my  fund  of  sense  for  such 
performances  was  exhausted,  and  then  discovered  it, 
when  I  began  to  be  considered  a  little  more  by  my 
brother's  acquaintance. 

However,  that  did  not  quite  please  him,  as  he  thought 
it  tended  to  make  me  too  vain.  This  might  be  one 
occasion  of  the  differences  we  began  to  have  about 
this  time.  Though  a  brother,  he  considered  himself  as 
my  master,  and  me  as  his  apprentice,  and  accordingly 
expected  the  same  services  from  me  as  he  would  from 
another,  while  I  thought  he  degraded  me  too  much  in 
some  he  required  of  me,  who  from  a  brother  expected 
more  indulgence.  Our  disputes  were  often  brought 
before  our  father,  and  I  fancy  I  was  either  generally  in 
the  right,  or  else  a  better  pleader,  because  the  judg- 
ment was  generally  in  my  favor.  But  my  brother  was 
passionate,  and  had  often  beaten  me,  which  I  took  ex- 
tremely amiss ;  and,  thinking  my  apprenticeship  very 
tedious,  I  was  continually  wishing  for  some  opportu- 
nity of  shortening  it,  which  at  length  offered  in  a  man- 
ner unexpected.  Perhaps  this  harsh  and  tyrannical 
treatment  of  me  might  be  a  means  of  impressing*  me 
with  the  aversion  to  arbitrary  power,  that  has  stuck  to 
me  through  my  whole  life. 

One  of  the  pieces  in  our  newspaper  on  some  political 
point,  which  I  have  now  forgotten,  gave  offence  to  the 
Assembly.  He  was  taken  up,  censured,  and  imprison- 
ed for  a  month  by  the  Speaker's  warrant,  I  suppose 
because  he  would  not  discover  the  author.  I  too  was 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  25 

taken  up  and  .examined  before  the  Council ;  but,  though 
I  did  not  give  them  any  satisfaction,  they  contented 
themselves  with  admonishing  me,  and  dismissed  me, 
considering  me  perhaps  as  an  apprentice,  who  was 
bound  to  keep  his  master's  secrets.  During  my  broth- 
er's confinement,  which  I  resented  a  good  deal  not- 
withstanding our  private  differences,  I  had  the  man- 
agement of  the  paper;  and  I  made  bold  to  give  our 
rulers  some  rubs  in  it,  which  my  brother  took  very 
kindly,  while  others  began  to  consider  me  in  an  un- 
favorable light,  as  a  youth  that  had  a  turn  for  libelling 
and  satire. 

My  brother's  discharge  was  accompanied  with  an 
order,  and  a  very  odd  one,  that  "James  Franklin  should 
no  longer  print  the  newspaper,  called  The  JYew  Eng- 
land Courant"  On  a  consultation  held  in  our  printing- 
office  amongst  his  friends,  what  he  should  do  in  this 
conjuncture,  it  was  proposed  to  elude  the  order  by 
changing  the  name  of  the  paper.  But  my  brother, 
seeing  inconveniences  in  this,  came  to  a  conclusion,  as 
a  better  way,  to  let  the  paper  in  future  be  printed  in 
the  name  of  Benjamin  Franklin ;  and  in  order  to  avoid 
the  censure  of  the  Assembly,  that  might  fall  on  him, 
as  still  printing  it  by  his  apprentice,  he  contrived  and 
consented  that  my  old  indenture  should  be  returned  to 
me  with  a  discharge  on  the  back  of  it,  to  show  in  case 
of  necessity ;  and,  in  order  to  secure  to  him  the  ben- 
efit of  my  service,  I  should  sign  new  indentures  for  the 
tmainder  of  my  time,  which  were  to  be  kept  private, 
very  flimsy  scheme  it  was;  however,  it  was  im- 
mediately executed,  and  the  paper  was  printed  accor- 
dingly, under  my  name,  for  several  months.* 

*  The  earlier  numbers  of  the  JVeu>  England  Courant  were  principally 
filled  with  original   articles,  in  the   form  of  essays,  letters,  and  short 
paragraphs,  written  with  considerable  ability  and  wit,  and  touching  with 
VOL.  I.  4  C 


26  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

At  length,  a  fresh  difference  arising  between  my 
brother  and  me,  I  took  upon  me  to  assert  my  freedom ; 
presuming  that  he  would  not  venture  to  produce  the 
new  indentures.  It  was  not  fair  in  me  to  take  this 
advantage,  and  this  I  therefore  reckon  one  of  the  first 
errata  of  my  life ;  but  the  unfairness  of  it  weighed  little 
with  me  when  under  the  impressions  of  resentment  for 
the  blows  his  passion  too  often  urged  him  to  bestow 
upon  me.  Though  he  was  otherwise  not  an  ill  natured 
man ;  perhaps  I  was  too  saucy  and  provoking. 

When  he  found  I  would  leave  him,  he  took  care  to 
prevent  my  getting  employment  in  any  other  printing- 
house  of  the  town,  by  going  round  and  speaking  to 
every  master,  who  accordingly  refused  to  give  me  work. 

great  freedom  the  vices  and  follies  of  the  time.  The  weapon  of  satire 
was  used  with  an  unsparing  hand.  Neither  the  government  nor  the 
clergy  escaped.  Much  caution  was  practised,  however,  in  regard  to  in- 
dividuals, and  names  were  seldom  introduced.  There  are  some  severe 
and  humorous  criticisms  on  the  poets  of  the  day,  which  may  be  classed 
with  the  best  specimens  of  this  kind  of  composition  in  the  modern  re- 
views. The  humor  sometimes  degenerates  into  coarseness,  and  the 
phraseology  is  often  harsh ;  but,  bating  these  faults,  the  paper  contains 
nothing,  which  in  later  times  would  have  been  deemed  reprehensible. 
James  Franklin,  the  editor  and  printer,  was  imprisoned  on  the  general 
charge  of  having  published  passages  "boldly  reflecting  on  his  Majes- 
ty's government  and  on  the  administration  in  this  province,  the  ministry, 
churches,  and  college ;  and  that  tend  to  fill  the  readers'  minds  with  van- 
ity, to  the  dishonor  of  God  and  the  disservice  of  good  men."  He  was 
sentenced  by  a  vote  of  the  Assembly,  without  any  specification  of  these 
offensive  passages,  or  any  trial  before  a  court  of  justice. 

This  was  probably  the  first  transaction,  in  the  American  Colonies,  re- 
lating to  the  freedom  of  the  press ;  and  it  is  not  less  remarkable  for  the 
assumption  of  power  on  the  part  of  the  legislature,  than  for  their  dis- 
regard of  the  first  principles  and  established  forms  of  law. 

No  change  took  place  in  the  character  of  the  paper,  and  six  months 
afterwards,  January,  1723,  he  was  again  arraigned  upon  a  similar  charge. 
The  resentment  of  the  ruling  powers,  stimulated  by  the  clergy,  had  been 
gaining  heat  during  the  whole  time,  and  now  pushed  them  to  more  ar- 
bitrary measures.  They  condescended,  however,  to  specify  a  particular 
article,  as  affording  the  ground  of  their  proceedings.  This  was  an  essay 
on  Hypocrisy,  in  which  hypocrites  of  various  descriptions  were  roughly 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  27 

I  then  thought  of  going  to  New  York,  as  the  nearest 
place  where  there  was  a  printer.  And  I  was  rather 
inclined  to  leave  Boston,  when  I  reflected,  that  I  had 
already  made  myself  a  little  obnoxious  to  the  governing 
party,  and,  from  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  As- 
sembly in  my  brother's  case,  it  was  likely  I  might,  if  I 
stayed,  soon  bring  myself  into  scrapes ;  and  further,  that 
my  indiscreet  disputations  about  religion  began  to  make 
me  pointed  at  with  horror  by  good  people,  as  an  in- 
fidel and  atheist.  I  concluded,  therefore,  to  remove  to 
New  York ;  but  my  father  now  siding  with  my  brother, 
I  was  sensible,  that,  if  I  attempted  to  go  openly,  means 
would  be  used  to  prevent  me.  My  friend  Collins, 
therefore,  undertook  to  manage  my  flight.  He  agreed 

handled,  but  no  individual  or  class  of  men  was  mentioned.  The  most 
objectionable  paragraphs  in  this  essay  are  the  following. 

"  Religion  is  indeed  the  principal  thing,  but  too  much  of  it  is  worse 
than  none  at  all.  The  world  abounds  with  knaves  and  villains ;  but,  of 
all  knaves,  the  religious  knave  is  the  worst,  and  villanies  acted  under 
the  cloak  of  religion  the  most  execrable.  Moral  honesty,  though  it  will 
not  itself  carry  a  man  to  heaven,  yet  I  am  sure  there  is  no  going  thither 
without  it" 

"  But  are  there  such  men  as  these  in  thee,  O  New  England  ?  Heaven 
forbid  there  should  be  any ;  but,  alas,  it  is  to  be  feared  the  number  is 
not  small.  '  Give  me  an  honest  man?  say  some,  ifor  all  a  religions  man? 
a  distinction  which  I  confess  I  never  heard  of  before.  The  whole 
country  suffers  for  the  villanies  of  a  few  such  wolves  in  sheep's  clothing, 
and  we  are  all  represented  as  a  pack  of  knaves  and  hypocrites  for 
their  sakes." 

Sentiments  like  these  were  thought  worthy  of  the  high  condemnation 
of  the  legislative  Assembly,  and  the  printer  was  again  censured,  without 
being  tried  by  a  judicial  tribunal,  and  forbidden  to  publish  any  paper,  or 
pamphlet,  the  contents  of  which  had  not  been  previously  examined  and 
approved  by  the  Secretary  of  the  province.  The  following  comment  on 
this  act,  contained  in  the  Philadelphia  Mercury,  of  February  26th,  1723, 
shows  the  indignation  with  which  it  was  received  in  other  parts  of  the 
country. 

"  My  Lord  Coke  observes,  that,  to  punish  fast,  and  then  inquire,  the  law 
abhors ;  but  here,  Mr.  Franklin  has  a  severe  sentence  passed  upon  him, 
even  to  the  taking  away  part  of  his  livelihood,  without  being  called  to 
make  an  answer.  An  indifferent  person  would  judge  by  this  vote  against 


with  the  captain  of  a  New  York  sloop  to  _ake  me, 
under  pretence  of  my  being  a  young  man  of  his  ac- 
quaintance, that  had  an  intrigue  with  a  girl  of  bad 
character,  whose  parents  would  compel  me  to  marry 
her,  and  that  I  could  neither  appear  or  come  away 
publicly.  I  sold  my  books  to  raise  a  little  money,  was 
taken  on  board  the  sloop  privately,  had  a  fair  wind, 
and  in  three  days  found  myself  at  New  York,  near 
three  hundred  miles  from  my  home,  at  the  age  of  seven- 
teen, (October,  1723),  without  the  least  recommenda- 
tion, or  knowledge  of  any  person  in  the  place,  and 
very  little  money  in  my  pocket. 

Couranto,  that  the  Assembly  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  are 
made  up  of  oppressors  and  bigots,  who  make  religion  the  only  engine  of 
destruction  to  the  people ;  and  the  rather,  because  the  first  letter  in  the 
Courant,  of  the  14th  of  January,  which  the  Assembly  censures,  so 
naturally  represents  and  exposes  the  hypocritical  pretenders  to  religion. 
Indeed,  the  most  famous  politicians  of  that  government  (as  the  infamous 
Governor  D y  and  his  family)  have  ever  been  remarkable  for  hypoc- 
risy. And  it  is  the  general  opinion,  that  some  of  their  rulers  are  raised 
up  and  continued  as  a  scourge  in  the  hands  of  the  Almighty  for  the 
sins  of  the  people.  Thus  much  we  could  not  forbear  saying,  out  of 
compassion  to  the  distressed  people  of  the  province,  who  must  now  re- 
sign all  pretences  to  sense  and  reason,  and  submit  to  the  tyranny  of 
priestcraft  and  hypocrisy. 

"  P.  S.  By  private  letters  from  Boston  we  are  informed,  that  the 
bakers  were  under  great  apprehensions  of  being  forbid  baking  any  more 
bread,  unless  they  will  submit  it  to  the  Secretary,  as  supervisor-general 
and  weigher  of  the  dough,  before  it  is  baked  into  bread  and  offered  to 
sale." 

After  this  sentence,  James  Franklin  ceased  to  affix  his  name  to  the 
JVeto  England  Courant  In  the  number,  dated  February  llth,  he  said, 
"The  late  publisher  of  this  paper,  finding  so  many  inconveniences  would 
arise,  by  his  carrying  the  manuscripts  and  the  public  news  to  be  super- 
vised by  the  Secretary,  as  to  render  his  carrying  it  on  unprofitable,  has 
entirely  dropped  the  undertaking."  From  this  time  the  paper  was  pub- 
lished in  the  name  of  Benjamin  Franklin;  and  although  he  remained 
in  Boston  only  eight  months  afterwards,  yet  his  name  was  continued  as 
publisher  for  several  years,  and  probably  till  the  paper  came  to  an  end, 
in  1727.  James  Franklin  removed  soon  after  to  Newport,  where  lie 
established  the  Rhode  Island  Gazette,  September,  1732.  He  died  in 
February,  1735 — EDITOR. 


.  17.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  29 


CHAPTER  II. 

Journey  to  Philadelphia.  —  Adventure  in  a  Boat  —  Dr.  Brown.  —  Burling- 
ton. —  His  first  Appearance  in  Philadelphia.  —  Quaker  Meeting.  — 
Seeks  for  Employment  as  a  Printer. —  Commences  Work  in  Keimer's 
Office. —  Forms  Acquaintances. —  Patronized  by  Sir  William  Keith, 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  —  First  Interview  with  him.  —  Keith  pro- 
poses to  set  him  up  in  Business.  —  Returns  to  Boston.  —  His  Father 
disapproves  Keith's  Plan.  —  Voyage  to  New  York.  —  Incident  on  the 
Passage  from  Newport  —  Meets  his  Friend  Collins  in  New  York. — 
They  go  together  to  Philadelphia.  —  Collins's  ill  Conduct  causes  a 
Separation. —  Keith  insists  on  executing  his  original  Plan,  and  pro- 
poses sending  him  to  London  to  purchase  Types.  —  Returns  to  the 
Use  of  animal  Food.  —  Anecdotes  of  Keimer.  —  His  Associates,  Os- 
borne,  Watson,  Ralph.  —  Their  Exercises  in  Composition.  —  Resolves 
to  visit  England,  as  advised  by  Governor  Keith. 

THE  inclination  I  had  had  for  the  sea  was  by  this 
time  dor\e  away,  or  I  might  now  have  gratified  it. 
But  having  another  profession,  and  conceiving  myself 
a  pretty  good  workman,  I  offered  my  services  to  a 
printer  of  the  place,  old  Mr.  William  Bradford,  who 
had  been  the  first  printer  in  Pennsylvania,  but  had 
removed  thence,  in  consequence  of  a  quarrel  with  the 
governor,  George  Keith.  He  could  give  me  no  em- 
ployment, having  little  to  do,  and  hands  enough  al- 
ready ;  but  he  said,  "  My  son  at  Philadelphia  has  lately 
lost  his  principal  hand,  Aquila  Rose,  by  death ;  if  you 
go  thither,  I  believe  he  may  employ  you." .  Phila- 
delphia was  one  hundred  miles  further ;  I  set  out  how- 
ever in  a  boat  for  Amboy,  leaving  my  chest  and  thinge 
to  follow  me  round  by  sea. 

In  crossing  the  bay,  we  met  with  a  squall  that  tore 
our  rotten  sails  to  pieces,  prevented  our  getting  into 
the  Kill,  and  drove  us  upon  Long  Island.  In  our  way, 
a  drunken  Dutchman,  who  was  a  passenger  too,  fell 
overboard;  when  he  was  sinking,  I  reached  through 


30  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1723. 

r 

the  water  to  his  shock  pate,  and  drew  him  up,  so  that 
we  got  him  in  again.  His  ducking  sobered  him  a 
little,  and  he  went  to  sleep,  taking  first  out  of  his  pocket 
a  book,  which  he  desired  I  would  dry  for  him.  It 
proved  to  be  my  old  favorite  author,  Bunyan's  Pil- 
grim's Progress,  in  Dutch,  finely  printed  on  good  pa- 
per, copper  cuts,  a  dress  better  than  I  had  ever  seen 
it  wear  in  its  own  language.  I  have  since  found  that 
it  has  been  translated  into  most  of  the  languages  of 
Europe,  and  suppose  it  has  been  more  generally  read 
than  any  other  book,  except  perhaps  the  Bible.  Honest 
John  was  the  first  that  I  know  of,  who  mixed  narra- 
tion and  dialogue ;  a  method  of  writing  very  engaging 
to  the  reader,  who  in  the  most  interesting  parts  finds 
himself,  as  it  were,  admitted  into  the  company  and 
present  at  the  conversation.  Defoe  has  imitated  him 
successfully  in  his  Robinson  Crusoe,  in  his  Moll  Flan- 
ders, and  other  pieces ;  and  Richardson  has  done  the 
same  in  his  Pamela,  &,c. 

On  approaching  the  island,  we  found  it  was  in  a 
place  where  there  could  be  no  landing,  there  being  a 
great  surge  on  the  stony  beach.  So  we  dropped  an- 
chor, and  swung  out  our  cable  towards  the  shore. 
Some  people  came  down  to  the  shore,  and  hallooed  to 
us,  as  we  did  to  them ;  but  the  wind  was  so  high,  and 
the  surge  so  loud,  that  we  could  not  understand  each 
other.  There  were  some  small  boats  near  the  shore, 
and  we  made  signs,  and  called  to  them  to  fetch  us; 
but  they  either  did  not  comprehend  us,  or  it  was  im- 
practicable, so  they  went  off.  Night  approaching,  we 
had  no  remedy  but  to  have  patience  till  the  wind 
abated ;  and  in  the  mean  time  the  boatman  and  myself 
concluded  to  sleep,  if  we  could ;  and  so  we  crowded 
into  the  hatches  where  we  joined  the  Dutchman,  who 
was  still  wet,  and  the  spray,  breaking  over  the  head  of 


£JT.  1?.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  31 

our  boat,  leaked  through  to  us,  so  that  we  were  soon  al- 
most as  wet  as  he.  In  this  manner  we  lay  all  night,  with 
very  little  rest ;  but,  the  wind  abating  the  next  day, 
we  made  a  shift  to  reach  Amboy  before  night ;  having 
been  thirty  hours  on  the  water,  without  victuals,  or  any 
drink  but  a  bottle  of  filthy  rum ;  the  water  we  sailed  on 
being  salt. 

In  the  evening  I  found  myself  very  feverish,  and 
went  to  bed ;  but,  having  read  somewhere  that  cold 
water  drunk  plentifully  was  good  for  a  fever,  I  follow- 
ed the  prescription,  and  swet  plentifully  most  of  the 
night.  My  fever  left  me,  and  in  the  morning,  crossing 
the  ferry,  I  proceeded  on  my  journey  on  foot,  having 
fifty  miles  to  go  to  Burlington,  where  I  was  told  I 
should  find  boats,  that  would  carry  me  the  rest  of  the 
way  to  Philadelphia. 

It  rained  very  hard  all  the  day;  I  was  thoroughly 
soaked,  and  by  noon  a  good  deal  tired ;  so  I  stopped 
at  a  poor  inn,  where  I  stayed  all  night ;  beginning 
now  to  wish  I  had  never  left  home.  I  made  so  mis- 
erable a  figure,  too,  that  I  found,  by  the  questions 
asked  me,  I  was  suspected  to  be  some  runaway  in- 
dentured servant,  and  in  danger  of  being  taken  up  on 
that  suspicion.  However,  I  proceeded  next  day,  and 
got  in  the  evening  to  an  inn,  within  eight  or  ten  miles 
of  Burlington,  kept  by  one  Dr.  Brown.  He  entered 
into  conversation  with  me  while  I  took  some  refresh- 
ment, and,  finding  I  had  read  a  little,  became  very 
obliging  and  friendly.  Our  acquaintance  continued  all 
the  rest  of  his  life.  He  had  been,  I  imagine,  an  am- 
bulatory quack  doctor,  for  there  was  no  town  in  Eng- 
land, nor  any  country  in  Europe,  of  which  he  could 
not  give  a  very  particular  account.  He  had  some  let- 
ters, and  was  ingenious,  but  he  was  an  infidel,  and 
wickedly  undertook,  some  years  after,  to  turn  the  Bible 


32 x  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1723. 

into  doggerel  verse ;  as  Cotton  had  formerly  done  with 
Virgil.  By  this  means  he  set  many  facts  in  a  ridicu- 
lous light,  and  might  have  done  mischief  with  weak 
minds,  if  his  work  had  been  published;  but  it  never 
was. 

At  his  house  I  lay  that  night,  and  arrived  the  next 
morning  at  Burlington;  but  had  the  mortification  to 
find,  that  the  regular  boats  were  gone  a  little  before, 
and  no  other  expected  to  go  before  Tuesday,  this  be- 
ing Saturday.  Wherefore  I  returned  to  an  old  woman 
in  the  town,  of  whom  I  had  bought  some  gingerbread 
to  eat  on  the  water,  and  asked  her  advice.  She  pro- 
posed to  lodge  me,  till  a  passage  by  some  other  boat 
occurred.  I  accepted  her  offer,  being  much  fatigued 
by  travelling  on  foot.  Understanding  I  was  a  printer, 
she  would  have  had  me  remain  in  that  town  and  fol- 
low my  business ;  being  ignorant  what  stock  was  neces- 
sary to  begin  with.  She  was  very  hospitable,  gave  me 
a  dinner  of  ox-cheek  with  great  good  will,  accepting 
only  of  a  pot  of  ale  in  return ;  and  I  thought  myself 
fixed  till  Tuesday  should  come.  However,  walking  in 
the  evening  by  the  side  of  the  river,  a  boat  came  by, 
which  I  found  was  going  towards  Philadelphia  with 
several  people  in  her.  They  took  me  in,  and,  as  there 
was  no  wind,  we  rowed  all  the  way ;  and  about  mid- 
night, not  having  yet  seen  the  city,  some  of  the  com- 
pany were  confident  we  must  have  passed  it,  and 
would  row  no  further ;  the  others  knew  not  where  we 
were,  so  we  put  towards  the  shore,  got  into  a  creek, 
landed  near  an  old  fence,  with  the  rails  of  which  we 
made  a  fire,  the  night  being  cold,  in  October,  and 
there  we  remained  till  daylight.  Then  one  of  the 
company  knew  the  place  to  be  Cooper's  Creek,  a  little 
above  Philadelphia,  which  we  saw  as  soon  as  we  got 
out  of  the  Creek,  and  arrived  there  about  eight  or 


&T.  17.J  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  33 

nine  o'clock  on  the  Sunday  morning,  and  landed  at 
Market-street  wharf. 

I  have  been  the  more  particular  in  this  description 
of  my  journey,  and  shall  be  so  of  my  first  entry  into 
that  city,  that  you  may  in  your  mind  compare  such 
unlikely  beginnings  with  the  figure  I  have  since  made 
there.  I  was  in  my  working  dress,  my  best  clothes 
coming  round  by  sea.  I  was  dirty  from  my  being  so 
long  in  the  boat.  My  pockets  were  stuffed  out  with 
shirts  and  stockings,  and  I  knew  no  one,  nor  where  to 
look  for  lodging.  Fatigued  with  walking,  rowing,  and 
the  want  of  sleep,  I  was  very  hungry ;  and  my  whole 
stock  of  cash  consisted  in  a  single  dollar,  and  about  a 
shilling  in  copper  coin,  which  I  gave  to  the  boatmen 
for  my  passage.  At  first  they  refused  it,  on  account 
of  my  having  rowed,  but  I  insisted  on  their  taking  it. 
Man  is  sometimes  more  generous  when  he  has  little 
money,  than  when  he  has  plenty ;  perhaps  to  prevent 
his  being  thought  to  have  but  little. 

I  walked  towards  the  top  of  the  street,  gazing  about 
till  near  Market  Street,  where  I  met  a  boy  with  bread. 
I  had  often  made  a  meal  of  dry  bread,  and,  inquiring 
where  he  had  bought  it,  I  went  immediately  to  the 
baker's  he  directed  me  to.  I  asked  for  biscuits,  mean- 
ing such  as  we  had  at  Boston ;  that  sort,  it  seems, 
was  not  made  in  Philadelphia.  I  then  asked  for  a 
three-penny  loaf,  and  was  told  they  had  none.  Not 
knowing  the  different  prices,  nor  the  names  of  the  dif- 
ferent sorts  of  bread,  I  told  him  to  give  me  three-penny 
worth  of  any  sort.  He  gave  me  accordingly  three 
great  puffy  rolls.  I  was  surprised  at  the  quantity,  but 
took  it,  and,  having  no  room  in  my  pockets,  walked  off 
with  a  roll  under  each  arm,  and  eating  the  other. 
Thus  I  went  up  Market  Street  as  far  as  Fourth  Street, 
passing  by  the  door  of  Mr.  Read,  my  future  wife's 

VOL.  i.  5 


34  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1723. 

father;  when  she,  standing  at  the  door,  saw  me,  and 
thought  I  made,  as  I  certainly  did,  a  most  awkward, 
ridiculous  appearance.  Then  I  turned  and  went  down 
Chestnut  Street  and  part  of  Walnut  Street,  eating  my 
roll  all  the  way,  and,  coming  round,  found  myself  again 
at  Market-street  wharf,  near  the  boat  I  came  in,  to 
which  I  went  for  a  draught  of  the  river  water;  and, 
being  filled  with  one  of  my  rolls,  gave  the  other  two  to 
a  woman  and  her  child  that  came  down  the  river  in 
the  boat  with  us,  and  were  waiting  to  go  farther. 

Thus  refreshed,  I  walked  again  up  the  street,  which 
by  this  time  had  many  clean-dressed  people  in  it,  who 
were  all  walking  the  same  way.  I  joined  them,  and 
thereby  was  led  into  the  great  meetinghouse  of  the 
Quakers  near  the  market.  I  sat  down  among  them, 
and,  after  looking  round  a  while  and  hearing  nothing 
said,  being  very  drowsy  through  labor  and  want  of  rest 
the  preceding  night,  I  fell  fast  asleep,  and  continued 
so  till  the  meeting  broke  up,  when  some  one  was  kind 
enough  to  rouse  me.  This,  therefore,  was  the  first 
house  I  was  in,  or  slept  in,  in  Philadelphia. 

I  then  walked  down  towards  the  river,  and  looking 
in  the  faces  of  every  one,  I  met  a  young  Quaker  man, 
whose  countenance  pleased  me,  and,  accosting  him,  re- 
quested he  would  tell  me  where  a  stranger  could  get 
a  lodging.  We  were  then  near  the  sign  of  the  Three 
Mariners.  "Here,"  said  he,  "is  a  house  where  they 
receive  strangers,  but  it  is  not  a  reputable  one ;  if  thee 
wilt  walk  with  me,  I  '11  show  thee  a  better  one ;"  and 
he  conducted  me  to  the  Crooked  Billet  in  Water  Street. 
There  I  got  a  dinner ;  and  while  I  was  eating,  several 
questions  were  asked  me ;  as,  from  my  youth  and  ap- 
pearance, I  was  suspected  of  being  a  runaway. 

After  dinner  my  host  having  shown  me  to  a  bed,  I 
laid  myself  on  it  without  undressing,  and  slept  till  six 


JEr.  17.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  35 

in  the  evening,  when  I  was  called  to  supper.  I  went 
to  bed  again  very  early,  and  slept  very  soundly  till 
next  morning.  Then  I  dressed  myself  as  neat  as  I 
could,  and  went  to  Andrew  Bradford  the  printer's.  I 
found  in  the  shop  the  old  man  his  father,  whom  I  had 
seen  at  New  York,  and  who,  travelling  on  horseback, 
had  got  to  Philadelphia  before  me.  He  introduced  me 
to  his  son,  who  received  me  civilly,  gave  me  a  break- 
fast, but  told  me  he  did  not  at  present  want  a  hand, 
being  lately  supplied  with  one ;  but  there  was  anothei 
printer  in  town,  lately  set  up,  one  Keimer,  who  per- 
haps might  employ  me ;  if  not,  I  should  be  welcome  to 
lodge  at  his  house,  and  he  would  give  me  a  little  work 
to  do  now  and  then,  till  fuller  business  should  offer.  _ 
The  old  gentleman  said  he  would  go  with  me  to 
the  new  printer ;  and  when  we  found  him,  "  Neigh- 
bour," said  Bradford,  "I  have  brought  to  see  you  a 
young  man  of  your  business ;  perhaps  you  may  want 
such  a  one."  He  asked  me  a  few  questions,  put  a 
composing  stick  in  my  hand  to  see  how  I  worked,  and 
then  said  he  would  employ  me  soon,  though  he  had 
just  then  nothing  for  me  to  do.  And  taking  old  Brad- 
ford, whom  he  had  never  seen  before,  to  be  one  of  the 
town's  people  that  had  a  good  will  for  him,  entered 
into  a  conversation  on  his  present  undertaking  and 
prospects ;  while  Bradford,  not  discovering  that  he  was 
the  other  printer's  father,  on  Keimer's  saying  he  ex- 
pected soon  to  get  the  greatest  part  of  the  business 
into  his  own  hands,  drew  him  on  by  artful  questions, 
and  starting  little  doubts,  to  explain  all  his  views, 
what  influence  he  relied  on,  and  in  what  manner  he 
intended  to  proceed.  I,  who  stood  by  and  heard  all, 
saw  immediately  that  one  was  a  crafty  old  sophister, 
and  the  other  a  true  novice.  Bradford  left  me  with 
Keimer,  who  was  greatly  surprised  when  I  told  him 
who  the  old  man  was. 


36  LIFE  OF    FRANKLIN.  [1723 

The  printing-house,  I  found,  consisted  of  an  old, 
damaged  press,  and  a  small,  worn-out  fount  of  Eng- 
lish types,  which  he  was  using  himself,  composing  an 
Elegy  on  Aquila  Rose,  before  mentioned ;  an  ingenious 
young  man,  of  excellent  character,  much  respected  in 
the  town,  secretary  to  the  Assembly,  and  a  pretty  poet 
Keimer  made  verses  too,  but  very  indifferently.  He 
could  not  be  said  to  write  them,  for  his  method  was 
to  compose  them  in  the  types  directly  out  of  his  head. 
There  being  no  copy,  but  one  pair  of  cases,  and  the 
Elegy  probably  requiring  all  the  letter,  no  one  could 
help  him.  I  endeavoured  to  put  his  press  (which  he 
had  not  yet  used,  and  of  which  he  understood  nothing,) 
into  order  to  be  worked  with ;  and,  promising  to  come 
and  print  off  his  Elegy,  as  soon  as  he  should  have  got 
it  ready,  I  returned  to  Bradford's,  who  gave  me  a  little 
job  to  do  for  the  present,  and  there  I  lodged  and 
dieted.  A  few  days  after,  Keimer  sent  for  me  to  print 
off  the  Elegy.  And  now  he  had  got  another  pair  of 
cases,  and  a  pamphlet  to  reprint,  on  which  he  set  me 
to  work. 

These  two  printers  I  found  poorly  qualified  for  their 
business.  Bradford  had  not  been  bred  to  it,  and  was 
very  illiterate ;  and  Keimer,  though  something  of  a 
scholar,  was  a  mere  compositor,  knowing  nothing  of 
presswork.  He  had  been  one  of  the  French  prophets, 
and  could  act  their  enthusiastic  agitations.  At  this 
time  he  did  not  profess  any  particular  religion,  but 
something  of  all  on  occasion ;  was  very  ignorant  of 
the  world,  and  had,  as  I  afterwards  found,  a  good 
deal  of  the  knave  in  his  composition.  He  did  not  like 
my  lodging  at  Bradford's  while  I  worked  with  him. 
He  had  a  house,  indeed,  but  without  furniture,  so  he 
could  not  lodge  me ;  but  he  got  me  a  lodging  at  Mr. 
Read's,  before  mentioned,  who  was  the  owner  of  his 


^Ex.  17.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  37 

house ;  and,  my  chest  of  clothes  being  come  by  this 
time,  I  made  rather  a  more  respectable  appearance  in 
the  eyes  of  Miss  Read,  than  I  had  done  when  she  first 
happened  to  see  me  eating  my  roll  in  the  street. 

I  began  now  to  have  some  acquaintance  among  the 
young  people  of  the  town,  that  were  lovers  of  read- 
ing, with  whom  I  spent  my  evenings  very  pleasantly ; 
and  gained  money  by  my  industry  and  frugality.  I 
lived  very  contented,  and  forgot  Boston  as  much  as  I 
could,  and  did  not  wish  it  should  be  known  where  I 
resided,  except  to  my  friend  Collins,  who  was  in  the 
secret,  and  kept  it  faithfully.  At  length,  however,  an 
incident  happened,  that  occasioned  my  return  home 
much  sooner  than  I  had  intended.  I  had  a  brother- 
in-law,  Robert  Homes,  master  of  a  sloop  that  traded 
between  Boston  and  Delaware.  He  being  at  New- 
castle, forty  miles  below  Philadelphia,  and  hearing  of 
me,  wrote  me  a  letter  mentioning  the  grief  of  my  re- 
lations and  friends  in  Boston  at  my  abrupt  departure, 
assuring  me  of  their  good  will  to  me,  and  that  every 
thing  would  be  accommodated  to  my  mind,  if  I  would 
return ;  to  which  he  entreated  me  earnestly.  I  wrote 
an  answer  to  his  letter,  thanked  him  for  his  advice, 
but  stated  my  reasons  for  quitting  Boston  so  fully  and 
in  such  a  light,  as  to  convince  him  that  I  was  not  so 
much  in  the  wrong  as  he  had  apprehended. 

Sir  William  Keith,  Governor  of  the  province,  was 
then  at  Newcastle,  and  Captain  Holmes,  happening 
to  be  in  company  with  him  when  my  letter  came  to 
hand,  spoke  to  him  of  me,  and  showed  him  the  letter. 
The  governor  read  it,  and  seemed  surprised  when  he 
was  told  my  age.  He  said  I  appeared  a  young  man 
of  promising  parts,  and  therefore  should  be  encouraged ; 
the  printers  at  Philadelphia  were  wretched  ones ;  and, 
if  I  would  set  up  there,  he  made  no  doubt  I  should 

VOL.  I.  D 


38  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1724. 

succeed ;  for  his  part  he  would  procure  me  the  public 
business,  and  do  me  every  other  service  in  his  power. 
This  my  brother-in-law  Homes  afterwards  told  me  in 
Boston ;  but  I  knew  as  yet  nothing  of  it ;  when  one 
day,  Keimer  and  I  being  at  work  together  near  the 
window,  we  saw  the  Governor  and  another  gentleman, 
(who  proved  to  be  Colonel  French,  of  Newcastle,  in 
the  province  of  Delaware,)  finely  dressed,  come  directly 
across  the  street  to  our  house,  and  heard  them  at  the 
door. 

Keimer  ran  down  immediately,  thinking  it  a  visit  to 
him ;  but  the  Governor  inquired  for  me,  came  up,  and 
with  a  condescension  and  politeness  I  had  been  quite 
unused  to,  made  me  many  compliments,  desired  to  be 
acquainted  with  me,  blamed  me  kindly  for  not  having 
made  myself  known  to  him,  when  I  first  came  to  the 
place,  and  would  have  me  away  with  him  to  the  tavern, 
where  he  was  going  with  Colonel  French  to  taste,  as 
he  said,  some  excellent  madeira.  I  was  not  a  little 
surprised,  and  Keimer  stared  with  astonishment.  I 
went  however  with  the  Governor  and  Colonel  French 
to  a  tavern,  at  the  corner  of  Third  Street,  and  over 
the  madeira  he  proposed  my  setting  up  my  business. 
He  stated  the  probabilities  of  my  success,  and  both  he 
and  Colonel  French  assured  me,  I  should  have  their 
interest  and  influence  to  obtain  for  me  the  public  busi- 
ness of  both  governments.  And  as  I  expressed  doubts 
that  my  father  would  assist  me  in  it,  Sir  William  said 
he  would  give  me  a  letter  to  him,  in  which  he  would 
set  forth  the  advantages,  and  he  did  not  doubt  he 
should  determine  him  to  comply.  So  it  was  concluded 
I  should  return  to  Boston  by  the  first  vessel,  with  the 
Governor's  letter  to  my  father.  In  the  mean  time  it 
was  to  be  kept  a  secret,  and  I  went  on  working  with 
Keimer  as  usual.  The  Governor  sent  for  me  now  and 


Mv.  18.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  39 

then  to  dine  with  him,  which  I  considered  a  great 
honor ;  more  particularly  as  he  conversed  with  me  in 
a  most  affable,  familiar,  and  friendly  manner. 

About  the  end  of  April,  1724,  a  little  vessel  offered 
for  Boston.  I  took  leave  of  Keimer,  as  going  to  see 
my  friends.  The  Governor  gave  me  an  ample  letter, 
saying  many  flattering  things  of  me  to  my  father,  and 
strongly  recommending  the  project  of  my  setting  up  at 
Philadelphia,  as  a  thing  that  would  make  my  fortune. 
We  struck  on  a  shoal  in  going  down  the  bay,  and 
sprung  a  leak ;  we  had  a  blustering  time  at  sea,  and 
were  obliged  to  pump  almost  continually,  at  which  I 
took  my  turn.  We  arrived  safe  however  at  Boston  in 
about  a  fortnight.  I  had  been  absent  seven  months, 
and  my  friends  had  heard  nothing  of  me;  for  my 
brother  Homes  was  not  yet  returned,  and  had  not 
written  about  me.  My  unexpected  appearance  sur- 
prised the  family;  all  were  however  very  glad  to  see 
me,  and  made  me  welcome,  except  my  brother.  I 
went  to  see  him  at  his  printing-house.  I  was  better 
dressed  than  ever  while  in  his  service,  having  a  genteel 
new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  a  watch,  and  my  pockets 
lined  with  near  five  pounds  sterling  in  silver.  He  re- 
ceived me  not  very  frankly,  looked  me  all  over,  and 
turned  to  his  work  again. 

The  journeymen  were  inquisitive  where  I  had  been, 
what  sort  of  a  country  it  was,  and  how  I  liked  it.  I 
praised  it  much,  and  the  happy  life  I  led  in  it,  express- 
ing strongly  my  intention  of  returning  to  it;  and,  one 
of  them  asking  what  kind  of  money  we  had  there,  I 
produced  a  handful  of  silver,  and  spread  it  before  them, 
which  was  a  kind  of  raree-show  they  had  not  been 
used  to,  paper  being  the  money  of  Boston.  Then  I 
took  an  opportunity  of  letting  them  see  my  watch; 
and  lastly  (my  brother  still  grum  and  sullen)  gave  them 


40  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [17SM 

a  dollar  to  drink,  and  took  my  leave.  This  visit  of 
mine  offended  him  extremely.  For,  when  my  mother 
some  time  after  spoke  to  him  of  a  reconciliation,  and  of 
her  wish  to  see  us  on  good  terms  together,  and  that 
we  might  live  for  the  future  as  brothers;  he  said,  I  had 
insulted  him  in  such  a  manner  before  his  people,  that 
he  could  never  forget  or  forgive  it.  In  this,  however, 
he  was  mistaken. 

My  father  received  the  Governor's  letter  with  some 
surprise;  but  said  little  of  it  to  me  for  some  time. 
Captain  Holmes  returning,  he  showed  it  to  him,  and 
asked  him,  if  he  knew  Sir  William  Keith,  and  what 
kind  of  man  he  was ;  adding  that  he  must  be  of  small 
discretion,  to  think  of  setting  a  youth  up  in  business, 
who  wanted  three  years  to  arrive  at  man's  estate. 
Holmes  said  what  he  could  in  favor  of  the  project,  but 
my  father  was  decidedly  against  it,  and  at  last  gave 
a  flat  denial.  He  wrote  a  civil  letter  to  Sir  William, 
thanking  him  for  the  patronage  he  had  so  kindly  offered 
me,  and  declining  to  assist  me  as  yet  in  setting  up, 
I  being  in  his  opinion  too  young  to  be  trusted  with 
the  management  of  an  undertaking  so  important,  and 
for  which  the  preparation  required  a  considerable  ex- 
penditure. 

My  old  companion  Collins,  who  was  a  clerk  in  the 
postoffice,  pleased  with  the  account  I  gave  him  of  my 
new  country,  determined  to  go  thither  also;  and,  while 
I  waited  for  my  father's  determination,  he  set  out  be- 
fore me  by  land  to  Rhode  Island,  leaving  his  books, 
which  were  a  pretty  collection  in  mathematics  and 
natural  philosophy,  to  come  with  mine  and  me  to 
New  York;  where  he  proposed  to  wait  for  me. 

My  father,  though  he  did  not  approve  Sir  William's 
proposition,  was  yet  pleased  that  I  had  been  able  to 
obtain  so  advantageous  a  character  from  a  person  of 


2ET.  18.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  41 

such  note  where  I  had  resided ;  and  that  I  had  been 
so  industrious  and  careful  as  to  equip  myself  so  hand- 
somely in  so  short  a  time ;  therefore  seeing  no  pros- 
pect of  an  accommodation  between  my  brother  and 
me,  he  gave  his  consent  to  my  returning  again  to 
Philadelphia,  advised  me  to  behave  respectfully  to  the 
people  there,  endeavour  to  obtain  the  general  esteem, 
and  avoid  lampooning  and  libelling,  to  which  he  thought 
I  had  too  much  inclination ;  telling  me,  that  by  steady 
industry  and  prudent  parsimony,  I  might  save  enough 
by  the  time  I  was  one  and  twenty  to  set  me  up ;  and 
that  if  I  came  near  the  matter  he  would  help  me  out 
with  the  rest.  This  was  all  I  could  obtain,  except  some 
small  gifts  as  tokens  of  his  and  my  mother's  love, 
when  I  embarked  again  for  New  York ;  now  with 
their  approbation  and  their  blessing. 

The  sloop  putting  in  at  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  I 
visited  my  brother  John,  who  had  been  married  and 
settled  there  some  years.  He  received  me  very  affec- 
tionately, for  he  always  loved  me.  A  friend  of  his, 
one  Vernon,  having  some  money  due  to  him  in  Penn- 
sylvania, about  thirty-five  pounds  currency,  desired  I 
would  recover  it  for  him,  and  keep  it  till  I  had  his 
directions  what  to  employ  it  in.  Accordingly  he  gave 
me  an  order  to  receive  it.  This  business  afterwards 
occasioned  me  a  good  deal  of  uneasiness. 

At  Newport  we  took  in  a  number  of  passengers, 
amongst  whom  were  two  young  women  travelling  to- 
gether, and  a  sensible,  matron-like  Quaker  lady,  with 
her  servants.  I  had  shown  an  obliging  disposition  to 
render  her  some  little  services,  which  probably  im- 
pressed her  with  sentiments  of  good  will  towards  me ; 
for  when  she  witnessed  the  daily  growing  familiarity 
between  the  young  women  and  myself,  which  they 
appeared  to  encourage;  she  took  me  aside,  and  said, 

VOL.  i.  6  D  * 


42  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1724 

"Young  man,  I  am  concerned  for  thee,  as  thou  hast 
no  friend  with  thee,  and  seems  not  to  know  much  of 
the  world,  or  of  the  snares  youth  is  exposed  to;  de- 
pend upon  it,  these  are  very  bad  women ;  I  can  see 
it  by  all  their  actions;  and  if  thee  art  not  upon  thy 
guard,  they  will  draw  thee  into  some  danger ;  they  are 
strangers  to  thee,  and  I  advise  thee,  in  a  friendly  con- 
cern for  thy  welfare,  to  have  no  acquaintance  with 
them."  As  I  seemed  at  first  not  to  think  so  ill  of  them 
as  she  did,  she  mentioned  some  things  she  had  ob- 
served and  heard,  that  had  escaped  my  notice,  but  now 
convinced  me  she  was  right.  I  thanked  her  for  her 
kind  advice,  and  promised  to  follow  it.  When  we  ar- 
rived at  New  York,  they  told  me  where  they  lived, 
and  invited  me  to  come  and  see  them ;  but  I  avoided 
it,  and  it  was  well  I  did.  For  the  next  day  the  cap- 
tain missed  a  silver  spoon  and  some  other  things,  that 
had  been  taken  out  of  his  cabin,  and,  knowing  that 
these  were  a  couple  of  strumpets,  he  got  a  warrant 
to  search  their  lodgings,  found  the  stolen  goods,  and 
had  the  thieves  punished.  So  though  we  had  es- 
caped a  sunken  rock,  which  we  scraped  upon  in  the 
passage,  I  thought  this  escape  of  rather  more  impor- 
tance to  me. 

At  New  York  I  found  my  friend  Collins,  who  had 
arrived  there  some  time  before  me.  We  had  been 
intimate  from  children,  and  had  read  the  same  books 
together;  but  he  had  the  advantage  of  more  time  for 
reading  and  studying,  and  a  wonderful  genius  for 
mathematical  learning,  in  which  he  far  outstripped  me. 
While  I  lived  in  Boston,  most  of  my  hours  of  leisure 
for  conversation  were  spent  with  him,  and  he  continued 
a  sober  as  well  as  industrious  lad ;  was  much  respect- 
ed for  his  learning  by  several  of  the  clergy  and  other 
gentlemen;  and  seemed  to  promise  making  a  good 


Mr.  18.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  43 

figure  in  life.  But,  during  my  absence,  he  had  acquir- 
ed a  habit  of  drinking  brandy;  and  I  found  by  his 
own  account,  as  well  as  that  of  others,  that  he  had 
been  drunk  every  day  since  his  arrival  at  New  York, 
and  behaved  himself  in  a  very  extravagant  manner. 
He  had  gamed  too  and  lost  his  money,  so  that  I  was 
obliged  to  discharge  his  lodgings,  and  defray  his  ex- 
penses on  the  road,  and  at  Philadelphia;  which  proved 
a  great  burden  to  me. 

The  then  governor  of  New  York,  Buraet,  (son  of 
Bishop  Burnet,)  hearing  from  the  captain  that  one  of  the 
passengers  had  a  great  many  books  on  board,  desired 
him  to  bring  me  to  see  him.  I  waited  on  him,  and 
shoulS  have  taken  Collins  with  me,  had  he  been  sober. 
The  governor  received  me  with  great  civility,  showed 
me  his  library,  which  was  a  considerable  one,  and  we 
had  a  good  deal  of  conversation  relative  to  books  and 
authors.  This  was  the  second  governor  who  had  done 
me  the  honor  to  take  notice  of  me ;  and  for  a  poor 
boy,  like  me,  it  was  very  pleasing. 

We  proceeded  to  Philadelphia.  I  received  in  the 
way  Vernon's  money,  without  which  we  could  hardly 
have  finished  our  journey.  Collins  wished  to  be  em- 
ployed in  some  counting-house ;  but,  whether  they  dis- 
covered his  dram-drinking  by  his  breath,  or  by  his  be- 
haviour, though  he  had  some  recommendations,  he  met 
with  no  success  in  any  application,  and  continued  lodg- 
ing and  boarding  at  the  same  house  with  me,  and  at 
my  expense.  Knowing  I  had  that  money  of  Vernon's, 
he  was  continually  borrowing  of  me,  still  promising  re- 
payment, as  soon  as  he  should  be  in  business.  At 
length  he  had  got  so  much  of  it,  that  I  was  distressed 
to  think  what  I  should  do,  in  case  of  being  called  on 
to  remit  it. 

His  drinking  continued,  about  which  we  sometimes 


44  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1724. 

quarrelled ;  for,  when  a  little  intoxicated,  he  was  very 
irritable.  Once  in  a  boat  on  the  Delaware  with  some 
other  young  men,  he  refused  to  row  in  his  turn.  "I 
will  be  rowed  home,"  said  he.  "We  will  not  row 
you,"  said  I.  "You  must,"  said  he,  "or  stay  all  night 
on  the  water,  just  as  you  please."  The  others  said, 
"Let  us  row,  what  signifies  it?"  But,  my  mind  be- 
ing soured  with  his  other  conduct,  I  continued  to  re- 
fuse. So  he  swore  he  would  make  me  row,  or  throw 
me  overboard ;  and  coming  along  stepping  on  the 
thwarts  towards  me,  when  he  came  up  and  struck  at 
me,  I  clapped  my  head  under  his  thighs,  and,  rising, 
pitched  him  head  foremost  into  the  river.  I  knew  he 
was  a  good  swimmer,  and  so  was  under  little  concern 
about  him ;  but  before  he  could  get  round  to  lay  hold 
of  the  boat,  we  had  with  a  few  strokes  pulled  her  out 
of  his  reach ;  and  whenever  he  drew  near  the  boat, 
we  asked  him  if  he  would  row,  striking  a  few  strokes 
to  slide  her  away  from  him.  He  was  ready  to  stifle 
with  vexation,  and  obstinately  would  not  promise  to  row. 
Finding  him  at  last  beginning  to  tire,  we  drew  him 
into  the  boat,  and  brought  him  home  dripping  wet. 
We  hardly  exchanged  a  civil  word  after  this  adventure. 
At  length  a  West  India  captain,  who  had  a  commis- 
sion to  procure  a  preceptor  for  the  sons  of  a  gentleman 
at  Barbadoes,  met  with  him,  and  proposed  to  carry 
him  thither  to  fill  that  situation.  He  accepted,  and 
promised  to  remit  me  what  he  owed  me  out  of  the 
first  money  he  should  receive ;  but  I  never  heard  of 
him  after. 

The  violation  of  my  trust  respecting  Vernon's  money 
was  one  of  the  first  great  errata  of  my  life ;  and  this 
showed,  that  my  father  was  not  much  out  in  his  judg- 
ment, when  he  considered  me  as  too  young  to  manage 
business.  But  Sir  William,  on  reading  his  letter,  said 


jET.  18.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  45 

he  was  too  prudent,  that  there  was  a  great  difference 
in  persons ;  and  discretion  did  not  always  accompany 
years,  nor  was  youth  always  without  it.  "But,  since  he 
will  not  set  you  up,  I  will  do  it  myself.  Give  me  an 
inventory  ot  the  things  necessary  to  be  had  from  Eng- 
land, and  I  will  send  for  them.  You  shall  repay  me 
when  you  are  able;  I  am  resolved  to  have  a  good 
printer  here,  and  I  am  sure  you  must  succeed."  This 
was  spoken  with  such  an  appearance  of  cordiality, 
that  I  had  not  the  least  doubt  of  his  meaning  what 
he  said,  I  had  hitherto  kept  the  proposition  of  my 
setting  up  a  secret  in  Philadelphia,  and  I  still  kept  it. 
Had  it  been  known  that  I  depended  on  the  Governor, 
probably  some  friend,  that  knew  him  better,  would  have 
advised  me  not  to  rely  on  him ;  as  I  afterwards  heard 
it  as  his  known  character  to  be  liberal  of  promises, 
which  he  never  meant  to  keep.  Yet,  unsolicited  as  he 
was  by  me,  how  could  I  think  his  generous  offers 
insincere  ?  I  believed  him  one  of  the  best  men  in  the 
world. 

I  presented  him  an  inventory  of  a  little  printing- 
house,  amounting  by  my  computation  to  about  one 
hundred  pounds  sterling.  He  liked  it,  but  asked  me 
if  my  being  on  the  spot  in  England  to  choose  the 
types,  and  see  that  every  thing  was  good  of  the  kind, 
might  not  be  of  some  advantage.  "Then,"  said  he, 
"when  there,  you  may  make  acquaintance,  and  estab- 
lish correspondences  in  the  bookselling  and  stationery 
line."  I  agreed  that  this  might  be  advantageous. 
"Then,"  said  he,  "get  yourself  ready  to  go  with  Jln- 
nis ;"  which  was  the  annual  ship,  and  the  only  one  at 
that  time  usually  passing  between  London  and  Phila- 
delphia. But  as  it  would  be  some  months  before 
jlnnis  sailed,  I  continued  working  with  Keimer,  fretting 
extremely  about  the  money  Collins  had  got  from  me, 


46  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  [1724. 

and  in  great  apprehensions  of  being  called  upon  for  it 
by  Vernon;  this  however  did  not  happen  for  some 
years  after. 

I  believe  I  have  omitted  mentioning,  that  in  my  first 
voyage  from  Boston  to  Philadelphia,  being  becalmed 
off  Block  Island,  our  crew  employed  themselves  in 
catching  cod,  and  hauled  up  a  great  number.  Till 
then,  I  had  stuck  to  my  resolution  to  eat  nothing  that 
had  had  life;  and  on  this  occasion  I  considered,  ac- 
cording to  my  master  Tryon,  the  taking  every  fish  as 
a  kind  of  unprovoked  murder,  since  none  of  them  had, 
nor  could  do  us  any  injury  that  might  justify  this  mas- 
sacre. All  this  seemed  very  reasonable.  But  I  had 
been  formerly  a  great  lover  of  fish,  and,  when  it  came 
out  of  the  fryingpan,  it  smelt  admirably  well.  I  bal- 
anced some  time  between  principle  and  inclination,  till 
recollecting,  that,  when  the  fish  were  opened,  I  saw 
smaller  fish  taken  out  of  their  stomachs ;  then  thought 
I,  "If  you  eat  one  another,  I  don't  see  why  we  may 
not  eat  you."  So  I  dined  upon  cod  very  heartily,  and 
have  since  continued  to  eat  as  other  people;  return- 
ing only  now  and  then  occasionally  to  a  vegetable  diet. 
So  convenient  a  thing  it  is  to  be  a  reasonable  crea- 
ture, since  it  enables  one  to  find  or  make  a  reason  for 
every  thing  one  has  a  mind  to  do. 

Keimer  and  I  lived  on  a  pretty  good  familiar  foot- 
ing, and  agreed  tolerably  well ;  for  he  suspected  nothing 
of  my  setting  up.  He  retained  a  great  deal  of  his  old 
enthusiasm,  and  loved  argumentation.  We  therefore 
had  many  disputations.  I  used  to  work  him  so  with 
my  Socratic  method,  and  had  trepanned  him  so  often 
by  questions  apparently  so  distant  from  any  point  we 
had  in  hand,  yet  by  degrees  leading  to  the  point  and 
bringing  him  into  difficulties  and  contradictions,  that  at 
last  he  grew  ridiculously  cautious,  and  would  hardly 


jET.  18.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  47 

answer  me  the  most  common  question,  without  asking 
first,  "What  do  you  intend  to  infer  from  that?"  How- 
ever, it  gave  him  so  high  an  opinion  of  my  abilities  in 
the  confuting  way,  that  he  seriously  proposed  my  being 
his  colleague  in  a  project  he  had  of  setting  up  a  new 
sect.  He  was  to  preach  the  doctrines,  and  I  was  to 
confound  all  opponents.  When  he  came  to  explain 
with  me  upon  the  doctrines,  I  found  several  conun- 
drums which  I  objected  to,  unless  I  might  have  my 
way  a  little  too,  and  introduce  some  of  mine. 

Keimer  wore  his  beard  at  full  length,  because  some- 
where in  the  Mosaic  law  it  is  said,  "  Thou  shall  not 
mar  the  corners  of  thy  beard"  He  likewise  kept  the 
Seventh  day,  Sabbath;  and  these  two  points  were  es- 
sential with  him.  I  disliked  both  ;  but  agreed  to  them 
on  condition  of  his  adopting  the  doctrine  of  not  using 
animal  food.  "  I  doubt,"  said  he,  "  my  constitution 
will  not  bear  it."  I  assured  him  it  would,  and  that 
he  would  be  the  better  for  it.  He  was  usually  a  great 
eater,  and  I  wished  to  give  myself  some  diversion  in 
half  starving  him.  He  consented  to  try  the  practice, 
if  I  would  keep  him  company.  I  did  so,  and  we  held 
it  for  three  months.  Our  provisions  were  purchased, 
cooked,  and  brought  to  us  regularly  by  a  woman  in 
the  neighbourhood,  who  had  from  me  a  list  of  forty 
dishes,  which  she  prepared  for  us  at  different  times,  in 
which  there  entered  neither  fish,  flesh,  nor  fowl.  This 
whim  suited  me  the  better  at  this  time  from  the  cheap- 
ness of  it,  not  costing  us  above  eighteen  pence  sterling 
each  per  week.  I  have  since  kept  several  lents  most 
strictly,  leaving  the  common  diet  for  that,  and  that  for 
the  common,  abruptly,  without  the  least  inconvenience. 
So  that  I  think  there  is  little  in  the  advice  of  making 
those  changes  by  easy  gradations.  I  went  on  pleas- 
antly, but  poor  Keimer  suffered  grievously,  grew  tired 


48  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1724 

of  the  project,  longed  for  the  fleshpots  of  Egypt,  and 
ordered  a  roast  pig.  He  invited  me  and  two  women 
friends  to  dine  with  him;  but,  it  being  brought  too 
soon  upon  table,  he  could  not  resist  the  temptation, 
and  ate  the  whole  before  we  came. 

I  had  made  some  courtship  during  this  time  to 
Miss  Read.  I  had  a  great  respect  and  affection  for 
her,  and  had  some  reasons  to  believe  she  had  the  same 
for  me ;  but,  as  I  was  about  to  take  a  long  voyage, 
and  we  were  both  very  young,  only  a  little  above 
eighteen,  it  was  thought  most  prudent  by  her  mother, 
to  prevent  our  going  too  far  at  present ;  as  a  marriage, 
if  it  was  to  take  place,  would  be  more  convenient 
after  my  return,  when  I  should  be,  as  I  hoped,  set  up 
in  my  business.  Perhaps  too  she  thought  my  expec- 
tations not  so  well  founded  as  I  imagined  them  to  be. 

My  chief  acquaintances  at  this  time  were  Charles 
Osborne,  Joseph  Watson,  and  James  Ralph ;  all  lovers 
of  reading.  The  two  first  were  clerks  to  an  eminent 
scrivener  or  conveyancer  in  the  town,  Charles  Brockden, 
the  other  was  a  clerk  to  a  merchant.  Watson  was  a 
pious,  sensible  young  man,  of  great  integrity ;  the  oth- 
ers rather  more  lax  in  their  principles  of  religion,  par- 
ticularly Ralph,  who,  as  well  as  Collins,  had  been  un- 
settled by  me;  for  which  they  both  made  me  suffer. 
Osborne  was  sensible,  candid,  frank ;  sincere  and  af- 
fectionate to  his  friends ;  but,  in  literary  matters,  too 
fond  of  criticism.  Ralph  was  ingenious,  genteel  in  his 
manners,  and  extremely  eloquent ;  I  think  I  never  knew 
a  prettier  talker.  Both  were  great  admirers  of  poetry, 
and  began  to  try  their  hands  in  little  pieces.  Many 
pleasant  walks  we  have  had  together  on  Sundays  in 
the  woods,  on  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill,  where  we 
read  to  one  another,  and  conferred  on  what  we  had 
read. 


/Ex.  18.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  49 

Ralph  was  inclined  to  give  himself  up  entirely  to 
poetry,  not  doubting  that  he  might  make  great  pro- 
ficiency in  it,  and  even  make  his  fortune  by  it.  He 
pretended,  that  the  greatest  poets  must,  when  they  first 
began  to  write,  have  committed  as  many  faults  as  he 
did.  Osborne  endeavoured  to  dissuade  him,  assured 
him  he  had  no  genius  for  poetry,  and  advised  him  to 
think  of  nothing  beyond  the  business  he  was  bred  to; 
that,  in  the  mercantile  way,  though  he  had  no  stock, 
he  might  by  his  diligence  and  punctuality  recommend 
himself  to  employment  as  a  factor,  and  in  time  acquire 
wherewith  to  trade  on  his  own  account.  I  approved 
for  my  part  the  amusing  one's  self  with  poetry  now 
and  then,  so  far  as  to  improve  one's  language,  but  no 
farther. 

On  this  it  was  proposed,  that  wre  should  each  of  us 
at  our  next  meeting  produce  a  piece  of  our  own  com- 
posing, in  order  to  improve  by  our  mutual  observations, 
criticisms,  and  corrections.  As  language  and  expres- 
sion were  what  we  had  in  view,  we  excluded  all 
considerations  of  invention,  by  agreeing  that  the  task 
should  be  a  version  of  the  eighteenth  Psalm,  which 
describes  the  descent  of  a  Deity.  When  the  time  of 
our  meeting  drew  nigh,  Ralph  called  on  me  first,  and 
let  me  know  his  piece  was  ready.  I  told  him,  I  had 
been  busy,  and,  having  little  inclination,  had  done 
nothing.  He  then  showed  me  his  piece  for  my  opin- 
ion, and  I  much  approved  it,  as  it  appeared  to  me  to 
have  great  merit.  "  Now,"  said  he,  "  Osborne  never 
will  allow  the  least  merit  in  any  thing  of  mine,  but 
makes  a  thousand  criticisms  out  of  mere  envy.  He 
is  not  so  jealous  of  you ;  I  wish  therefore  you  would 
take  this  piece  and  produce  it  as  yours ;  I  will  pretend 
not  to  have  had  time,  and  so  produce  nothing.  We 
shall  then  hear  what  he  will  say  to  it."  It  was 

VOL.    I.  7  E 


50  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1724 

agreed,  and  I  immediately  transcribed  it,  that  it  might 
appear  in  my  own  hand. 

We  met;  Watson's  performance  was  read;  there 
were  some  beauties  in  it,  but  many  defects.  Osborne's 
was  read ;  it  was  much  better ;  Ralph  did  it  justice ; 
remarked  some  faults,  but  applauded  the  beauties.  He 
himself  had  nothing  to  produce.  I  was  backward, 
seemed  desirous  of  being  excused,  had  not  had  suf- 
ficient time  to  correct,  &c.;  but  no  excuse  could  be 
admitted;  produce  I  must.  It  was  read  and  repeat- 
ed; Watson  and  Osborne  gave  up  the  contest;  and 
joined  in  applauding  it.  Ralph  only  made  some  criti- 
cisms, and  proposed  some  amendments ;  but  I  defend- 
ed my  text.  Osborne  was  severe  against  Ralph,  and 
told  me  he  was  no  better  able  to  criticize  than  com- 
pose verses.  As  these  two  were  returning  home,  Os- 
borne expressed  himself  still  more  strongly  in  favor  of 
what  he  thought  my  production;  having  before  re- 
frained, as  he  said,  lest  I  should  think  he  meant  to 
flatter  me.  "  But  who  would  have  imagined,"  said  he, 
"  that  Franklin  was  capable  of  such  a  performance ; 
such  painting,  such  force,  such  fire !  He  has  even 
improved  on  the  original.  In  common  conversation  he 
seems  to  have  no  choice  of  words ;  he  hesitates  and 
blunders ;  and  yet,  good  God,  how  he  writes ! "  When 
we  next  met,  Ralph  discovered  the  trick  we  had  play- 
ed, and  Osborne  was  laughed  at. 

This  transaction  fixed  Ralph  in  his  resolution  of  be- 
coming a  poet.  I  did  all  I  could  to  dissuade  him 
from  it,  but  he  continued  scribbling  verses  till  Pope 
cured  him.  He  became  however  a  pretty  good  prose 
writer.  More  of  him  hereafter.*  But,  as  I  may  not 

*  Ralph  obtained  much  celebrity  as  a  political  and  historical  writer. 
He  also  wrote  poetry  and  plays,  but  with  less  success.  He  published 
•;  Night,"  a  poem ;  and  another  poem,  called  "  Sawney."  In  this  latter  he 


JET.  18.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  51 

have  occasion  to  mention  the  other  two,  I  shall  just 
remark  here,  that  Watson  died  in  my  arms  a  few  years 
after,  much  lamented,  being  the  best  of  our  set.  Os- 
borne  went  to  the  West  Indies,  where  he  became  an 
eminent  lawyer  and  made  money,  but  died  young. 
He  and  I  had  made  a  serious  agreement,  that  the  one, 
who  happened  first  to  die,  should,  if  possible,  make  a 
friendly  visit  to  the  other,  and  acquaint  him  how  he 
found  things  in  that  separate  state.  But  he  never  ful- 
filled his  promise. 

The  Governor,  seeming  to  like  my  company,  had  me 
frequently  at  his  house,  and  his  setting  me  up  was 
always  mentioned  as  a  fixed  thing.  I  was  to  take 
with  me  letters  recommendatory  to  a  number  of  his 
friends,  besides  the  letter  of  credit  to  furnish  me  with 
the  necessary  money  for  purchasing  the  press,  types, 
paper,  &c.  For  these  letters  I  was  appointed  to  call 
at  different  times,  when  they  were  to  be  ready ;  but  a 
future  time  was  still  named.  Thus  we  went  on  till 

abused  Swift,  Pope,  and  Gay.  In  revenge  Pope  introduced  his  name 
into  the  DUNCIAD. 

"  Silence,  ye  wolves,  while  Ralph  to  Cynthia  howls, 
And  makes  Night  hideous ;  answer  him,  ye  owls." 

He  wrote  a  much  approved  work,  entitled  "Use  and  Abuse  of  Par- 
liaments"; and  also  a  "History  of  England  during  the  Reign  of  William 
the  Third,"  in  two  folio  volumes.  Alluding  to  this  work,  Fox  pronounces 
the  author  "  a  historian  of  great  acuteness,  as  well  as  diligence,  but  who 
falls  sometimes  into  the  common  error  of  judging  by  the  event."  Ralph 
produced  also  many  political  pamphlets,  and  was  employed  by  the  min- 
istry at  different  times  to  promote  their  aims  with  his  pen.  For  these 
services  he  was  pensioned.  He  was  deeply  skilled  in  the  party  tactics 
of  politicians,  and  his  principles  were  so  flexible,  that  he  made  little 
difficulty  in  adapting  them  to  circumstances.  For  many  years,  however, 
he  was  the  confidential  associate  of  the  ministers  and  courtiers ;  and, 
just  before  his  death,  his  pension  was  increased  by  the  interest  of  the 
Earl  of  Bute  to  the  liberal  amount  of  six  hundred  pounds  a  year.  He 
died,  January  24th,  1762.  An  account  of  his  life  and  writings  is  con- 
tained in  CHALMERS'S  Biographical  Dictionary.  —  EDITOR. 


52  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1724 

the  ship,  whose  departure  too  had  been  several  times 
postponed,  was  on  the  point  of  sailing.  Then,  when  I 
called  to  take  my  leave  and  receive  the  letters,  his 
secretary,  Dr.  Baird,  came  out  to  me  and  said  the  Gov- 
ernor was  extremely  busy  in  writing,  but  would  be 
down  at  Newcastle  before  the  ship,  and  then  the 
letters  would  be  delivered  to  me. 

Ralph,  though  married,  and  having  one  child,  had 
determined  to  accompany  me  in  this  voyage.  It  was 
thought  he  intended  to  establish  a  correspondence,  and 
obtain  goods  to  sell  on  commission ;  but  I  found  after, 
that,  having  some  cause  of  discontent  with  his  wife's 
relations,  he  proposed  to  leave  her  on  their  hands,  and 
never  to  return  to  America.  Having  taken  leave  of  my 
friends,  and  exchanged  promises  with  Miss  Read,  I 
quitted  Philadelphia,  in  the  ship,  which  anchored  at 
Newcastle.  The  Governor  was  there;  but  when  I 
went  to  his  lodging,  his  secretary  came  to  me  from  him 
with  expressions  of  the  greatest  regret,  that  he  could 
not  then  see  me,  being  engaged  in  business  of  the 
utmost  importance;  but  that  he  would  send  the  let- 
ters to  me  on  board,  wishing  me  heartily  a  good  voyage 
and  a  speedy  return,  &,c.  I  returned  on  board  a  little 
puzzled,  but  still  not  doubting. 


.  18.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  53 


CHAPTER  III. 

Sails  for  London,  accompanied  by  Ralph. —  On  his  Arrival  delivers  Let- 
ters supposed  to  be  written  by  the  Governor.  —  Discovers  that  Keith 
had  deceived  him. — His  Money  exhausted.  —  Engages  to  work  as  a 
Printer  at  Palmer's,  in  Bartholomew  Close.  —  Writes  and  prints  a 
metaphysical  Tract.  —  Frequents  a  Club,  consisting  of  Dr.  Mandeville 
and  Others.  —  Disagreement  with  Ralph  and  Separation.  —  Removes 
to  Watts's  Printing-house,  near  Lincoln's  Inn  Fields.  —  Habits  of  the 
Workmen.  —  His  Expenses  of  Living.  —  Feats  of  Activity  in  Swim- 
ming. —  Enters  into  Mercantile  Business  with  Mr.  Denham.  —  Sir 
William  Wyndham. 

MR.  ANDREW  HAMILTON,  a  celebrated  lawyer  of 
Philadelphia,  had  taken  his  passage  in  the  same  ship  for 
himself  and  son,  with  Mr.  Denham,  a  Quaker  merchant, 
and  Messrs.  Oniam  and  Russel,  masters  of  an  iron 
work  in  Maryland,  who  had  engaged  the  great  cabin ; 
so  that  Ralph  and  I  were  forced  to  take  up  with  a 
berth  in  the  steerage,  and,  none  on  board  knowing  us, 
were  considered  as  ordinary  persons.  But  Mr.  Ham- 
ilton and  his  son  (it  was  James,  since  Governor,)  re- 
turned from  Newcastle  to  Philadelphia ;  the  father  be- 
ing recalled  by  a  great  fee  to  plead  for  a  seized  ship. 
And,  just  before  we  sailed,  Colonel  French  coming  on 
board,  and  showing  me  great  respect,  I  was  more 
taken  notice  of,  and,  with  my  friend  Ralph,  invited  by 
the  other  gentlemen  to  come  into  the  cabin,  there  be- 
ing now  room.  Accordingly  we  removed  thither. 

Understanding  that  Colonel  French  had  brought  on 
board  the  Governor's  despatches,  I  asked  the  captain 
for  those  letters  that  were  to  be  under  my  care.  He 
said  all  were  put  into  the  bag  together ;  and  he  could 
not  then  come  at  them ;  but,  before  we  landed  in  Eng- 
land, I  should  have  an  opportunity  of  picking  them  out ; 
so  I  was  satisfied  for  the  present,  and  we  proceeded 

No  2  E* 


54  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1724 

on  our  voyage.  We  had  a  sociable  company  in  the 
cabin,  and  lived  uncommonly  well,  having  the  addition 
of  all  Mr.  Hamilton's  stores,  who  had  laid  in  plentifully. 
In  this  passage  Mr.  Denham  contracted  a  friendship  for 
me,  that  continued  during  his  life.  The  voyage  was 
otherwise  not  a  pleasant  one,  as  we  had  a  great  deal 
of  bad  weather. 

When  we  came  into  the  Channel,  the  captain  kept 
his  word  with  me,  and  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  ex- 
amining the  bag  for  the  Governor's  letters.  I  found 
some  upon  which  my  name  was  put  as  under  my 
care.  I  picked  out  six  or  seven,  that,  by  the  hand- 
writing, I  thought  might  be  the  promised  letters,  es- 
pecially as  one  of  them  was  addressed  to  Baskett,  the 
King's  printer,  and  another  to  some  stationer.  We 
arrived  in  London  the  24th  December,  1724.  I  wait- 
ed upon  the  stationer,  who  came  first  in  my  way,  de- 
livering the  letter  as  from  Governor  Keith.  "I  don't 
know  such  a  person,"  said  he ;  but,  opening  the  letter, 
"  O  !'  this  is  from  Riddlesden.  I  have  lately  found  him 
to  be  a  complete  rascal,  and  I  will  have  nothing  to  do 
with  him,  nor  receive  any  letters  from  him."  So  put- 
ting the  letter  into  my  hand,  he  turned  on  his  heel 
and  left  me  to  serve  some  customer.  I  was  surprised 
to  find  these  were  not  the  Governor's  letters ;  and,  af- 
ter recollecting  and  comparing  circumstances,  I  began 
to  doubt  his  sincerity.  I  found  my  friend  Denham, 
and  opened  the  whole  affair  to  him.  He  let  me  into 
Keith's  character,  told  me  there  was  not  the  least 
probability  that  he  had  written  any  letters  for  me ;  that 
no  one,  who  knew  him,  had  the  smallest  dependence 
on  him;  and  he  laughed  at  the  idea  of  the  Governor's 
giving  me  a  letter  of  credit,  having,  as  he  said,  no 
credit  to  give.  On  my  expressing  some  concern  about 
what  I  should  do,  he  advised  me  to  endeavour  get- 


Mr.  18.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN  55 

ting  some  employment  in  the  way  of  my  business. 
"  Among  the  printers  here,"  said  he,  "  you  will  improve 
yourself,  and,  when  you  return  to  America,  you  will  set 
up  to  greater  advantage." 

We  both  of  us  happened  to  know,  as  well  as  the 
stationer,  that  Riddlesden,  the  attorney,  was  a  very 
knave.  He  had  half  ruined  Miss  Read's  father,  by 
persuading  him  to  be  bound  for  him.  By  his  letter  it 
appeared  there  was  a  secret  scheme  on  foot  to  the 
prejudice  of  Mr.  Hamilton  (supposed  to  be  then  com- 
ing over  with  us) ;  that  Keith  was  concerned  in  it  with 
Riddlesden.  Denham,  who  was  a  friend  of  Hamilton's, 
thought  he  ought  to  be  acquainted  with  it ;  so,  when  he 
arrived  in  England,  which  was  soon  after,  partly  from 
resentment  and  ill  will  to  Keith  and  Riddlesden,  and 
partly  from  good  will  to  him,  I  waited  on  him,  and 
gave  him  the  letter.  He  thanked  me  cordially,  the  in- 
formation being  of  importance  to  him ;  and  from  that 
time  he  became  my  friend,  greatly  to  my  advantage 
afterwards  on  many  occasions. 

But  what  shall  we  think  of  a  governor  playing  such 
pitiful  tricks,  and  imposing  so  grossly  on  a  poor  igno- 
rant boy !  It  was  a  habit  he  had  acquired.  He  wished 
to  please  everybody ;  and,  having  little  to  give,  he  gave 
expectations.  He  was  otherwise  an  ingenious,  sensi- 
ble man,  a  pretty  good  writer,  and  a  good  governor  for 
the  people;  though  not  for  his  constituents,  the  Pro- 
prietaries, whose  instructions  he  sometimes  disregard- 
ed. Several  of  our  best  laws  were  of  his  planning,  and 
passed  during  his  administration. 

Ralph  and  I  were  inseparable  companions.  We  took 
lodgings  together  in  Little  Britain  at  three  shillings  and 
sixpence  a  week ;  as  much  as  we  could  then  afford. 
He  found  some  relations,  but  they  were  poor,  and 
unable  to  assist  him.  He  now  let  me  know  his  inten- 


56  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1725. 

tions  of  remaining  in  London,  and  that  he  never  meant 
to  return  to  Philadelphia.  He  had  brought  no  money 
with  him ;  the  whole  he  could  muster  having  been  ex- 
pended in  paying  his  passage.  I  had  fifteen  pistoles ; 
so  he  borrowed  occasionally  of  me  to  subsist,  while  he 
was  looking  out  for  business.  He  first  endeavoured 
to  get  into  the  playhouse,  believing  himself  qualified  for 
an  actor;  but  Wilkes,*  to  whom  he  applied,  advised 
him  candidly  not  to  think  of  that  employment,  as  it 
was  impossible  he  should  succeed  in  it.  Then  he  pro- 
posed to  Roberts,  a  publisher  in  Pater  Noster  Row,  to 
write  for  him  a  weekly  paper  like  the  Spectator,  on 
certain  conditions ;  which  Roberts  did  not  approve. 
Then  he  endeavoured  to  get  employment  as  a  hackney 
writer,  to  copy  for  the  stationers  and  lawyers  about 
the  Temple ;  but  could  not  find  a  vacancy. 

For  myself,  I  immediately  got  into  work  at  Palmer's, 
a  famous  printing-house  in  Bartholomew  Close,  where 
I  continued  near  a  year.  I  was  pretty  diligent,  but  I 
spent  with  Ralph  a  good  deal  of  my  earnings  at  plays 
and  public  amusements.  We  had  nearly  consumed  all 
my  pistoles,  and  now  just  rubbed  on  from  hand  to 
mouth.  He  seemed  quite  to  have  forgotten  his  wife 
and  child;  and  I  by  degrees  my  engagements  with 
Miss  Read,  to  whom  I  never  wrote  more  than  one 
letter,  and  that  was  to  let  her  know  I  was  not  likely 
soon  to  return.  This  was  another  of  the  great  errata 
of  my  life,  which  I  could  wish  to  correct,  if  I  were  to 
live  it  over  again.  In  fact,  by  our  expenses,  I  was  con- 
stantly kept  unable  to  pay  my  passage. 

At  Palmer's  I  was  employed  in  composing  for  the 
second  edition  of  Wollaston's  "Religion  of  Nature." 
Some  of  his  reasonings  not  appearing  to  me  well  found- 

*  A  comedian  of  eminence. 


M-r.  19.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  57 

ed,  I  wrote  a  little  metaphysical  piece  in  which  I  made 
remarks  on  them.  It  was  entitled,  ".#  Dissertation  on 
Liberty  and  Necessity,  Pleasure  and  Pain"  I  inscribed 
it  to  my  friend  Ralph ;  I  printed  a  small  number.  It 
occasioned  my  being  more  considered  by  Mr.  Palmer,  as 
a  young  man  of  some  ingenuity,  though  he  seriously  ex- 
postulated with  me  upon  the  principles  of  my  pamphlet, 
which  to  him  appeared  abominable.  My  printing  this 
pamphlet  was  another  erratum.  While  I  lodged  in 
Little  Britain,  I  made  an  acquaintance  with  one  Wil- 
cox,  a  bookseller,  whose  shop  was  next  door.  He  had 
an  immense  collection  of  secondhand  books.  Circu- 
lating libraries  were  not  then  in  use ;  but  we  agreed, 
that,  on  certain  reasonable  terms,  which  I  have  now 
forgotten,  I  might  take,  read,  and  return  any  of  his 
books.  This  I  esteemed  a  great  advantage,  and  I 
made  as  much  use  of  it  as  I  could. 

My  pamphlet  by  some  means  falling  into  the  hands 
of  one  Lyons,  a  surgeon,  author  of  a  book  entitled, 
"  The  Infallibility  of  Human  Judgment,'"  it  occasioned 
an  acquaintance  between  us.  He  took  great  notice  of 
me,  called  on  me  often  to  converse  on  those  subjects, 

carried  me  to  the  Horns,  a  pale  alehouse  in Lane, 

Cheapside,  and  introduced  rne  to  Dr.  Mandevillo,  au- 
thor of  the  "Fable  of  the  Bees"  who  had  a  club  ihere, 
of  which  he  was  the  soul ;  being  a  most  facetious, 
entertaining  companion.  Lyons  too  introduced  me  to 
Dr.  Pemberton,  at  Batson's  Coffee-house,  who  promised 
to  give  me  an  opportunity,  some  time  or  other,  of  see- 
ing Sir  Isaac  Newton,  of  which  I  was  extremely  de- 
sirous ;  but  this  never  happened. 

I  had  brought  over  a  few  curiosities,  among  which 
the  principal  was  a  purse  made  of  the  asbestos,  which 
purifies  by  fire.  Sir  Hans  Sloane  heard  of  it,  came  to 
see  me,  and  invited  me  to  his  house  in  Bloomsbury 

VOL.  i.  8 


58  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1725 

Square,  showed  me  all  his  curiosities,  and  persuaded 
me  to  add  that  to  the  number ;  for  which  he  paid  me 
handsomely. 

In  our  house  lodged  a  young  woman,  a  milliner, 
who,  I  think,  had  a  shop  in  the  Cloisters.  She  had 
been  genteelly  bred,  was  sensible,  lively,  and  of  a  most 
pleasing  conversation.  Ralph  read  plays  to  her  in  the 
evenings,  they  grew  intimate,  she  took  another  lodging, 
and  he  followed  her.  They  lived  together  some  time ; 
but,  he  being  still  out  of  business,  and  her  income  not 
sufficient  to  maintain  them  with  her  child,  he  took  a 
resolution  of  going  from  London,  to  try  for  a  country 
school,  which  he  thought  himself  well  qualified  to  un- 
dertake, as  he  wrote  an  excellent  hand,  and  was  a 
master  of  arithmetic  and  accounts.  This  however  he 
deemed  a  business  below  him,  and,  confident  of  future 
better  fortune,  when  he  should  be  unwilling  to  have 
it  known  that  he  once  was  so  meanly  employed,  he 
changed  his  name,  and  did  me  the  honor  to  assume 
mine ;  for  I  soon  after  had  a  letter  from  him,  acquaint- 
ing me  that  he  was  settled  in  a  small  village  (in  Berk- 
shire, I  think  it  was,  where  he  taught  reading  and 
writing  to  ten  or  a  dozen  boys,  at  sixpence  each  per 
week),  recommending  Mrs.  T to  my  care,  and  de- 
siring me  to  write  to  him,  directing  for  Mr.  Franklin, 
schoolmaster,  at  such  a  place. 

He  continued  to  write  to  me  frequently,  sending  me 
large  specimens  of  an  epic  poem,  which  he  was  then 
composing,  and  desiring  my  remarks  and  corrections. 
These  I  gave  him  from  time  to  time,  but  endeavoured 
rather  to  discourage  his  proceeding.  One  of  Young's 
Satires  was  then  just  published.  I  copied  and  sent 
him  a  great  part  of  it,  which  set  in  a  strong  light  the 
folly  of  pursuing  the  Muses.  All  was  in  vain  ;  sheets 
of  the  poem  continued  to  come  by  every  post.  In  the 


jET.  19.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  59 

mean  time,  Mrs.  T ,  having  -on  his  account  lost  her 

friends  and  business,  was  often  in  distresses,  and  used 
to  send  for  me,  and  borrow  what  money  I  could  spare 
to  help  to  alleviate  them.  I  grew  fond  of  her  com- 
pany, and,  being  at  that  time  under  no  religious  re- 
straint, and  taking  advantage  of  my  importance  to  her, 
I  attempted  to  take  some  liberties  with  her  (another 
erratum),  which  she  repulsed,  with  a  proper  degree  of 
resentment.  She  wrote  to  Ralph  and  acquainted  him 
with  my  conduct;  this  occasioned  a  breach  between 
us ;  and,  when  he  returned  to  London,  he  let  me  know 
he  considered  all  the  obligations  he  had  been  under 
to  me  as  annulled;  from  which  I  concluded  I  was 
never  to  expect  his  repaying  the  money  I  had  lent 
him,  or  that  I  had  advanced  for  him.  This  however 
was  of  little  consequence,  as  he  was  totally  unable; 
and  by  the  loss  of  his  friendship  I  found  myself  re- 
lieved from  a  heavy  burden.  I  now  began  to  think 
of  getting  a  little  beforehand,  and,  expecting  better  em- 
ployment, I  left  Palmer's  to  work  at  Watts's,  near  Lin- 
coln's Inn  Fields,  a  still  greater  printing-house.  Here 
I  continued  all  the  rest  of  my  stay  in  London. 

At  my  first  admission  into  the  printing-house  I  took 
to  working  at  press,  imagining  I  felt  a  want  of  the 
bodily  exercise  I  had  been  used  to  in  America,  where 
presswork  is  mixed  with  the  composing.  I  drank  only 
water ;  the  other  workmen,  near  fifty  in  number,  were 
great  drinkers  of  beer.  On  occasion  I  carried  up  and 
down  stairs  a  large  form  of  types  in  each  hand,  when 
others  carried  but  one  in  both  hands.  They  wondered 
to  see,  from  this  and  several  instances,  that  the  Water- 
American,  as  they  called  me,  was  stronger  than  them- 
selves, who  drank  strong  beer !  We  had  an  alehouse 
boy,  who  attended  always  in  the  house  to  supply  the 
workmen.  My  companion  at  the  press  drank  every 


60  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1725. 

day  a  pint  before  breakfast,  a  pint  at  breakfast  with  his 
bread  and  cheese,  a  pint  between  breakfast  and  din- 
ner; a  pint  at  dinner,  a  pint  in  the  afternoon  about 
six  o'clock,  and  another  when  he  had  done  his  day's 
work.  I  thought  it  a  detestable  custom;  but  it  was 
necessary,  he  supposed,  to  drink  strong  beer  that  he 
might  be  strong  to  labor.  I  endeavoured  to  convince 
him,  that  the  bodily  strength  afforded  by  beer  could 
only  be  in  proportion  to  the  grain  or  flour  of  the  bar- 
ley dissolved  in  the  water  of  which  it  was  made ;  that 
there  was  more  flour  in  a  pennyworth  of  bread;  and 
therefore,  if  he  could  eat  that  with  a  pint  of  water,  it 
wrould  give  him  more  strength  than  a  quart  of  beer. 
He  drank  on  however,  and  had  four  or  five  shillings  to 
pay  out  of  his  wages  every  Saturday  night  for  that 
vile  liquor;  an  expense  I  was  free  from.  And  thus 
these  poor  devils  keep  themselves  always  under. 

Watts,  after  some  weeks,  desiring  to  have  me  in  the 
composing-room,  I  left  the  pressmen ;  a  new  Hen  vcnu 
for  drink,  being  five  shillings,  was  demanded  of  me  by 
the  compositors.  I  thought  it  an  imposition,  as  I  had 
paid  one  to  the  pressmen ;  the  master  thought  so  too, 
and  forbade  my  paying  it.  I  stood  out  two  or  three 
weeks,  was  accordingly  considered  as  an  excommuni- 
cate, and  had  so  many  little  pieces  of  private  malice 
practised  on  me,  by  mixing  my  sorts,  transposing  and 
breaking  my  matter,  &,c.  £.c.,  if  ever  I  stepped  out  of 
the  room;  and  all  ascribed  to  the  chapel  ghost,  which 
they  said  ever  haunted  those  not  regularly  admitted; 
that,  notwithstanding  the  master's  protection,  I  found 
myself  obliged  to  comply  and  pay  the  money;  con- 
vinced of  the  folly  of  being  on  ill  terms  with  those 
one  is  to  live  with  continually. 

I  was  now  on  a  fair  footing  with  them,  and  soon 
acquired  considerable  influence.  I  proposed  some  rea- 


for.  19.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  61 

sonable  alterations  in  their  chapel*  laws,  and  carried 
them  against  all  opposition.  From  my  example,  a  great 
many  of  them  left  their  muddling  breakfast  of  beer, 
bread,  and  cheese,  finding  they  could  with  me  be  sup- 
plied from  a  neighbouring  house,  with  a  large  porringer 
of  hot  water-gruel,  sprinkled  with  pepper,  crumbled  with 
bread,  and  a  bit  of  butter  in  it,  for  the  price  of  a  pint 
of  beer,  viz.  three  halfpence.  This  was  a  more  com- 
fortable as  well  as  a  cheaper  breakfast,  and  kept  their 
heads  clearer.  Those,  who  continued  sotting  with  their 
beer  all  day,  were  often,  by  not  paying,  out  of  credit  at 
the  alehouse,  and  used  to  make  interest  with  me  to 
get  beer ;  their  light,  as  they  phrased  it,  being  out.  I 
watched  the  pay-table  on  Saturday  night,  and  collected 
what  I  stood  engaged  for  them,  having  to  pay  some- 
times near  thirty  shillings  a  week  on  their  accounts. 
This,  and  my  being  esteemed  a  pretty  good  riggite,  that 
is  a  jocular  verbal  satirist,  supported  my  consequence 
in  the  society.  My  constant  attendance  (I  never  mak- 
ing a  St.  Monday)  recommended  me  to  me  master; 
and  my  uncommon  quickness  at  composing  occasioned 
my  being  put  upon  work  of  despatch,  which  was  gen- 
erally better  paid.  So  I  went  on  now  very  agreeably. 
My  lodgings  in  Little  Britain  being  too  remote,  I 
found  another  in  Duke  Street,  opposite  to  the  Romish 
Chapel.  It  was  up  three  pair  of  stairs  backwards,  at 
an  Italian  warehouse.  A  widow  lady  kept  the  house ; 
she  had  a  daughter,  and  a  maid  servant,  and  a  journey- 
man who  attended  the  warehouse,  but  lodged  abroad. 
After  sending  to  inquire  my  character  at  the  house 
where  I  last  lodged,  she  agreed  to  take  me  in  at  the 
same  rate,  three  shillings  and  sixpence  a  week ;  cheap- 
er, as  she  said,  from  the  protection  she  expected  in 

*  A  printing-house  is  called  a  chapel  by  the  -workmen. 
VOL.  I  F 


62  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1726. 

having  a  man  to  lodge  in  the  house.  She  was  a 
widow,  an  elderly  woman ;  had  been  bred  a  Protestant, 
being  a  clergyman's  daughter,  but  was  converted  to 
the  Catholic  religion  by  her  husband,  whose  memory 
she  much  revered;  had  lived  much  among  people  of 
distinction,  and  knew  a  thousand  anecdotes  of  them 
as  far  back  as  the  time  of  Charles  the  Second.  She 
was  lame  in  her  knees  with  the  gout,  and  therefore 
seldom  stirred  out  of  her  room ;  so  sometimes  wanted 
company ;  and  hers  was  so  highly  amusing  to  me,  that 
I  was  sure  to  spend  an  evening  with  her  whenever 
she  desired  it.  Our  supper  was  only  half  an  anchovy 
each,  on  a  very  little  slice  of  bread  and  butter,  and 
half  a  pint  of  ale  between  us;  but  the  entertainment 
was  in  her  conversation.  My  always  keeping  good 
hours,  and  giving  little  trouble  in  the  family,  made  her 
unwilling  to  part  with  me ;  so  that,  when  I  talked  of 
a  lodging  I  had  heard  of,  nearer  my  business,  for  two 
shillings  a  week,  which,  intent  as  I  was  on  saving 
money,  made  some  difference,  she  bid  me  not  think 
of  it,  for  she  would  abate  me  two  shillings  a  week  for 
the  future;  so  I  remained  with  her  at  one  shilling  and 
sixpence  as  long  as  I  stayed  in  London. 

In  a  garret  of  her  house  there  lived  a  maiden  lady 
of  seventy,  in  the  most  retired  manner,  of  whom  my 
landlady  gave  me  this  account ;  that  she  was  a  Ro- 
man Catholic,  had  been  sent  abroad  when  young,  and 
lodged  in  a  nunnery  with  an  intent  of  becoming  a 
nun ;  but,  the  county  not  agreeing  with  her,  she  re- 
turned to  England,  where,  there  being  no  nunnery, 
she  had  vowed  to  lead  the  life  of  a  nun,  as  near  as 
might  be  done  in  those  circumstances.  Accordingly 
she  had  given  all  her  estate  to  charitable  purposes,  re- 
serviag  only  twelve  pounds  a  year  to  live  on,  and  out 
of  this  sum  she  still  gave  a  part  in  charity,  living  her- 


.Ex.  20.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  63 

self  on  water-gruel  only,  and  using  no  fire  but  to  boil 
it.  She  had  lived  many  years  in  that  garret,  being 
permitted  to  remain  there  gratis  by  successive  Catholic 
tenants  of  the  house  below,  as  they  deemed  it  a  bless- 
ing to  have  her  there.  A  priest  visited  her,  to  confess 
her  every  day.  "From  this  I  asked  her,"  said  my 
landlady,  "how  she,  as  she  lived,  could  possibly  find 
so  much  employment  for  a  confessor?".  "Oh,"  said 
she,  "it  is  impossible  to  avoid  vain  thoughts."  I  was 
permitted  once  to  visit  her.  She  was  cheerful  and 
polite,  and  conversed  pleasantly.  The  room  was  clean, 
but  had  no  other  furniture  than  a  mattress,  a  table  with 
a  crucifix,  and  a  book,  a  stool  which  she  gave  me  to 
sit  on,  and  a  picture  over  the  chimney  of  St.  Veronica 
displaying  her  handkerchief,  with  the  miraculous  figure 
of  Christ's  bleeding  face  on  it,  which  she  explained 
to  me  with  great  seriousness.  She  looked  pale,  bu 
was  never  sick;  and  I  give  it  as  another  instance,  on 
how  small  an  income  life  and  health  may  be  supported. 

At  Watts's  printing-house  I  contracted  an  acquaint- 
ance with  an  ingenious  young  man,  one  Wygate,  who 
having  wealthy  relations,  had  been  better  educated  than 
most  printers ;  was  a  tolerable  Latinist,  spoke  French, 
and  loved  reading.  I  taught  him  and  a  friend  of  his 
to  swim,  at  twice  going  into  the  river,  and  they  soon 
became  good  swimmers.  They  introduced  me  to  some 
gentlemen  from  the  country,  who  went  to  Chelsea  by 
water,  to  see  the  College  and  Don  Saltero's  curiosities. 
In  our  return,  at  the  request  of  the  company,  whose 
curiosity  Wygate  had  excited,  I  stripped  and  leaped 
into  the  river,  and  swam  from  near  Chelsea  to  Black- 
friars  ;  performing  in  the  way  many  feats  of  activity, 
both  upon  and  under  the  water,  that  surprised  and 
pleased  those  to  whom  they  were  novelties. 

I  had  from  a  child   been   delighted  with  this  exer- 


64  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1726. 

cise,  had  studied  and  practised  Thevenot's  motions 
and  positions,  and  added  some  of  my  own,  aiming  at 
the  graceful  and  easy,  as  well  as  the  useful.*  All  these 
I  took  this  occasion  of  exhibiting  to  the  company,  and 
was  much  flattered  by  their  admiration ;  and  Wygate, 
who  was  desirous  of  becoming  a  master,  grew  more  and 
more  attached  to  me  on  that  account,  as  well  as  from 
the  similarity  of  our  studies.  He  at  length  proposed 
to  me  travelling  all  over  Europe  together,  supporting 
ourselves  everywhere  by  working  at  our  business.  I 
was  once  inclined  to  it ;  but,  mentioning  it  to  my  good 
friend  Mr.  Den  ham,  with  whom  I  often  spent  an  hour 
when  I  had  leisure,  he  dissuaded  me  from  it ;  advising 
me  to  think  only  of  returning  to  Pennsylvania,  which 
he  was  now  about  to  do. 

I  must  record  one  trait  of  this  good  man's  charac- 
ter. He  had  formerly  been  in  business  at  Bristol,  but 
failed  in  debt  to  a  number  of  people,  compounded, 
and  went  to  America.  There,  by  a  close  application 
to  business  as  a  merchant,  he  acquired  a  plentiful  for- 
tune in  a  few  years.  Returning  to  England  in  the 
ship  with  me,  he  invited  his  old  creditors  to  an  enter- 
tainment, at  which  he  thanked  them  for  the  easy  com- 
position they  had  favored  him  with,  and,  when  they 
expected  nothing  but  the  treat,  every  man  at  the  first 
remove  found  under  his  plate  an  order  on  a  banker 
for  the  full  amount  of  the  unpaid  remainder,  with 
interest. 

He  now  told  me,  he  was  about  to  return  to  Phila- 
delphia, and  should  carry  over  a  great  quantity  of 
goods  in  order  to  open  a  store  there.  He  proposed 
to  take  me  over  as  his  clerk,  to  keep  his  books,  in 


*  He  wrote   two  interesting  papers  on  the  art  of  swimming.    See 
Vol.  VI.  pp.  28G,  290.  — EDITOR. 


JET.  yO.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  65 

which  he  would  instruct  me,  copy  his  letters,  and  attend 
the  store.  He  added,  that,  as  soon  as  I  should  be  ac- 
quainted with  mercantile  business,  he  would  promote 
me  by  sending  me  with  a  cargo  of  flour  and  bread  to 
the  West  Indies,  and  procure  me  commissions  from 
others  which  would  be  profitable ;  and,  if  I  managed 
well,  would  establish  me  handsomely.  The  thing 
pleased  me  ;  for  I  was  grown  tired  of  London,  remem- 
bered with  pleasure  the  happy  months  I  had  spent  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  wished  again  to  see  it.  Therefore  I 
immediately  agreed  on  the  terms  of  fifty  pounds  a  year, 
Pennsylvania  money  ;  less  indeed  than  my  then  present 
gettings  as  a  compositor,  but  affording  a  better  prospect. 
I  now  took  leave  of  printing,  as  I  thought,  for  ever, 
and  was  daily  employed  in  my  new  business,  going 
about  with  Mr.  Denham  among  the  tradesmen  to  pur- 
chase various  articles,  and  see  them  packed  up,  deliver- 
ing messages,  calling  upon  workmen  to  despatch,  &c.; 
and,  when  all  was  on  board,  I  had  a  few  days'  leisure. 
On  one  of  these  days,  I  was,  to  my  surprise,  sent  for 
by  a  great  man  I  knew  only  by  name,  Sir  William 
Wyndham,  and  I  waited  upon  him.  He  had  heard 
by  some  means  or  other  of  my  swimming  from  Chelsea 
to  Blackfriars,  and  of  my  teaching  Wygate  and  another 
young  man  to  swim  in  a  few  hours.  He  had  two 
sons,  about  to  set  out  on  their  travels ;  he  wished  to 
have  them  first  taught  swimming,  and  proposed  to 
gratify  me  handsomely  if  I  would  teach  them.  They 
were  not  yet  come  to  town,  and  my  stay  was  uncer- 
tain ;  so  I  could  not  undertake  it.  But  from  the  in- 
cident I  thought  it  likely,  that  if  I  were  to  remain  in 
England  and  open  a  swimming-school,  I  might  get  a 
good  deal  of  money ;  and  it  struck  me  so  strongly, 
that,  had  the  overture  been  made  me  sooner,  probably 
I  should  not  so  soon  have  returned  to  America.  Many 

VOL.  I.  9  F  * 


66  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1726. 

years  after,  you  and  I  had  something  of  more  impor- 
tance to  do  with  one  of  these  sons  of  Sir  William 
Wyndham,  become  Earl  of  Egremont,  which  I  shall 
mention  in  its  place. 

Thus  I  passed  about  eighteen  months  in  London; 
most  part  of  the  time  I  worked  hard  at  my  busi- 
ness, and  spent  but  little  upon  myself  except  in  see- 
ing plays,  and  in  books.  My  friend  Ralph  had  kept 
me  poor;  he  owed  me  about  twenty-seven  pounds, 
which  I  was  now  never  likely  to  receive ;  a  great  sum 
out  of  my  small  earnings !  I  loved  him,  notwithstand- 
ing, for  he  had  many  amiable  qualities.  I  had  improved 
my  knowledge,  however,  though  I  had  by  no  means 
improved  my  fortune ;  but  I  had  made  some  very  in- 
genious acquaintance,  whose  conversation  was  of  great 
advantage  to  me;  and  I  had  read  considerably. 


JET.  20.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  67 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Voyage  from  London  to  Philadelphia.  —  His  mercantile  Plans  defeated 
by  the  Death  of  Mr.  Denham.  —  Accepts  an  Offer  from  Keimer  to 
superintend  his  Printing  Establishment.  —  Description  of  the  Workmen 
in  the  Printing-house.  —  Resolves  to  separate  from  Keimer,  and  com- 
mence Business  on  his  own  Account.  —  Engraves  the  Plates  for  Paper 
Money  in  New  Jersey,  and  prints  the  Bills.  —  His  Views  of  Religion. 
—  Account  of  his  London  Pamphlet.  —  A  New  Version  of  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  with  Explanatory  Remarks. —  Forms  a  Partnership  with  Hugh 
Meredith  in  the  Printing  Business. 

WE  sailed  from  Gravesend  on  the  23d  of  July,  1726. 
For  the  incidents  of  the  voyage,  I  refer  you  to  my 
Journal,*  where  you  will  find  them  all  minutely  related. 
Perhaps  the  most  important  part  of  that  journal  is  the 
plan  t  to  be  found  in  it,  which  I  formed  at  sea,  for 
regulating  the  future  conduct  of  my  life.  It  is  the 
more  remarkable,  as  being  formed  when  I  was  so 
young,  and  yet  being  pretty  faithfully  adhered  to  quite 
through  to  old  age. 

We  landed  at  Philadelphia  the  llth  of  October, 
where  I  found  sundry  alterations.  Keith  was  no  longer 
governor,  being  superseded  by  Major  Gordon;  I  met 
him  walking  the  streets  as  a  common  citizen.  He 
seemed  a  little  ashamed  at  seeing  me,  and  passed 
without  saying  any  thing.  I  should  have  been  as  much 
ashamed  at  seeing  Miss  Read,  had  not  her  friends, 
despairing  with  reason  of  my  return,  after  the  receipt 
of  my  letter,  persuaded  her  to  marry  another,  one 
Rogers,  a  potter,  which  was  done  in  my  absence. 
With  him,  however,  she  was  never  happy,  and  soon 

*  See  APPENDIX,  No.  II. 

t  This  plan  does  not  exist  in  the  manuscript  Journal  found  among 
Dr.  Franklin's  papers;  which  appears,  by  a  note  thereon,  to  be  a  "copy 
made  at  Reading,  in  Pennsylvania,  October  2d,  1787."  — W.  T.  F. 


68  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1727, 

parted  from  him,  refusing  to  cohabit  with  him,  or  bear 
his  name,  it  being  now  said  he  had  another  wife.  He 
was  a  worthless  fellow,  though  an  excellent  workman, 
which  was  the  temptation  to  her  friends.  He  got  into 
debt,  ran  away  in  1727  or  1728,  went  to  the  West 
Indies,  and  died  there.  Keimer  had  got  a  better  house, 
a  shop  well  supplied  with  stationery,  plenty  of  new 
types,  and  a  number  of  hands,  though  none  good, 
and  seemed  to  have  a  great  deal  of  business. 

Mr.  Denham  took  a  store  in  Water  Street,  where 
we  opened  our  goods ;  I  attended  the  business  dili- 
gently, studied  accounts,  and  grew  in  a  little  time  ex- 
pert at  selling.  We  lodged  and  boarded  together;  he 
counselled  me  as  a  father,  having  a  sincere  regard  for 
me.  I  respected  and  loved  him,  and  we  might  have 
gone  on  together  very  happily;  but,  in  the  beginning 
of  February,  1727,  when  I  had  just  passed  my  twenty- 
first  year,  we  both  were  taken  ill.  My  distemper  was 
a  pleurisy,  which  very  nearly  carried  me  off.  I  suffered 
a  good  deal,  gave  up  the  point  in  my  own  mind,  and 
was  at  the  time  rather  disappointed  when  I  found  my- 
self recovering ;  regretting,  in  some  degree,  that  I  must 
now,  some  time  or  other,  have  all  that  disagreeable 
work  to  go  over  again.  I  forget  what  Mr.  Denham's 
distemper  was ;  it  held  him  a  long  time,  and  at  length 
carried  him  off.  He  left  me  a  small  legacy  in  a  nun- 
cupative will,  as  a  token  of  his  kindness  for  me,  and 
he  left  me  once  more  to  the  wide  world ;  for  the  store 
was  taken  into  the  care  of  his  executors,  and  my  em- 
ployment under  him  ended. 

My  brother-in-law,  Holmes,  being  now  at  Philadel- 
phia, advised  my  return  to  my  business ;  and  Keimer 
tempted  me,  with  an  offer  of  large  wages  by  the  year, 
to  come  and  take  the  management  of  his  printing- 
house,  that  he  might  better  attend  to  his  stationer's 


JEv.  21.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  69 

shop.  I  had  heard  a  bad  character  of  him  in  London, 
from  his  wife  and  her  friends,  and  was  not  for  having 
any  more  to  do  with  him.  I  wished  for  employment 
as  a  merchant's  clerk ;  but,  not  meeting  with  any,  I 
closed  again  with  Keimer.  I  found  in  his  house  these 
hands ;  Hugh  Meredith,  a  Welsh  Pennsylvanian,  thirty 
years  of  age,  bred  to  country  work ;  he  was  honest, 
sensible,  a  man  of  experience,  and  fond  of  reading,  but 
addicted  to  drinking.  Stephen  Potts,  a  young  coun- 
tryman of  full  age,  bred  to  the  same,  of  uncommon 
natural  parts,  and  great  wit  and  humor;  but  a  little 
idle.  These  he  had  agreed  with  at  extreme  low  wa- 
ges per  week,  to  be  raised  a  shilling  every  three  months, 
as  they  would  deserve  by  improving  in  their  business ; 
and  the  expectation  of  these  high  wages,  to  come  on 
hereafter,  was  what  he  had  drawn  them  in  with.  Mere- 
dith was  to  work  at  press,  Potts  at  bookbinding, 
which  he  by  agreement  was  to  teach  them,  though 

he   knew   neither   one  nor   the  other.     John    ,  a 

wild  Irishman,  brought  up  to  no  business,  whose  ser- 
vice, for  four  years,  Keimer  had  purchased  from  the 
captain  of  a  ship ;  he  too  was  to  be  made  a  pressman. 
George  Webb,  an  Oxford  scholar,  whose  time  for  four 
years  he  had  likewise  bought,  intending  him  for  a 
compositor,  of  whom  more  presently ;  and  David  Har- 
ry, a  country  boy,  whom  he  had  taken  apprentice. 

I  soon  perceived,  that  the  intention  of  engaging  me 
at  wages,  so  much  higher  than  he  had  been  used  to 
give,  was,  to  have  these  raw,  cheap  hands  formed 
through  me;  and,  as  soon  as  I  had  instructed  them, 
they  being  all  articled  to  him,  he  should  be  able  to 
do  without  me.  I  went  however  very  cheerfully,  put 
his  printing-house  in  order,  which  had  been  in  great 
confusion,  and  brought  his  hands  by  degrees  to  mind 
their  business  and  to  do  it  better. 


70  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1727 

It  was  an  odd  thing  to  find  an  Oxford  scholar  in 
the  situation  of  a  bought  servant.  He  was  not  more 
than  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  he  gave  me  this  ac- 
count of  himself;  that  he  was  born  in  Gloucester, 
educated  at  a  grammar  school,  and  had  been  distin- 
guished among  the  scholars  for  some  apparent  supe- 
riority in  performing  his  part,  when  they  exhibited 
plays ;  belonged  to  the  Wits'  Club  there,  and  had 
written  some  pieces  in  prose  and  verse,  which  were 
printed  in  the  Gloucester  newspapers.  Thence  was 
sent  to  Oxford;  there  he  continued  about  a  year,  but 
not  well  satisfied ;  wishing  of  all  things  to  see  Lon- 
don, and  become  a  player.  At  length  receiving  his 
quarterly  allowance  of  fifteen  guineas,  instead  of  dis- 
charging his  debts,  he  went  out  of  town,  hid  his  gown 
in  a  furze  bush,  and  walked  to  London;  where,  hav- 
ing no  friend  to  advise  him,  he  fell  into  bad  company, 
soon  spent  his  guineas,  found  no  means  of  being  in- 
troduced among  the  players,  grew  necessitous,  pawned 
his  clothes,  and  wanted  bread.  Walking  the  street 
very  hungry,  not  knowing  what  to  do  with  himself,  a 
crimp's  bill  was  put  into  his  hand,  offering  immedhte 
entertainment  and  encouragement  to  such  as  would 
bind  themselves  to  serve  in  America.  He  went  di- 
rectly, signed  the  indentures,  was  put  into  the  ship, 
and  came  over;  never  writing  a  line  to  his  friends  to 
acquaint  them  what  was  become  of  him.  He  was 
lively,  witty,  good-natured,  and  a  pleasant  companion; 
but  idle,  thoughtless,  and  imprudent  to  the  last  degree. 

John,  the  Irishman,  soon  ran  away ;  with  the  rest  I 
began  to  live  very  agreeably,  for  they  all  respected  me 
the  more,  as  they  found  Keimer  incapable  of  instruct- 
ing them,  and  that  from  me  they  learned  something 
daily.  My  acquaintance  with  ingenious  people  in  the 
town  increased.  We  never  worked  on  Saturday,  that 


^ET.21.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  71 

being  Keimer's  Sabbath,  so  that  I  had  two  days  for 
reading.  Keimer  himself  treated  me  with  great  civility 
and  apparent  regard,  and  nothing  now  made  me  uneasy 
but  my  debt  to  Vernon,  which  I  was  yet  unable  to 
pay,  being  hitherto  but  a  poor  economist.  He  however 
kindly  made  no  demand  of  it. 

Our  printing-house  often  wanted  sorts,  and  there 
was  no  letter-foundery  in  America;  I  had  seen  types 
cast  at  James's  in  London,  but  without  much  attention 
to  the  manner;  however,  I  contrived  a  mould,  and 
made  use  of  the  letters  we  had  as  puncheons,  struck 
the  matrices  in  lead,  and  thus  supplied  in  a  pretty 
tolerable  way  all  deficiencies.  I  also  engraved  several 
things  on  occasion ;  made  the  ink ;  I  was  warehouse- 
man, and  in  short,  quite  a  fac-totum. 

But,  however  serviceable  I  might  be,  I  found  that 
my  services  became  every  day  of  less  importance,  as 
the  other  hands  improved  in  their  business ;  and,  when 
Keimer  paid  me  a  second  quarter's  wages,  he  let  me 
know  that  he  felt  them  too  heavy,  and  thought  I 
should  make  an  abatement.  He  grew  by  degrees  less 
civil,  put  on  more  the  airs  of  master,  frequently  found 
fault,  was  captious,  and  seemed  ready  for  an  outbreak- 
ing. I  went  on  nevertheless  with  a  good  deal  of  pa- 
tience, thinking  that  his  incumbered  circumstances  were 
partly  the  cause.  At  length  a  trifle  snapped  our  con- 
nexion ;  for,  a  great  noise  happening  near  the  court- 
house, I  put  my  head  out  of  the  window  to  see  what 
was  the  matter.  Keimer,  being  in  the  street,  looked 
up  and  saw  me,  called  out  to  me  in  a  loud  voice  and 
angry  tone,  to  mind  my  business ;  adding  some  re- 
proachful words,  that  nettled  me  the  more  for  their 
publicity ;  all  the  neighbours  who  were  looking  out  on 
the  same  occasion  being  witnesses  how  I  was  treated. 
He  came  up  immediately  into  the  printing-house,  con- 


72  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1727 

tinued  the  quarrel,  high  words  passed  on  both  sides, 
he  gave  me  the  quarter's  warning  we  had  stipulated, 
expressing  a  wish  that  he  had  not  been  obliged  to  so 
long  a  warning.  I  told  him  his  wish  was  unnecessary, 
for  I  would  leave  him  that  instant;  and  so  taking  my 
hat  walked  out  of  doors,  desiring  Meredith,  whom  I 
saw  below,  to  take  care  of  some  things  I  left,  and 
bring  them  to  my  lodgings. 

Meredith  came  accordingly  in  the  evening,  when  we 
talked  my  affair  over.  He  had  conceived  a  great  re- 
gard for  me,  and  was  very  unwilling  that  I  should 
leave  the  house  while  he  remained  in  it.  He  dissuaded 
me  from  returning  to  my  native  country,  which  I  be- 
gan to  think  of;  he  reminded  me,  that  Keimer  was  in 
debt  for  all  he  possessed,  that  his  creditors  began  to 
be  uneasy ;  that  he  kept  his  shop  miserably,  sold  often 
without  a  profit  for  ready  money,  and  often  trusted 
without  keeping  accounts;  that  he  must  therefore  fail, 
which  would  make  a  vacancy  I  might  profit  of.  I  ob- 
jected my  want  of  money.  He  then  let  me  know, 
that  his  father  had  a  high  opinion  of  me,  and,  from 
some  discourse  that  had  passed  between  them,  he  was 
sure  would  advance  money  to  set  me  up,  if  I  would 
enter  into  partnership  with  him.  "  My  time,"  said  he, 
"  will  be  out  with  Keimer  in  the  spring ;  by  that  time 
we  may  have  our  press  and  types  in  from  London.  I 
am  sensible  I  am  no  workman;  if  you  like  it,  your 
skill  in  the  business  shall  be  set  against  the  stock  I 
furnish,  and  we  will  share  the  profits  equally." 

The  proposal  was  agreeable  to  me,  and  I  consented ; 
his  father  was  in  town  and  approved  of  it;  the  more 
as  he  said  I  had  great  influence  with  his  son,  had 
prevailed  on  him  to  abstain  long  from  dram-drinking, 
and  he  hoped  might  break  him  of  that  wretched  habit 
entirely,  when  we  came  to  be  so  closely  connected. 


Mr.  21.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  73 

I  gave  an  inventory  to  the  father,  who  carried  it  to  a 
merchant;  the  things  were  sent  for,  the  secret  was  to 
be  kept  till  they  should  arrive,  and  in  the  mean  time 
I  was  to  get  work,  if  I  could,  at  the  other  printing- 
house.  But  I  found  no  vacancy  there,  and  so  remained 
idle  a  few  days,  when  Keimer,  on  a  prospect  of  being 
employed  to  print  some  paper  money  in  New  Jersey, 
which  would  require  cuts  and  various  types,  that  I 
only  could  supply,  and  apprehending  Bradford  might 
engage  me  and  get  the  job  from  him,  sent  me  a  very 
civil  message,  that  old  friends  should  not  part  for  a 
few  words,  the  effect  of  sudden  passion,  and  wishing 
me  to  return.  Meredith  persuaded  me  to  comply,  as 
it  would  give  more  opportunity  for  his  improvement 
under  my  daily  instructions;  so  I  returned,  and  we 
went  on  more  smoothly  than  for  some  time  before. 
The  New  Jersey  job  was  obtained,  I  contrived  a 
copper-plate  press  'for  it,  the  first  that  had  been  seen 
in  the  country;  I  cut  several  ornaments  and  checks 
for  the  bills.  We  went  together  to  Burlington,  where 
I  executed  the  whole  to  satisfaction ;  and  he  received 
so  large  a  sum  for  the  work  as  to  be  enabled  thereby 
to  keep  himself  longer  from  ruin. 

At  Burlington  I  made  acquaintance  with  many  prin- 
cipal people  of  the  province.  Several  of  them  had 
been  appointed  by  the  Assembly  a  committee  to  at- 
tend the  press,  and  take  care  that  no  more  bills  were 
printed  than  the  law  directed.  They  were  therefore 
by  turns  constantly  with  us,  and  generally  he  who  at- 
tended brought  with  him  a  friend  or  two  for  company. 
My  mind  having  been  much  more  improved  by  read- 
ing than  Keimer's,  I  suppose  it  was  for  that  reason 
my  conversation  seemed  to  be  more  valued.  They 
had  me  to  their  houses,  introduced  me  to  their  friends, 
and  showed  me  much  civility;  while  he,  though  the 

VOL.  I.  10  G 


74  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1727 

master,  was  a  little  neglected.  In  truth,  he  was  an 
odd  creature ;  ignorant  of  common  life,  fond  of  rudely 
opposing  received  opinions,  slovenly  to  extreme  dirti- 
ness, enthusiastic  in  some  points  of  religion,  and  a  little 
knavish  withal. 

We  continued  there  near  three  months ;  and  by 
that  time  I  could  reckon  among  my  acquired  friends, 
Judge  Allen,  Samuel  Bustill,  the  Secretary  of  the  Prov- 
ince, Isaac  Pearson,  Joseph  Cooper,  and  several  of  the 
Smiths,  members  of  Assembly,  and  Isaac  Decow,  the 
Surveyor-General.  The  latter  was  a  shrewd,  saga- 
cious old  man,  who  told  me,  that  he  began  for  himself 
when  young  by  wheeling  clay  for  the  brickmakers, 
learned  to  write  after  he  was  of  age,  carried  the  chain 
for  surveyors,  who  taught  him  surveying,  and  he  had 
now  by  his  industry  acquired  a  good  estate ;  and  said 
he,  "I  foresee,  that  you  will  soon  work  this  man  out 
of  his  business,  and  make  a  fortune  in  it  at  Philadel- 
phia." He  had  then  not  the  least  intimation  of  my 
intention  to  set  up  there  or  anywhere.  These  friends 
were  afterwards  of  great  use  to  me,  as  I  occasionally 
was  to  some  of  them.  They  all  continued  their  re- 
gard for  me  as  long  as  they  lived. 

Before  I  enter  upon  my  public  appearance  in  busi- 
ness, it  may  be  well  to  let  you  know  the  then  state  of 
my  mind,  with  regard  to  my  principles  and  morals, 
that  you  may  see  how  far  those  influenced  the  future 
events  of  my  life.  My  parents  had  early  given  me 
religious  impressions,  and  brought  me  through  my  child- 
hood piously  in  the  Dissenting  way.  But  I  was  scarce 
fifteen,  when,  after  doubting  by  turns  several  points,  as 
I  found  them  disputed  in  the  different  books  I  read,  I 
began  to  doubt  of  the  Revelation  itself.  Some  books 
against  Deism  fell  into  my  hands;  they  were  said  to 
be  the  substance  of  the  sermons,  which  had  been 


/Ex.  21.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  75 

preached  at  Boyle's  Lectures.  It  happened,  that  they 
wrought  an  effect  on  me  quite  contrary  to  what  was 
intended  by  them.  For  the  arguments  of  the  Deists, 
which  were  quoted  to  be  refuted,  appeared  to  me 
much  stronger  than  the  refutations ;  in  short,  I  soon 
became  a  thorough  Deist.  My  arguments  perverted 
some  others,  particularly  Collins  and  Ralph ;  but,  each 
of  these  having  wronged  me  greatly  without  the  least 
compunction,  and  recollecting  Keith's  conduct  towards 
me,  (who  was  another  freethinker,)  and  my  own 
towards  Vernon  and  Miss  Read,  which  at  times  gave 
me  great  trouble ;  I  began  to  suspect  that  this  doc- 
trine, though  it  might  be  true,  was  not  very  useful. 
My  London  pamphlet,  printed  in  1725,*  which  had  for 
its  motto  these  lines  of  Dryden ; 

"  Whatever  is,  is  right.    But  purblind  man 
Sees  hut  a  part  o'  the  chain,  the  nearest  links; 
His  eyes  not  carrying  to  that  equal  beam, 
That  poises  all  above;" 

and  which  from  the  attributes  of  God,  his  infinite  wis- 
dom, goodness,  and  power,  concluded  that  nothing 
could  possibly  be  wrong  in  the  world ;  and  that  vice  and 
virtue  were  empty  distinctions,  no  such  things  existing ; 
appeared  now  not  so  clever  a  performance  as  I  once 

*  Dr.  Franklin,  in  a  letter  to  Benjamin  Vaughan,  dated  November  9th, 
1779,  gives  a  further  account  of  this  pamphlet  in  these  words. 

"  It  was  addressed  to  Mr.  J.  R.,  that  is,  James  Ralph,  then  a  youth 
of  about  my  age,  and  my  intimate  friend ;  afterwards  a  political  writer 
and  historian.  The  purport  of  it  was  to  prove  the  doctrine  of  fate,  from 
the  supposed  attributes  of  God ;  in  some  such  manner  as  this.  That  in 
erecting  and  governing  the  world,  as  he  was  infinitely  wise,  he  knew 
what  would  be  "best ;  infinitely  good,  he  must  be  disposed,  and  infinitely 
powerful,  he  must  be  able,  to  execute  it.  Consequently  all  is  right. 

"There  were  only  a  hundred  copies  printed,  of  which  I  gave  a  few 
to  friends ;  and  afterwards  disliking  the  piece,  as  conceiving  it  might 
have  an  ill  tendency,  I  burnt  the  rest,  except  one  copy,  the  margin  of 
which  was  filled  with  manuscript  notes  by  Lyons,  author  of  the  Infalli' 
bility  of  Human  Judgment,  who  was  at  that  time  another  of  my  acquaint- 


76  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1727. 

thought  it ;  and  I  doubted  whether  some  error  had  not 
insinuated  itself  unperceived  into  my  argument,  so  as 
to  infect  all  that  followed,  as  is  common  in  metaphysical 
reasonings. 

I  grew  convinced,  that  truth,  sincerity,  and  integrity, 
in  dealings  between  man  and  man,  were  of  the  ut- 
most importance  to  the  felicity  of  life;  and  I  formed 
written  resolutions,  which  still  remain  in  my  journal 
book,  to  practise  them  ever  while  I  lived.*  Revelation 
had  indeed  no  weight  with  me,  as  such ;  but  I  enter- 
tained an  opinion,  that,  though  certain  actions  might 
not  be  bad,  because  they  were  forbidden  by  it,  or  good 
because  it  commanded  them;  yet  probably  those  ac- 
tions might  be  forbidden  because  they  were  bad  for  us, 
or  commanded  because  they  were  beneficial  to  us,  in 
their  own  natures,  all  the  circumstances  of  things  con- 
sidered. And  this  persuasion,  with  the  kind  hand  of 
Providence,  or  some  guardian  angel,  or  accidental  fa- 
vorable circumstances  and  situations,  or  all  together, 
preserved  me,  through  this  dangerous  time  of  youth, 
and  the  hazardous  situations  I  was  sometimes  in  among 
strangers,  remote  from  the  eye  and  advice  of  my  father, 
free  from  any  wilful  gross  immorality  or  injustice,  that 

ance  in  London.  I  was  not  nineteen  years  of  age  when  it  was  written. 
In  1730,  I  wrote  a  piece  on  the  other  side  of  the  question,  which  began 
with  laying  for  its  foundation  this  fact;  «  That  almost  all  men  in  all  a^es 
and  countries  have  at  times  made  use  of  PRAVER.'  Thence  I  reasoned, 
that,  if  all  things  are  ordained,  prayer  must  among  the  rest  be  ordained. 
But,  as  prayer  can  procure  no  change  in  things  that  are  ordained,  praying 
must  then  be  useless,  and  an  absurdity.  God  would  therefore  not  or- 
dain praying  if  every  thing  else  was  ordained.  But  praying  exists, 
therefore  all  other  things  are  not  ordained,  &c.  This  pamphlet  was 
never  printed,  and  the  manuscript  has  been  long  lost.  The  great  un- 
certainty I  found  in  metaphysical  reasonings  disgusted  me,  and  I  quitted 
that  kind  of  reading  and  study  for  others  more  satisfactory."  —  W.  T.  F. 

*  See  Articles  of  Belief  and  Jlds  of  Religion,  Vol.  II.  p.  1. 

Among  Franklin's  papers  I  have  found  a  curious  manuscript  in  his 
handwriting,  which  contains  a  new  version  of  the  Lord's  Prayer.  The 


jE-r.  2L]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  77 

might  have  b'een  expected  from  my  want  of  religion. 
I  say  wilful,  because  the  instances  I  have  mentioned 
had  something  of  necessity  in  them,  from  my  youth, 
inexperience,  and  the  knavery  of  others.  I  had  there- 
fore a  tolerable  character  to  begin  the  world  with;  I 
valued  it  properly,  and  determined  to  preserve  it. 

We  had  not  been  long  returned  to  Philadelphia, 
before  the  new  types  arrived  from  London.  We  set- 
tled with  Keimer,  and  left  him  by  his  consent  before 
he  heard  of  it.  We  found  a  house  to  let  near  the 
Market,  and  took  it.  To  lessen  the  rent,  which  was 
then  but  twenty-four  pounds  a  year,  though  I  have 


condition  and  appearance  of  the  manuscript  prove  it  to  have  been  an 
early  performance,  but  its  precise  date  is  not  known.  The  form  in 
which  it  is  written  is  here  preserved.  —  EDITOR. 

THE  LORD'S   PRAYER. 
OLD  VERSION.  NEW  VERSION,  BY  B.  FRANKLIN 

1.  Our  Father  which  art  in  heaven,     1.  Heavenly  Father, 

2.  Hallowed  be  thy  name.  2.  May  all  revere  thee, 

3.  Thy  kingdom  come,  3.  And  become  thy  dutiful  children 

and  faithful  subjects. 

4.  Thy  will  be  done  on  earth,  as  it    4.  May  thy    laws    be   obeyed    on 

is  in  heaven.  earth,  as  perfectly  as  they  are 

in  heaven. 

5.  Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread.    5.  Provide  for  us  this  day,  as  thou 

hast  hitherto  daily  done. 

6.  Forgive  us  our  debts,  as  we  for-    6.  Forgive   us  our  trespasses,  and 

give  our  debtors.  enable  us  to  forgive  those  who 

offend  us. 

7.  And  lead  us  not  into  temptation,    7.  Keep  us  out  of  temptation,  and 

but  deliver  us  from  evil.  deliver  us  from  evil. 

REASONS  FOR  THE  CHANGE  OF  EXPRESSION. 

OLD  VERSION.  —  Our  Father  which  art  in  Heaven. 

NEW  VERSION.  —  Heavenly  Father  is  more  concise,  equally  expressive, 
and  better  modern  English. 

OLD  VERSION.  —  Hallowed  be  thy  name.  This  seems  to  relate  to  an 
observance  among  the  Jews  not  to  pronounce  the  proper  or  peculiar 
name  of  God,  they  deeming  it  a  profanation  so  to  do.  We  have  in  our 
language  no  proper  name  for  God ;  the  word  God  being  a  common,  or 
general  name,  expressing  all  chief  objects  of  worship,  true  or  false.  The 

G* 


78  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1727. 

since  known  it  to  let  for  seventy,  we  took  in  Thomas 
Godfrey,  a  glazier,  and  his  family,  who  were  to  pay  a 
considerable  part  of  it  to  us,  and  we  to  board  with 
them.  We  had  scarce  opened  our  letters  and  put  our 
press  in  order,  before  George  House,  an  acquaintance 
of  mine,  brought  a  countryman  to  us,  whom  he  had 
met  in  the  street,  inquiring  for  a  printer.  All  our 
cash  was  now  expended  in  the  variety  of  particulars 
we  had  been  obliged  to  procure,  and  this  country- 
man's five  shillings,  being  our  first-fruits,  and  coming 
so  seasonably,  gave  me  more  pleasure  than  any  crown 
I  have  since  earned;  and  the  gratitude  I  felt  towards 

word  hallowed  is  almost  obsolete.  People  now  have  but  an  imper- 
fect conception  of  the  meaning  of  the  petition.  It  is  therefore  pro- 
posed to  change  the  expression  into 

NEW  VERSION. — May  all  revere  thee. 

OLI>  VERSION.  —  Thy  kingdom  come.  This  petition  seems  suited  to 
the  then  condition  of  the  Jewish  nation.  Originally  their  state  was  a 
theocracy ;  God  was  their  king.  Dissatisfied  with  that  kind  of  govern- 
ment, they  desired  a  visible,  earthly  king,  in  the  manner  of  the  nations 
around  them.  They  had  such  kings  accordingly;  but  their  happiness 
was  not  increased  by  the  change,  and  they  had  reason  to  wish  and  pray 
for  a  return  of  the  theocracy,  or  government  of  God.  Christians  in 
these  times  have  other  ideas,  when  they  speak  of  the  kingdom  of  God, 
such  as  are  perhaps  more  adequately  expressed  by  the 

NEW  VERSION.  —  Become  thy  dutiful  children  and  faithful  subjects. 

OLD  VERSION. —  Thy  will  be  done  on  earth,  as  it  is  in  heaven;  more 
explicitly 

NEW  VERSioy.  —  Maythylawsbe  obeyed  on  earth,  as  perfectly  as  they 
are  in  heaven. 

OLD  VERSION.  — Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread.  —  Give  us  what  ia 
ours  seems  to  put  in  a  claim  of  right,  and  to  contain  too  little  of  the 
grateful  acknowledgment  and  sense  of  dependence  that  become  crea- 
tures, who  live  on  the  daily  bounty  of  their  Creator.  Therefore  it  is 
changed  to 

NEW  VERSION.  —  Provide  for  us  this  day,  as  thou  hast  hitherto  daily  done. 

OLD  VERSION.  —  Forgive  us  our  debts,  as  ive  forgive  our  debtors.  (Mat- 
thew). Forgive  us  our  sins,  for  we  also  forgive  every  one  that  is  indebted 
to  us.  (Luke).  Offerings  were  due  to  God  on  many  occasions  by  the 
Jewish  law,  which,  when  people  could  not  pay,  or  had  forgotten,  as 
debtors  are  apt  to  do,  it  was  proper  to  pray  that  those  debts  might  be 


/E-r  21.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  79 

House  has  made  me  often  more  ready,  than  perhaps  I 
otherwise  should  have  been,  to  assist  young  beginners. 
There  are  croakers  in  every  country,  always  boding 
its  ruin.  Such  a  one  there  lived  in  Philadelphia;  a 
person  of  note,  an  elderly  man,  with  a  wise  look  and  a 
very  grave  manner  of  speaking ;  his  name  was  Samuel 
Mickle.  This  gentleman,  a  stranger  to  me,  stopped  me 
one  day  at  my  door,  and  asked  me  if  I  was  the  young 
man,  who  had  lately  opened  a  new  printing-house? 
Being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  he  said  he  was 
sorry  for  me,  because  it  was  an  expensive  undertaking, 
and  the  expense  would  be  lost ;  for  Philadelphia  was  a 
sinking  place,  the  people  already  half  bankrupts,  or 

forgiven.  Our  Liturgy  uses  neither  the  debtors  of  Matthew,  nor  the 
indebted  of  Luke,  but  instead  of  them  speaks  of  those  that  trespass  against 
vs.  Perhaps  the  considering  it  as  a  Christian  duty  to  forgive  debtors 
was  by  the  compilers  thought  an  inconvenient  idea  in  a  trading  nation. 
There  seems,  however,  something  presumptuous  in  this  mode  of  expres- 
sion, which  has  the  air  of  proposing  ourselves  as  an  example  of  goodness 
fit  for  God  to  imitate.  We  hope  you  will  at  least  be  as  good  as  we,  are ; 
you  see  we  forgive  one  another,  and  therefore  we  pray  that  you  would 
forgive  us.  Some  have  considered  it  in  another  sense.  Forgive  us  as 
we  forgive  others.  That  is,  if  we  do  not  forgive  others,  we  pray  that 
thou  wouldst  not  forgive  us.  But  this,  being  a  kind  of  conditional  im- 
precation against  ourselves,  seems  improper  in  such  a  prayer ;  and  there- 
fore it  may  be  better  to  say  humbly  and  modestly 

NEW  VERSION.  —  Forgive  us  our  trespasses,  and  enable  us  likewise  to 
forgive  those  who  offend  us.  This,  instead  of  assuming  that  we  have 
already  in  and  of  ourselves  the  grace  of  forgiveness,  acknowledges  our 
dependence  on  God,  the  Fountain  of  Mercy,  for  any  share  we  may  have 
of  it,  praying  that  he  would  communicate  it  to  us. 

OLD  VERSION.  —  And  lead  us  not  into  temptation.  The  Jews  had  a 
notion,  that  God  sometimes  tempted,  or  directed,  or  permitted,  the  tempt- 
ing of  people.  Thus  it  was  said,  he  tempted  Pharaoh,  directed  Satan 
to  tempt  Job,  and  a  false  Prophet  to  tempt  Ahab.  Under  this  persua- 
sion, it  was  natural  for  them  to  pray,  that  he  would  not  put  them  to  such 
severe  trials.  We  now  suppose  that  temptation,  so  far  as  it  is  super- 
natural, comes  from  the  Devil  only ;  and  this  petition  continued  conveys 
a  suspicion,  which,  in  our  present  conceptions,  seems  unworthy  of  God : 
therefore  it  might  be  altered  to 

NEW  VERSION.  —  Keep  us  out  of  temptation. 


80  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1/27 

near  being  so;  all  the  appearances  of  the  contrary, 
such  as  new  buildings  and  the  rise  of  rents,  being  to 
his  certain  knowledge  fallacious ;  for  they  were  in  fact; 
among  the  things  that  would  ruin  us.  Then  he  gave 
me  such  a  detail  of  misfortunes  now  existing,  or  that 
were  soon  to  exist,  that  he  left  me  half  melancholy. 
Had  I  known  him  before  I  engaged  in  this  business, 
probably  I  never  should  have  done  it.  This  person 
continued  to  live  in  this  decaying  place,  and  to  declaim 
in  the  same  strain,  refusing  for  many  years  to  buy  a 
house  there,  because  all  was  going  to  destruction ;  and 
at  last  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  give  five  times 
as  much  for  one,  as  he  might  have  bought  it  for  when 
he  first  began  croaking. 


JET.  22.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Junto.  —  Description  of  its  original  Members.  —  Franklin  writes  the 
<;  Busy  Body."  —  Establishes  a  Newspaper.  —  Partnership  with  Mere- 
dith dissolved.  —  Writes  a  Tract  on  the  Necessity  of  a  Paper  Cur- 
rency. — Opens  a  Stationer's  Shop.  —  His  Habits  of  Industry  and  Fru- 
gality. —  Courtship.  —  Marriage. 

I  SHOULD  have  mentioned  before,  that,  in  the  au- 
tumn of  the  preceding  year,  I  had  formed  most  of  my 
ingenious  acquaintance  into  a  club  for  mutual  improve- 
ment, which  we  called  the  JUNTO  ;  we  met  on  Friday 
evenings.  The  rules  that  I  drew  up  required,  that 
every  member  in  his  turn  should  produce  one  or  more 
queries  on  any  point  of  Morals,  Politics,  or  Natural 
Philosophy,  to  be  discussed  by  the  company ;  and  once 
in  three  months  produce  and  read  an  essay  of  his  own 
writing,  on  any  subject  he  pleased.  Our  debates  were 
to  be  under  the  direction  of  a  president,  and  to  be 
conducted  in  the  sincere  spirit  of  inquiry  after  truth, 
without  fondness  for  dispute,  or  desire  of  victory ;  and, 
to  prevent  warmth,  all  expressions  of  positiveness  in 
opinions,  or  direct  contradiction,  were  after  some  time 
made  contraband,  and  prohibited  under  small  pecuniary 
penalties. 

The  first  members  were  Joseph  Breintnal,  a  copier 
of  deeds  for  the  scriveners,  a  good-natured,  friendly, 
middle-aged  man,  a  great  lover  of  poetry,  reading  all 
he  could  meet  with,  and  writing  some  that  was  toler- 
able; very  ingenious  in  making  little  nicknackeries, 
and  of  sensible  conversation. 

Thomas  Godfrey,  a  self-taught  mathematician,  great 
in  his  way,  and  afterwards  inventor  of  what  is  now 

VOL.  I.  11 


82  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1728 

called  Hadley's  Quadrant*  But  he  knew  little  out  of 
his  way,  and  was  not  a  pleasing  companion ;  as,  like 
most  great  mathematicians  I  have  met  with,  he  ex- 
pected universal  precision  in  every  thing  said,  or  was 
for  ever  denying  or  distinguishing  upon  trifles,  to  the 
disturbance  of  all  conversation.  He  soon  left  us. 

Nicholas  Scull,  a  surveyor,  afterwards  surveyor- 
general,  who  loved  books,  and  sometimes  made  a  few 
verses. 

William  Parsons,  bred  a  shoemaker,  but,  loving  read- 
ing, had  acquired  a  considerable  share  of  mathematics, 
which  he  first  studied  with  a  view  to  astrology,  and 
afterwards  laughed  at  it.  He  also  became  surveyor- 
general. 

William  Maugridge,  joiner,  but  a  most  exquisite 
mechanic,  and  a  solid,  sensible  man. 

Hugh  Meredith,  Stephen  Potts,  and  George  Webb, 
T  have  characterized  before. 

Robert  Grace,  a  young  gentleman  of  some  fortune, 
generous,  lively,  and  witty ;  a  lover  of  punning  and  of 
his  friends. 

Lastly,  William  Coleman,  then  a  merchant's  clerk, 
about  my  age,  who  had  the  coolest,  clearest  head,  the 
best  heart,  and  the  exactest  morals,  of  almost  any  man 
I  ever  met  with.  He  became  afterwards  a  merchant 
of  great  note,  and  one  of  our  provincial  judges.  Our 
friendship  continued  without  interruption  to  his  death, 
upwards  of  forty  years ;  and  the  club  continued  al- 
most as  long,  and  was  the  best  school  of  philosophy, 
morality,  and  politics,  that  then  existed  in  the  province ; 
for  our  queries,  which  were  read  the  week  preceding 
their  discussion,  put  us  upon  reading  with  attention  on 


*  Godfrey's  claims  to  this  invention  are  fully  explained  and  confirmed 
in  MILLER'S  Retrospect  of  the  Eighteenth  Century,  Vol.  I.  pp.  4C8-480 


jEr.22.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN  83 

the  several  subjects,  that  we  might  speak  more  to  the 
purpose;  and  here  too  we  acquired  better  habits  of 
conversation,  every  thing  being  studied  in  our  rules, 
which  might  prevent  our  disgusting  each  other.  Hence 
the  long  continuance  of  the  club,  which  I  shall  have 
frequent  occasion  to  speak  further  of  hereafter.* 

But  my  giving  this  account  of  it  here,  is  to  show 
something  of  the  interest  I  had,  every  one  of  these 
exerting  themselves  in  recommending  business  to  us. 
Breintnal  particularly  procured  us  from  the  Quakers  the 
printing  of  forty  sheets  of  their  history,  the  rest  being 
to  be  done  by  Keimer ;  and  upon  these  we  worked 
exceedingly  hard,  for  the  price  was  low.  It  was  a 
folio,  pro  patrid  size,  in  pica,  with  long  primer  notes. 
I  composed  a  sheet  a  day,  and  Meredith  worked  it  off 
at  press ;  it  was  often  eleven  at  night,  and  sometimes 
later,  before  I  had  finished  my  distribution  for  the  next 
day's  work.  For  the  little  jobs  sent  in  by  our  other 
friends  now  and  then  put  us  back.  But,  so  deter- 
mined I  was  to  continue  doing  a  sheet  a  day  of  the 
folio,  that  one  night,  when,  having  imposed  my  forms,  I 
thought  my  day's  work  over,  one  of  them  by  accident 
was  broken,  and  two  pages  reduced  to  pie.  I  im- 
mediately distributed,  and  composed  it  over  again  be- 
fore I  went  to  bed ;  and  this  industry,  visible  to  our 
neighbours,  began  to  give  us  character  and  credit; 
particularly  I  was  told,  that  mention  being  made  of  the 
new  printing-office,  at  the  merchants'  every-night  club, 
the  general  opinion  was  that  it  must  fail,  there  being 

*  For  other  particulars  about  the  Junto,  see  Vol.  II.  pp.  9,  551. 

Mr.  Roberts  Vaux  read  a  paper  to  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, in  February,  1835,  in  which  he  mentions  an  additional  list  of  mem- 
bers, who  belonged  subsequently  to  the  JUNTO.  Their  names  are  Hugh 
Roberts,  Philip  Syng,  Enoch  Flower,  Joseph  Wharton,  William  Griffith, 
Luke  Morris,  Joseph  Turner,  Joseph  Shippen,  Joseph  Trotter,  SamueJ 
Jervis,  and  Samuel  Rhoads  —  EDITOR. 


Q4  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1729. 

already  two  printers  in  the  place,  Keimer  and  Bradford ; 
but  Dr.  Baird  (whom  you  and  I  saw  many  years  after 
at  his  native  place,  St.  Andrew's  in  Scotland)  gave  a 
contrary  opinion ;  "  For  the  industry  of  that  Franklin," 
said  he,  "is  superior  to  any  thing  I  ever  saw  of  the 
kind ;  I  see  him  still  at  work  when  I  go  home  from 
club,  and  he  is  at  work  again  before  his  neighbours  are 
out  of  bed."  This  struck  the  rest,  and  we  soon  after 
had  offers  from  one  of  them  to  supply  us  with  station- 
ery ;  but  as  yet  we  did  not  choose  to  engage  in  shop 
business. 

I  mention  this  industry  more  particularly  and  the 
more  freely,  though  it  seems  to  be  talking  in  my  own 
praise,  that  those  of  my  posterity,  who  shall  read  it, 
may  know  the  use  of  that  virtue,  when  they  see  its 
effects  in  my  favor  throughout  this  relation. 

George  Webb,  who  had  found  a  female  friend  that 
lent  him  wherewith  to  purchase  his  time  of  Keimer, 
now  came  to  offer  himself  as  a  journeyman  to  us.  We 
could  not  then  employ  him;  but  I  foolishly  let  him 
know  as  a  secret,  that  I  soon  intended  to  begin  a  news- 
paper, and  might  then  have  work  for  him.  My  hopes 
of  success,  as  I  told  him,  were  founded  on  this ;  that 
the  then  only  newspaper,  printed  by  Bradford,  was  a 
paltry  thing,  wretchedly  managed,  no  way  entertaining, 
and  yet  was  profitable  to  him ;  I  therefore  freely  thought 
a  good  paper  would  scarcely  fail  of  good  encourage- 
ment. I  requested  Webb  not  to  mention  it;  but  he 
told  it  to  Keimer,  who  immediately,  to  be  beforehand 
with  me,  published  proposals  for  one  himself,  on  which 
Webb  was  to  be  employed.  I  was  vexed  at  this  ;  and, 
to  counteract  them,  not  being  able  to  commence  our 
paper,  I  wrote  several  amusing  pieces  for  Bradford's  pa- 
per, under  the  title  of  the  BUSY  BODY,  which  Breintnal 


JEr.  23.  j  L I F E    OF    FRANKLIN.  85 

continued  some  months.*  By  this  means  the  attention 
of  the  public  was  fixed  on  that  paper,  and  Keimer's 
proposals,  which  we  burlesqued  and  ridiculed,  were 
disregarded.  He  began  his  paper,  however ;  and,  before 
carrying  it  on  three  quarters  of  a  year,  with  at  most 
only  ninety  subscribers,  he  offered  it  me  for  a  trifle ; 
and  I,  having  been  ready  some  time  to  go  on  with  it, 
took  it  in  hand  directly ;  and  it  proved  in  a  few  years 
extremely  profitable  to  me.f 

I  perceive  that  I  'am  apt  to  speak  in  the  singular 
number,  though  our  partnership  still  continued ;  it  may 
be,  that  in  fact  the  whole  management  of  the  business 
lay  upon  me.  Meredith  was  no  compositor,  a  poor 
pressman,  and  seldom  sober.  My  friends  lamented  my 
connexion  with  him,  but  I  was  to  make  the  best  of  it. 

Our  first  papers  made  quite  a  different  appearance 

•See  Vol.  II.  p.  13-45. 

f  It  was  called  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette.  Franklin  and  Meredith  be- 
gan the  paper  with  No.  40,  September  25th,  1729. 

A  characteristic  anecdote  has  been  related  of  Franklin,  illustrative  of 
his  independence  as  an  editor.  Soon  after  the  establishment  of  his  news- 
paper, he  found  occasion  to  remark  with  some  degree  of  freedom  on  the 
public  conduct  of  one  or  two  persons  of  high  standing  in  Philadelphia. 
This  course  was  disapproved  by  some  of  his  patrons,  who  sought  an 
opportunity  to  convey  to  him  their  views  of  the  subject,  and  what  they 
represented  to  be  the  opinion  of  his  friends.  He  listened  patiently,  and 
replied  by  requesting  that  they  would  favor  him  with  their  company  at 
supper,  and  bring  with  them  the  other  gentlemen,  who  had  expressed 
dissatisfaction.  The  time  arrived,  and  the  guests  assembled.  He  re- 
ceived them  cordially,  and  listened  again  to  their  friendly  reproofs  of 
his  editorial  conduct.  At  length  supper  was  announced ;  but,  when  the 
guests  had  seated  themselves  around  the  table,  they  were  surprised  to 
see  nothing  before  them  but  two  puddings,  made  of  coarse  meal,  called 
sawdust  puddings  in  the  common  phrase,  and  a  stone  pitcher  filled  with 
water.  He  helped  them  all,  and  then  applied  himself  to  his  own  plate, 
partaking  freely  of  the  repast,  and  urging  his  friends  to  do  the  same. 
They  taxed  their  politeness  to  the  utmost,  but  all  in  vain  ;  their  appetites 
refused  obedience  to  the  will.  Perceiving  their  difficulty,  Franklin  at 
last  arose  and  said,  "My  friends,  any  one  who  can  subsist  upon  sawdust 
pudding  and  water,  as  I  can,  needs  no  man's  patronage."  —  EDITOR. 

VOL.  i.  H 


86  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1/29 

from  any  before  in  the  province;  a  better  type,  and 
better  printed;  but  some  remarks*  of  my  writing,  on 
the  dispute  then  going  on  between  Governor  Burnet, 
and  the  Massachusetts  Assembly,  struck  the  principal 
people,  occasioned  the  paper  and  the  manager  of  it  to 
be  much  talked  of,  and  in  a  few  weeks  brought  them 
all  to  be  our  subscribers. 

Their  example  was  followed  by  many,  and  our  num- 
ber went  on  growing  continually.  This  was  one  of 
the  first  good  effects  of  my  having  learned  a  little  to 
scribble ;  another  was,  that  the  leading  men,  seeing  a 
newspaper  now  in  the  hands  of  those  who  could  also 
handle  a  pen,  thought  it  convenient  to  oblige  and  en- 

*  These  remarks  are  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  for  October  2d, 
1729,  and  are  as  follows. 

"  His  Excellency,  Governor  Burnet,  died  unexpectedly  about  two  days 
after  the  date  of  this  reply  to  his  last  message ;  and  it  was  thought  the 
dispute  would  have  ended  with  him,  or  at  least  have  lain  dormant  till 
the  arrival  of  a  new  governor  from  England,  who  possibly  might  or 
might  not  be  inclined  to  enter  too  vigorously  into  the  measures  of  his 
predecessor.  But  our  last  advices  by  the  post  acquaint  us,  that  his 
Honor,  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  on  whom  the  government  immediately 
devolves  upon  the  death  or  absence  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  has  vig- 
orously renewed  the  struggle  on  his  own  account,  of  which  the  particu- 
lars will  be  seen  in  our  next. 

"Perhaps  some  of  our  readers  may  not  fully  understand  the  original 
ground  of  this  warm  contest  between  the  Governor  and  Assembly.  It 
seems  that  people  have  for  these  hundred  years  past  enjoyed  the  privi- 
lege of  rewarding  the  governor  for  the  time  being,  according  to  their 
sense  of  his  merit  and  services;  and  few  or  none  of  their  governors  have 
complained,  or  had  cause  to  complain,  of  a  scanty  allowance.  When  the 
late  Governor  Burnet  brought  with  him  instructions  to  demand  a  settled 
salary  of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling  per  annum,  on  him  and  all  his 
successors,  and  the  Assembly  were  required  to  fix  it  immediately,  he 
insisted  on  it  strenuously  to  the  last,  and  they  as  constantly  refused  it. 
It  appears  by  their  votes  and  proceedings,  that  they  thought  it  an  im- 
position, contrary  to  their  own  charter,  and  to  Magnn  Charta ;  and  they 
judged  that  there  should  be  a  mutual  dependence  between  the  gove.rn.ot 
and  governed;  and  that  to  make  the  governor  independent  would  be 
dangerous  and  destructive  to  their  liberties,  and  the  ready  way  to  estab- 
lish lyranny.  They  thought,  likewise,  that  the  province  was  not  the 
less  dependent  on  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  by  the  governor's  depend- 


^T.  23.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  87 

courage  me.  Bradford  still  printed  the  votes,  and 
laws,  and  other  public  business.  He  had  printed  an 
address  of  the  House  to  the  Governor,  in  a  coarse, 
blundering  manner ;  we  reprinted  it  elegantly  and  cor- 
rectly, and  sent  one  to  every  member.  They  were 
sensible  of  the  difference,  it  strengthened  the  hands 
of  our  friends  in  the  House,  and  they  voted  us  their 
printers 'for  the  year  ensuing. 

Among  my  friends  in  the  House,  I  must  not  forget 
Mr.  Hamilton,  before  mentioned,  who  was  then  returned 
from  England,  and  had  a  seat  in  it.  He  interested 
himself  for  me  strongly  in  that  instance,  as  he  did  in 
many  others  afterwards,  continuing  his  patronage  till 
his  death.* 

ing  immediately  on  them  and  his  own  good  conduct  for  an  ample  sup- 
port ;  because  all  acts  and  laws,  which  he  might  be  induced  to  pass, 
must  nevertheless  be  constantly  sent  home  for  approbation  in  order  to 
continue  in  force.  Many  other  reasons  were  given,  and  arguments  used, 
in  the  course  of  the  controversy,  needless  to  particularize  here,  because 
all  the  material  papers  relating  to  it  have  been  already  given  in  our 
public  news. 

"Much  deserved  praise  has  the  deceased  governor  received  for  his 
steady  integrity  in  adhering  to  his  instructions,  notwithstanding  the  great 
difficulty  and  opposition  he  met  with,  and  the  strong  temptations  offered 
from  time  to  time  to  induce  him  to  give  up  the  point.  And  yet,  per- 
haps, something  is  due  to  the  Assembly,  (as  the  love  and  zeal  of  that 
country  for  the  present  establishment  is  too  well  known  to  suffer  any 
suspicion  of  want  of  loyalty,)  who  continue  thus  resolutely  to  abide  by 
what  they  think  their  right,  and  that  of  the  people  they  represent ;  mau- 
gre  all  the  arts  and  menaces  of  a  governor  famed  for  his  cunning  and 
politics,  backed  with  instructions  from  home,  and  powerfully  aided  by 
the  great  advantage  such  an  officer  always  has  of  engaging  the  principal 
men  of  a  place  in  his  party,  by  conferring  where  he  pleases  so  many 
posts  of  profit  and  honor.  Their  happy  mother  country  will  perhaps  ob- 
serve with  pleasure,  that  though  her  gallant  cocks  and  matchless  dogs 
abate  their  natural  fire  and  intrepidity,  when  transported  to  a  foreign 
clime,  (as  this  nation  is,)  yet  her  SONS  in  the  remotest  part  of  the  earth, 
and  even  to  the  third  and  fourth  descent,  still  retain  that  ardent  spirit 
of  liberty,  and  that  undaunted  courage,  which  have  in  every  age  so 
gloriously  distinguished  BRITONS  and  ENGLISHMEN  from  the  rest  of 
mankind."  —  W.  T.  F. 

*  I  afterwards  obtained  for  his  son  Jive  hundred  pounds. 


gg  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1729 

Mr.  Vernon,  about  this  time,  put  me  in  mind  of  the 
debt  I  owed  him,  but  did  not  press  me.  I  wrote  to 
him  an  ingenuous  letter  of  acknowledgment,  craving  his 
forbearance  a  little  longer,  which  he  allowed  me.  As 
soon  as  I  was  able,  I  paid  the  principal  with  the  in- 
terest, and  many  thanks ;  so  that  erratum  was  in  some 
degree  corrected.* 

But  now  another  difficulty  came  upon  me,  which  I 
had  never  the  least  reason  to  expect.  Mr.  Meredith's 
father,  who  was  to  have  paid  for  our  printing-house, 
according  to  the  expectations  given  me,  was  able  to 
advance  only  one  hundred  pounds  currency,  which  had 
been  paid ;  and  a  hundred  more  were  due  to  the  mer- 
chant, who  grew  impatient  and  sued  us  all.  We  gave 
bail,  but  saw  that,  if  the  money  could  not  be  raised  in 
time,  the  suit  must  soon  come  to  a  judgment  and 
execution,  and  our  hopeful  prospects  must,  with  us, 
be  ruined;  as  the  press  and  letters  must  be  sold  for 
payment,  perhaps  at  half  price. 

In  this  distress  two  true  friends,  whose  kindness  I 
have  never  forgotten,  nor  ever  shall  forget  while  I  can 
remember  any  thing,  came  to  me  separately,  unknown 
to  each  other,  and,  without  any  application  from  me, 
offered  each  of  them  to  advance  me  all  the  money  that 
should  be  necessary  to  enable  me  to  take  the  whole 
business  upon  myself,  if  that  should  be  practicable ; 
but  they  did  not  like  my  continuing  the  partnership 
with  Meredith ;  who,  as  they  said,  was  often  seen  drunk 
in  the  street,  playing  at  low  games  in  alehouses,  much 
to  our  discredit.  These  two  friends  were  William  Cole- 


*  Many  years  afterwards  he  had  an  opportunity  of  discharging  more 
completely  this  debt  of  gratitude.  While  he  was  minister  plenipoten- 
tiary from  the  United  States  at  the  court  of  France,  he  rendered  very 
important  services  to  a  young  man,  a  descendant  of  Mr.  Vernon,  v  ho 
passed  some  time  in  that  country.  —  EDITOR. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  89 

man  and  Robert  Grace.  I  told  them  I  could  not  pro- 
pose a  separation,  while  any  prospect  remained  of  the 
Merediths'  fulfilling  their  part  of  our  agreement;  be- 
cause I  thought  myself  under  great  obligations  to  them 
for  what  they  had  done,  and  would  do  if  they  could ; 
but,  if  they  finally  failed  in  their  performance,  and  our 
partnership  must  be  dissolved,  I  should  then  think  my- 
self at  liberty  to  accept  the  assistance  of  my  friend. 

Thus  the  matter  rested  for  some  time,  when  I  said 
to  my  partner,  "  Perhaps  your  father  is  dissatisfied  at 
the  part  you  have  undertaken  in  this  affair  of  ours,  and 
is  unwilling  to  advance  for  you  and  me,  what  he  would 
for  you.  If  that  is  the  case,  tell  me,  and  I  will  resign 
the  whole  to  you,  and  go  about  my  business."  "  No," 
said  he,  "  my  father  has  really  been  disappointed,  and 
is  really  unable;  and  I  am  unwilling  to  distress  him 
further.  I  see  this  is  a  business  I  am  not  fit  for.  I 
was  bred  a  farmer,  and  it  was  folly  in  me  to  come 
to  town,  and  put  myself,  at  thirty  years  of  age,  an  ap- 
prentice to  learn  a  new  trade.  Many  of  our  Welsh 
people  are  going  to  settle  in  North  Carolina,  where 
land  is  cheap.  I  am  inclined  to  go  with  them,  and 
follow  my  old  employment;  you  may  find  friends  to 
assist  you.  If  you  will  take  the  debts  of  the  company 
upon  you,  return  to  my  father  the  hundred  pounds  he 
has  advanced,  pay  my  little  personal  debts,  and  give 
me  thirty  pounds  and  a  new  saddle,  I  will  relinquish 
the  partnership  and  leave  the  whole  in  your  hands." 
I  agreed  to  this  proposal ;  it  was  drawn  up  in  writing, 
signed,  and  sealed  immediately.  I  gave  him  what  he 
demanded,  and  he  went  soon  after  to  Carolina ;  whence 
he  sent  me  next  year  two  long  letters,  containing  the 
best  account  that  had  been  given  of  that  country,  the 
climate,  the  soil,  and  husbandry,  for  in  those  matters 

VOL.I.  12  H* 


90  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1729 

he  was  very  judicious.  I  printed  them  in  the  papers, 
and  they  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  public. 

As  soon  as  he  was  gone,  I  recurred  to  my  two 
friends ;  and  because  I  would  not  give  an  unkind  prefer- 
ence to  either,  I  took  half  of  what  each  had  offered 
and  I  wanted  of  one,  and  half  of  the  other ;  paid  off  the 
company's  debts,  and  went  on  with  the  business  in  my 
own  name;  advertising  that  the  partnership  was  dis- 
solved. I  think  this  was  in  or  about  the  year  1729.* 

About  this  time  there  was  a  cry  among  the  people 
for  more  paper  money ;  only  fifteen  thousand  pounds 
being  extant  in  the  province,  and  that  soon  to  be  sunk. 
The  wealthy  inhabitants  opposed  any  addition,  being 
against  all  paper  currency,  from  the  apprehension  that 
it  would  depreciate  as  it  had  done  in  New  England, 
to  the  injury  of  all  creditors.  We  had  discussed  this 
point  in  our  Junto,  where  I  was  on  the  side  of  an  ad- 
dition ;  being  persuaded,  that  the  first  small  sum  struck 
in  1723  had  done  much  good  by  increasing  the  trade, 
employment,  and  number  of  inhabitants  in  the  prov- 
ince; since  I  now  saw  all  the  old  houses  inhabited, 
and  many  new  ones  building;  whereas  I  remembered 
well,  when  I  first  walked  about  the  streets  of  Phila- 


*  The  dissolution  of  the  partnership  was  a  year  later,  as  appears  by 
the  following  agreement,  transcribed  from  the  original  in  Franklin's  hand- 
writing.—  EDITOR. 

«  Be  it  remembered,  that  Hugh  Meredith  and  Benjamin  Franklin  have 
this  day  separated  as  partners,  and  will  henceforth  act  each  on  his  own 
account ;  and  that  the  said  Hugh  Meredith,  for  a  valuable  consideration 
by  him  received  from  the  said  Benjamin  Franklin,  hath  relinquished,  and 
doth  hereby  relinquish,  to  the  said  Franklin,  all  claim,  right,  or  property 
to  or  in  the  printing  materials  and  stock  heretofore  jointly  possessed  by 
them  in  partnership;  and  to  all  debts  due  to  them  as  partners,  in  the 
course  of  their  business ;  which  are  all  from  henceforth  the  sole  property 
of  the  said  Benjamin  Franklin.  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto 
set  my  hand,  this  14th  day  of  July,  1730. 

"HUGH  MEREDITH." 


JEr.  23.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  91 

delphia,  eating  my  roll,  I  saw  many  of  the  houses  in 
Walnut  Street,  between  Second  and  Front  Streets, 
with  bills  on  their  doors,  "  To  be  let ";  and  many  like- 
wise in  Chestnut  Street  and  other  streets  ;  which  made 
me  think  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  were  one  after 
another  deserting  it. 

Our  debates  possessed  me  so  fully  of  the  subject, 
that  I  wrote  and  printed  an  anonymous  pamphlet  on 
it,  entitled,  "  The  Nature  and  Necessity  of  a  Paper 
Currency"*  It  was  well  received  by  the  common 
people  in  general ;  but  the  rich  men  disliked  it,  for  it 
increased  and  strengthened  the  clamor  for  more  money ; 
and,  they  happening  to  have  no  writers  among  them 
that  were  able  to  answer  it,  their  opposition  slackened, 
and  the  point  was  carried  by  a  majority  in  the  House. 

*  See  Vol.  II.  p.  253. 

"It  is  little  known,  or  set  down  to  the  commendation  of  Franklin, 
that,  when  he  was  young  in  business,  and  stood  in  need  of  sundry  ar- 
ticles in  the  line  of  his  profession  as  a  printer,  he  had  the  ingenuity  to 
make  them  for  himself.  In  this  way  he  founded  letters  of  lead,  en- 
graved various  printing  ornaments,  cut  wood-cuts,  made  printer's  ink, 
engraved  copperplate  vignettes,  and  made  his  plate-press."  —  WATSON'S 
Annals  of  Philadelphia,  p.  513. 

Mr.  Watson  relates  another  anecdote.  He  says,  that  the  "yellow 
willow  tree,"  now  so  common  throughout  the  country,  was  first  intro- 
duced into  America  by  Franklin.  A  wicker  basket,  made  of  willow,  in 
which  some  foreign  article  had  been  imported,  he  saw  sprouting  in  a 
ditch,  and  directed  some  of  the  twigs  to  be  planted.  They  took  root, 
and  from  these  shoots  are  supposed  to  have  sprung  all  the  yellow  wil- 
lows, which  have  grown  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

Chaptal  ascribes  to  Franklin,  also,  the  introduction  of  the  agricultural 
use  of  plaster  of  Paris  into  the  United  States.  "As  this  celebrated  phi- 
losopher," says  he,  "wished  that  the  effects  of  this  manure  should  strike 
the  gaze  of  all  cultivators,  he  wrote  in  great  letters,  formed  by  the  use  of 
the  ground  plaster,  in  a  field  of  clover  lying  upon  the  great  road,  '  Tliia 
has  been  plastered?  The  prodigious  vegetation,  which  was  developed  in 
the  plastered  portion,  led  him  to  adopt  this  method.  Volumes  upon  the 
excellency  of  plaster  would  not  have  produced  so  speedy  a  revolution. 
From  that  period  the  Americans  have  imported  great  quantities  of  plas- 
ter of  Paris."  —  CHAPTAL'S  Agricultural  Chemistry,  Boston  edition, 
p.  73. — EDITOR. 


92  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1729. 

My  friends  there,  who  considered  I  had  been  of  some 
service,  thought  fit  to  reward  me,  by  employing  me  in 
printing  the  money ;  a  very  profitable  job,  and  a  great 
help  to  me.  This  was  another  advantage  gained  by 
-jl  my  being  able  to  write. 

The  utility  of  this  currency  became  by  time  and  ex- 
perience so  evident,  that  the  principles  upon  which  it 
was  founded  were  never  afterwards  much  disputed ; 
so  that  it  grew  soon  to  fifty-five  thousand  pounds ; 
and  in  1739,  to  eighty  thousand  pounds;  trade,  build- 
ing, and  inhabitants  all  the  while  increasing.  Though 
I  now  think  there  are  limits,  beyond  which  the  quan- 
tity may  be  hurtful. 

I  soon  after  obtained,  through  my  friend  Hamil- 
ton, the  printing  of  the  Newcastle  paper  money,  an- 
other profitable  job,  as  I  then  thought  it ;  small  things 
appearing  great  to  those  in  small  circumstances;  and 
these  to  me  were  really  great  advantages,  as  they  were 
great  encouragements.  Mr.  Hamilton  procured  for  me 
also  the  printing  of  the  laws  and  votes  of  that  gov- 
ernment ;  which  continued  in  my  hands  as  long  as  I 
followed  the  business. 

I  now  opened  a  small  stationer's  shop.  I  had  in  it 
blanks  of  all  kinds;  the  correctest  that  ever  appeared 
among  us.  I  was  assisted  in  that  by  my  friend  Breint- 
nal.  I  had  also  paper,  parchment,  chapmen's  books, 
&c.  One  Whitemarsh,  a  compositor  I  had  known  in 
London,  an  excellent  workman,  now  came  to  me,  and 
worked  with  me  constantly  and  diligently ;  and  I  took 
an  apprentice,  the  son  of  Aquila  Rose. 

I  began  now  gradually  to  pay  off  the  debt  I  was 
under  for  the  printing-house.  In  order  to  secure  my 
credit  and  character  as  a  tradesman,  I  took  care  not 
only  to  be  in  reality  industrious  and  frugal,  but  to 
avoid  the  appearances  to  the  contrary.  I  dressed  plain, 


/Er.  23.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  93 

and  was  seen  at  no  places  of  idle  diversion.  I  never 
went  out  a  fishing  or  shooting ;  a  book  indeed  some- 
times debauched  me  from  my  work,  but  that  was  sel- 
dom, was  private,  and  gave  no  scandal ;  and,  to  show 
that  I  was  not  above  my  business,  I  sometimes  brought 
home  the  paper  I  purchased  at  the  stores,  through  the 
streets  on  a  wheelbarrow.  Thus  being  esteemed  an 
industrious,  thriving  young  man,  and  paying  duly  for 
what  I  bought,  the  merchants  who  imported  stationery 
solicited  my  custom ;  others  proposed  supplying  me 
with  books,  and  I  went  on  prosperously.  In  the  mean 
time,  Keimer's  credit  and  business  declining  daily,  he 
was  at  last  forced  to  sell  his  printing-house,  to  satisfy 
his  creditors.  He  went  to  Barbadoes,  and  there  lived 
some  years  in  very  poor  circumstances. 

His  apprentice,  David  Harry,  whom  I  had  instructed 
while  I  worked  with  him,  set  up  in  his  place  at  Phila- 
delphia, having  bought  his  materials.  I  was  at  first 
apprehensive  of  a  powerful  rival  in  Harry,  as  his  friends 
were  very  able,  and  had  a  good  deal  of  interest.  I 
therefore  proposed  a  partnership  to  him,  which  he  for- 
tunately for  me  rejected  with  scorn.  He  was  very 
proud,  dressed  like  a  gentleman,  lived  expensively,  took 
much  diversion  and  pleasure  abroad,  ran  in  debt,  and 
neglected  his  business;  upon  which,  all  business  left 
him ;  and,  finding  nothing  to  do,  he  followed  Keimer 
to  Barbadoes,  taking  the  printing-house  with  him. 
There  this  apprentice  employed  his  former  master  as 
a  journeyman ;  they  quarrelled  often,  and  Harry  went 
continually  behindhand,  and  at  length  was  obliged  to 
sell  his  types  and  return  to  country  work  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  person  who  bought  them  employed  Kei- 
mer to  use  them,  but  a  few  years  after  he  died. 

There  remained  now  no  other  printer  in  Philadel- 
phia, but  the  old  Bradford ;  but  he  was  rich  and  easy, 


94  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1730. 

did  a  little  in  the  business  by  straggling  hands,  but 
was  not  anxious  about  it.  However,  as  he  held  the 
postoffice,  it  was  imagined  he  had  better  opportunities 
of  obtaining  news,  his  paper  was  thought  a  better  dis- 
tributer of  advertisements  than  mine,  and  therefore  had 
many  more ;  which  was  a  profitable  thing  to  him,  and 
a  disadvantage  to  me.  For,  though  I  did  indeed  re- 
ceive and  send  papers  by  the  post,  yet  the  public 
opinion  was  otherwise;  for  what  I  did  send  was  by 
bribing  the  riders,  who  took  them  privately ;  Bradford 
being  unkind  enough  to  forbid  it,  which  occasioned 
some  resentment  on  my  part ;  and  I  thought  so  mean- 
ly of  the  practice,  that,  when  I  afterwards  came  into 
his  situation,  I  took  care  never  to  imitate  it. 

I  had  hitherto  continued  to  board  with  Godfrey,  who 
lived  in  a  part  of  my  house  with  his  wife  and  children, 
and  had  one  side  of  the  shop  for  his  glazier's  busi- 
ness though  he  worked  little,  being  always  absorbed 
in  his  mathematics.  Mrs.  Godfrey  projected  a  match 
for  me,  with  a  relation's  daughter,  took  opportunities 
of  bringing  us  often  together,  till  a  serious  courtship 
on  my  part  ensued ;  the  girl  being  in  herself  very  de- 
serving. The  old  folks  encouraged  me  by  continual 
invitations  to  supper,  and  by  leaving  us  together,  till  at 
length  it  was  time  to  explain.  Mrs.  Godfrey  man- 
aged our  little  treaty.  I  let  her  know  that  I  expect- 
ed as  much  money  with  their  daughter  as  would  pay 
off  my  remaining  debt  for  the  printing-house;  which 
I  believe  was  not  then  above  a  hundred  pounds.  She 
brought  me  word  they  had  no  such  sum  to  spare ;  I 
said  they  might  mortgage  their  house  in  the  loan- 
office.  The  answer  to  this,  after  some  days,  was,  that 
they  did  not  approve  the  match;  that,  on  inquiry  of 
Bradford,  they  had  been  informed  the  printing  business 
was  not  a  profitable  one,  the  types  would  soon  be 


JET.  24.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  95 

worn  out  and  more  wanted ;  that  Keimer  and  David 
Harry  had  failed  one  after  the  other,  and  I  should 
probably  soon  follow  them ;  and  therefore  I  was  for- 
bidden the  house,  and  the  daughter  was  shut  up. 

Whether  this  was  a  real  change  of  sentiment  or 
only  artifice,  on  a  supposition  of  our  being  too  far 
engaged  in  affection  to  retract,  and  therefore  that  we 
should  steal  a  marriage,  which  would  leave  them  at 
liberty  to  give  or  withhold  what  they  pleased,  I  know 
not.  But  I  suspected  the  motive,  resented  it,  and  went 
no  more.  Mrs.  Godfrey  brought  me  afterwards  some 
more  favorable  accounts  of  their  disposition,  and  would 
have  drawn  me  on  again;  but  I  declared  absolutely 
my  resolution  to  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  that 
family.  This  was  resented  by  the  Godfreys,  we  dif- 
fered, and  they  removed,  leaving  me  the  whole  house, 
and  I  resolved  to  take  no  more  inmates. 

But  this  affair  having  turned  my  thoughts  to  mar- 
riage, I  looked  round  me  and  made  overtures  of  ac- 
quaintance in  other  places;  but  soon  found,  that,  the 
business  of  a  printer  being  generally  thought  a  poor 
one,  I  was  not  to  expect  money  with  a  wife,  unless 
with  such  a  one  as  I  should  not  otherwise  think  agree- 
able. In  the  mean  time,  that  hard  to  be  governed 
passion  of  youth  had  hurried  me  frequently  into  in- 
trigues with  low  women  that  fell  in  my  way,  which 
were  attended  with  some  expense  and  great  incon- 
venience, besides  a  continual  risk  to  my  health  by  a 
distemper,  which  of  all  things  I  dreaded,  though  by 
great  good  luck  I  escaped  it. 

A  friendly  correspondence  as  neighbours  had  con- 
tinued between  me  and  Miss  Read's  family,  who  all 
had  a  regard  for  me  from  the  time  of  my  first  lodg- 
ing in  their  house.  I  was  often  invited  there  and  con- 
sulted in  their  affairs,  wherein  I  sometimes  was  of  ser- 


96  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1731. 

vice.  I  pitied  poor  Miss  Read's  unfortunate  situation, 
who  was  generally  dejected,  seldom  cheerful,  and 
avoided  company.  I  considered  my  giddiness  and  in 
constancy  when  in  London,  as  in  a  great  degree  the 
cause  of  her  unhappiness;  though  the  mother  was 
good  enough  to  think  the  fault  more  her  own  than 
mine,  as  she  had  prevented  our  marrying  before  I  went 
thither,  and  persuaded  the  other  match  in  my  absence. 
Our  mutual  affection  was  revived,  but  there  were  now 
great  objections  to  our  union.  That  match  was  in- 
deed looked  upon  as  invalid,  a  preceding  wife  being 
said  to  be  living  in  England;  but  this  could  not  easi- 
ly be  proved,  because  of  the  distance,  &c.;  and,  though 
there  was  a  report  of  his  death,  it  was  not  certain. 
Then,  though  it  should  be  true,  he  had  left  many  debts, 
which  his  successor  might  be  called  upon  to  pay. 
We  ventured,  however,  over  all  these  difficulties,  and 
I  took  her  to  wife,  September  1st,  1730.  None  of  the 
inconveniences  happened,  that  we  had  apprehended; 
she  proved  a  good  and  faithful  helpmate,  assisted  me 
much  by  attending  to  the  shop;  we  throve  together, 
and  ever  mutually  endeavoured  to  make  each  other 
happy.  Thus  I  corrected  that  great  erratum  as  well 
as  I  could. 

About  this  time,  our  club  meeting,  not  at  a  tavern,  but 
in  a  little  room  of  Mr.  Grace's,  set  apart  for  that  pur- 
pose, a  proposition  was  made  by  me,  that,  since  our 
books  were  often  referred  to  in  our  disquisitions  upon 
the  queries,  it  might  be  convenient  to  us  to  have  them 
altogether  where  \ve  met,  that  upon  occasion  they 
might  be  consulted ;  and  by  thus  clubbing  our  books 
in  a  common  library,  we  should,  while  we  liked  to  keep 
them  together,  have  each  of  us  the  advantage  of  using 
the  books  of  all  the  other  members,  which  would  be 
nearly  as  beneficial  as  if  each  owned  the  whole.  It 


^Er.  25.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  97 

was  liked  and  agreed  to,  and  we  filled  one  end  of  the 
room  with  such  books  as  we  could  best  spare.  The 
number  was  not  so  great  as  we  expected ;  and,  though 
they  had  been  of  great  use,  yet  some  inconveniences 
occurring  for  want  of  due  care  of  them,  the  collection 
after  about  a  year  was  separated ;  and  each  took  his 
books  home  again. 

And  now  I  set  on  foot  my  first  project  of  a  pub 
lie  nature,  that  for  a  subscription  library.  I  drew  up 
the  proposals,  got  them  put  into  form  by  our  great 
scrivener,  Brockden,  and,  by  the  help  of  my  friends  in 
the  Junto,  procured  fifty  subscribers  of  forty  shillings 
each  to  begin  with,  and  ten  shillings  a  year  for  fifty 
years,  the  term  our  company  was  to  continue.  We 
afterwards  obtained  a  charter,  the  company  being  in- 
creased to  one  hundred ;  this  was  the  mother  of  all 
the  North  American  subscription  libraries,  now  so 
numerous.  It  is  become  a  great  thing  itself,  and  con- 
tinually goes  on  increasing.  These  libraries  have  im- 
proved the  general  conversation  of  the  Americans,  made 
the  common  tradesmen  and  farmers  as  intelligent  as 
most  gentlemen  from  other  countries,  and  perhaps  have 
contributed  in  some  degree  to  the  stand  so  generally 
made  throughout  the  colonies  in  defence  of  their  privi- 
leges. 


VOL.  I.  13 


98  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1731. 


CHAPTER  VI.* 

Origin  of  the  Philadelphia  Library.  —  Mode  of  obtaining  Subscrip- 
tions.—  Thrives  in  his  Business.  —  Anecdote  of  the  Silver  Spoon  and 
China  Bowl.  —  Religious  Sentiments  and  Remarks  on  Preaching.— 
Scheme  for  arriving  at  Moral  Perfection.  —  Explanation  of  the  Scheme. 
—  List  of  Virtues  enumerated,  and  Rules  for  Practising  them.  — Di- 
vision of  Time,  and  the  Occupation  of  each  Hour.  —  Amusing  Anec- 
dote. —  The  Art  of  Virtue.  —  A  Treatise  on  that  Subject  proposed. 

AT  the  time  I  established  myself  in  Pennsylvania, 
there  was  not  a  good  bookseller's  shop  in  any  of  the 
colonies  to  the  southward  of  Boston.  In  New  York 
and  Philadelphia,  the  printers  were  indeed  stationers, 
but  they  sold  only  paper,  almanacs,  ballads,  and  a  few 

*  Down  to  this  period  the  Memoir  was  written  in  the  year  1771,  and 
the  task  was  then  laid  aside  for  several  years.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
manuscript  was  shown  to  several  of  the  author's  friends,  who  pressed 
him  to  complete  what  he  had  begun.  He  accordingly  yielded  to  their 
solicitations,  and,  to  the  part  with  which  this  chapter  commences,  he 
prefixed  the  following  introductory  remarks,  and  also  the  two  letters  to 
which  he  alludes. 
Continuation  of  the  Account  of  my  Life,  begun  at  Passy,  near  Paris,  1784. 

"It  is  some  time  since  I  received  the  above  letters,  but  I  have  been 
too  busy  till  now  to  think  of  complying  with  the  request  they  contain. 
It  might,  too,  be  much  better  done  if  I  were  at  home  among  my  papers, 
which  would  aid  my  memory,  and  help  to  ascertain  dates ;  but  my  return 
being  uncertain,  and  having  just  now  a  little  leisure,  I  will  endeavour 
to  recollect  and  write  what  I  can ;  if  I  live  to  get  home,  it  may  there 
be  corrected  and  improved. 

"  Not  having  any  copy  here  of  what  is  already  written,  I  know  not 
whether  an  account  is  given  of  the  means  I  used  to  establish  the  Phila- 
delphia public  library ;  which  from  a  small  beginning  is  now  become  so 
considerable.  Though  I  remember  to  have  come  down  to  near  the 
time  of  that  transaction  (1730.)  I  will  therefore  begin  here  with  an 
account  of  it,  which  may  be  struck  out  if  found  to  have  been  already 
given." 

The  letters  referred  to  were  from  his  friends,  Benjamin  Vaughan  and 
Abel  James.  They  may  be  found  in  the  Correspondence,  Vol.  IX.  p.  478, 
under  the  date  of  January  31st,  1783.  —  EDITOR. 


JET.  25.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  99 

common  school-books.  Those  who  loved  reading  were 
obliged  to  send  for  their  books  from  England ;  the 
members  of  the  Junto  had  each  a  few.  We  had  left 
the  alehouse,  where  we  first  met,  and  hired  a  room  to 
hold  our  club  in.  I  proposed,  that  we  should  all  of 
us  bring  our  books  to  that  room;  where  they  would 
not  only  be  ready  to  consult  in  our  conferences,  but 
become  a  common  benefit,  each  of  us  being  at  liberty 
to  borrow  such  as  he  wished  to  read  at  home.  This 
was  accordingly  done,  and  for  some  time  contented  us. 
Finding  the  advantage  of  this  little  collection,  I  pro- 
posed to  render  the  benefit  from  the  books  more  com- 
mon, by  commencing  a  public  subscription  library. 
I  drew  a  sketch  of  the  plan  and  rules  that  would  be 
necessary,  and  got  a  skilful  conveyancer,  Mr.  Charles 
Brockden,  to  put  the  whole  in  form  of  articles  of  agree- 
ment to  be  subscribed ;  by  which  each  subscriber  en- 
gaged to  pay  a  certain  sum  down  for  the  first  pur- 
chase of  the  books,  and  an  annual  contribution  for 
increasing  them.  So  few  were  the  readers  at  that 
time  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  majority  of  us  so  poor, 
that  I  was  not  able  with  great  industry  to  find  more 
than  fifty  persons,  mostly  young  tradesmen,  willing  to 
pay  down  for  this  purpose  forty  shillings  each,  and  ten 
shillings  per  annum.  With  this  little  fund  we  began. 
The  books  were  imported  ;  the  library  was  opened  one 
day  in  the  week  for  lending  them  to  the  subscribers, 
on  their  promissory  notes  to  pay  double  the  value  if 
not  duly  returned.  The  institution  soon  manifested  its 
utility,  was  imitated  by  other  towns,  and  in  other  prov- 
inces. The  libraries  were  augmented  by  donations; 
reading  became  fashionable  ;  and  our  people,  having  no 
public  amusements  to  divert  their  attention  from  study, 
became  better  acquainted  with  books ;  and  in  a  few 
years  were  observed  by  strangers  to  be  better  in- 


100  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1731. 

structed,  and  more  intelligent  than  people  of  the  same 
rank  generally  are  in  other  countries. 

When  we  were  about  to  sign  the  abovementioned 
articles,  which  were  to  be  binding  on  us,  our  heirs,  &c. 
for  fifty  years,  Mr.  Brockden,  the  scrivener,  said  to  us, 
"You  are  young  men,  but  it  is  scarcely  probable  that 
any  of  you  will  live  to  see  the  expiration  of  the  term 
fixed  in  the  instrument."  A  number  of  us,  however, 
are  yet  living;  but  the  instrument  was  after  a  few 
years  rendered  null,  by  a  charter  that  incorporated 
and  gave  perpetuity  to  the  company.* 

*  It  appears  by  a  statement  in  Mr.  Smith's  "  Notes  for  a  History  of  the 
Library  Company  of  Philadelphia,"  that  the  above  "instrument"  was 
dated  July  1st,  1731.  The  charter  of  incorporation  was  obtained  from 
the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  in  1742.  Franklin's  name  stands  at 
the  head  of  the  list  of  the  persons  who  applied  for  the  charter,  and  to 
whom  it  was  granted.  The  library  has  grown  to  be  one  of  the  largest  in 
America.  The  spacious  and  handsome  edifice,  in  which  it  is  contained, 
was  erected  but  a  short  time  before  Dr.  Franklin's  death.  It  is  stated 
in  the  minutes  of  the  Library  Company,  as  quoted  by  Mr.  Smith,  "  that, 
upon  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Franklin,  a  large  stone  was  prepared,  and 
laid  at  the  southeast  corner  of  the  building,  with  the  following  inscription, 
composed  by  the  Doctor,  except  so  far  as  relates  to  himself,  which  the 
Committee  have  taken  the  liberty  of  adding  to  it 

'Be  it  remembered, 
In  honor  of  the  Philadelphia  Youth, 
(Then  chiefly  artificers,) 
That,  in  MDCCXXXI, 

They  cheerfully 
At  the  Instance  of  Benjamin  Franklin, 

One  of  their  Number, 
Instituted  the  Philadelphia  Library, 

Which,  though  small  at  first, 
Is  become  highly  valuable,  and  extensively  useful. 

And  which  the  Walls  of  this  Edifice 

Are  now  destined  to  contain  and  preserve ; 

The  first  Stone  of  whose  Foundation 

Was  here  placed 

The  31st  of  August,  MDCCLXXXIX.'" 

The  marble  statue  of  Dr.  Franklin,  which  occupies  a  niche  m  front 
of  the  building,  was  executed  in  Italy,  and  presented  to  the  Library 
Company  by  Mr.  William  Bingham.  —  EDITOR. 


MT.  25.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  101 

The  objections  and  reluctances  I  met  with, 'in  so- 
liciting the  subscriptions,  made  me  soon  feel  the  im- 
propriety of  presenting  one's  self  as  the  proposer  of 
any  useful  project,  that  might  be  supposed  to  raise 
one's  reputation  in  the  smallest  degree  above  that  of 
one's  neighbours,  when  one  has  need  of  their  assistance 
to  accomplish  that  project.  I  therefore  put  myself  as 
much  as  I  could  out  of  sight,  and  stated  it  as  a  scheme 
of  a  number  of  friends,  who  had  requested  me  to  go 
about  and  propose  it  to  such  as  they  thought  lovers 
of  reading.  In  this  way  my  affair  went  on  more 
smoothly,  and  I  ever  after  practised  it  on  such  occa- 
sions; and,  from  my  frequent  successes,  can  heartily 
recommend  it.  The  present  little  sacrifice  of  your 
vanity  will  afterwards  be  amply  repaid.  If  it  remains 
a  while  uncertain  to  whom  the  merit  belongs,  some  one 
more  vain  than  yourself  may  be  encouraged  to  claim 
it,  and  then  even  envy  will  be  disposed  to  do  you  jus- 
tice, by  plucking  those  assumed  feathers,  and  restoring 
them  to  their  right  owner. 

This  library  afforded  me  the  means  of  improvement 
by  constant  study,  for  which  I  set  apart  an  hour  or 
two  each  day ;  and  thus  repaired  in  some  degree  the 
loss  of  the  learned  education  my  father  once  intended 
for  me.  Reading  was  the  only  amusement  I  allowed 
myself.  I  spent  no  time  in  taverns,  games,  or  frolics 
of  any  kind ;  and  my  industry  in  my  business  con- 
tinued as  indefatigable  as  it  was  necessary.  I  was 
indebted  for  my  printing-house ;  I  had  a  young  family 
coming  on  to  be  educated,  and  I  had  two  competitors 
to  contend  with  for  business,  who  were  established  in 
the  place  before  me.  My  circumstances  however  grew 
daily  easier.  My  original  habits  of  frugality  continuing, 
and  my  father  having,  among  his  instructions  to  me 
when  a  boy,  frequently  repeated  a  proverb  of  Solomon, 


102  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1731. 

"  Seesl  thou  a  man  diligent  in  his  calling,  he  shall  stand 
before  kings,  he  shall  not  stand  before  mean  men?  I 
thence  considered  industry  as  a  means  of  obtaining 
wealth  and  distinction,  which  encouraged  me ;  though 
I  did  not  think,  that  I  should  ever  literally  stand  be- 
fore kings,  which,  however,  has  since  happened ;  for  I 
have  stood  before  five,  and  even  had  the  honor  of  sit- 
ting down  with  one,  the  King  of  Denmark,  to  dinner. 

We  have  an  English  proverb  that  says,  "He  that 
would  thrive,  must  ask  his  wife"  It  was  lucky  for  me 
that  I  had  one  as  much  disposed  to  industry  and  fru- 
gality as  myself.  She  assisted  me  cheerfully  in  my 
business,  folding  and  stitching  pamphlets,  tending  shop, 
purchasing  old  linen  rags  for  the  paper-makers,  &c. 
We  kept  no  idle  servants,  our  table  was  plain  and 
simple,  our  furniture  of  the  cheapest.  For  instance, 
my  breakfast  was  for  a  long  time  bread  and  milk  (no 
tea),  and  I  ate  it  out  of  a  two  penny  earthen  porrin- 
ger, with  a  pewter  spoon.  But  mark  how  luxury  will 
enter  families,  and  make  a  progress,  in  spite  of  princi- 
ple ;  being  called  one  morning  to  breakfast,  I  found  it 
in  a  China  bowl,  with  a  spoon  of  silver!  They  had 
been  bought  for  me  without  my  knowledge  by  my 
wife,  and  had  cost  her  the  enormous  sum  of  three  and 
twenty  shillings ;  for  which  she  had  no  other  excuse 
or  apology  to  make,  but  that  she  thought  her  husband 
deserved  a  silver  spoon  and  China  bowl  as  well  as 
any  of  his  neighbours.  This  was  the  first  appearance 
of  plate  and  China  in  our  house ;  which  afterwards,  in 
a  course  of  years,  as  our  wealth  increased,  augmented 
gradually  to  several  hundred  pounds  in  value. 

I  had  been  religiously  educated  as  a  Presbyterian ; 
but,  though  some  of  the  dogmas  of  that  persuasion, 
such  as  the  eternal  decrees  of  God,  election,  reprobation, 
fyc.,  appeared  to  me  unintelligible,  others  doubtful,  and 


^Ex.  25.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  103 

I  early  absented  myself  from  the  public  assemblies  of 
the  sect,  Sunday  being  my  studying  day,  I  never  was 
without  some  religious  principles.  I  never  doubted, 
for  instance,  the  existence  of  a  Deity ;  that  he  made 
the  world  and  governed  it  by  his  providence ;  that  the 
most  acceptable  service  of  God  was  the  doing  good  to 
man ;  that  our  souls  are  immortal ;  and  that  all  crimes 
will  be  punished,  and  virtue  rewarded,  either  here  or 
hereafter.*  These  I  esteemed  the  essentials  of  every 
religion ;  and,  being  to  be  found  in  all  the  religions  we 
had  in  our  country,  I  respected  them  all,  though  with 
different  degrees  of  respect,  as  I  found  them  more  or 
less  mixed  with  other  articles,  which,  without  any  ten- 
dency to  inspire,  promote,  or  confirm  morality,  served 
principally  to  divide  us,  and  make  us  unfriendly  to  one 
another.  This  respect  to  all,  with  an  opinion  that  the 
worst  had  some  good  effects,  induced  me  to  avoid  all 
discourse  that  might  tend  to  lessen  the  good  opinion 
another  might  have  of  his  own  religion;  and  as  our 
province  increased  in  people,  and  new  places  of  wor- 
ship were  continually  wanted,  and  generally  erected  by 
voluntary  contribution,  my  mite  for  such  purpose,  what- 
ever might  be  the  sect,  was  never  refused. 

Though  I  seldom  attended  any  public  worship,  I 
had  still  an  opinion  of  its  propriety,  and  of  its  utility 
when  rightly  conducted,  and  I  regularly  paid  my  annual 
subscription  for  the  support  of  the  only  Presbyterian 
minister  or  meeting  we  had  in  Philadelphia.  He  used 
to  visit  me  sometimes  as  a  friend,  and  admonish  me 
to  attend  his  administrations ;  and  I  was  now  and 
then  prevailed  on  to  do  so;  once  for  five  Sundays 
successively.  Had  he  been  in  my  opinion  a  good 


*  See  Articles  of  Belief,  and  a  Lecture  on  the  Providence  of  God, 
Vol.  II.  p.  1,  and  p.  525. 


104  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1732 

preacher,  perhaps  I  might  have  continued,  notwith- 
standing the  occasion  I  had  for  the  Sunday's  leisure  in 
my  course  of  study;  but  his  discourses  were  chiefly 
either  polemic  arguments,  or  explications  of  the  pe- 
culiar doctrines  of  our  sect,  and  were  all  to  me  very 
dry,  uninteresting,  and  unedifying ;  since  not  a  single 
moral  principle  was  inculcated  or  enforced ;  their  aim 
seeming  to  be  rather  to  make  us  Presbyterians  than 
good  citizens. 

At  length  he  took  for  his  text  that  verse  of  the 
fourth  chapter  to  the  Philippians,  "Finally,  brethren, 
whatsoever  things  are  true,  honest,  just,  pure,  lovely,  or 
of  good  report,  if  there  be  any  virtue,  or  any  praise, 
think  on  these  things"  And  I  imagined,  in  a  sermon  on 
such  a  text,  we  could  not  miss  of  having  some  moral- 
ity. But  he  confined  himself  to  five  points  only,  as 
meant  by  the  apostle;  1.  Keeping  holy  the  Sabbath 
Day.  2.  Being  diligent  in  reading  the  holy  Scriptures. 
3.  Attending  duly  the  public  worship.  4.  Partaking 
of  the  Sacrament.  5.  Paying  a  due  respect  to  God's 
ministers.  These  might  be  all  good  things ;  but,  as 
they  were  not  the  kind  of  good  things  that  I  expected 
from  that  text,  I  despaired  of  ever  meeting  with  them 
from  any  other,  was  disgusted,  and  attended  his  preach- 
ing no  more.  I  had  some  years  before  composed  a  little 
liturgy,  or  form  of  prayer,  for  my  own  private  use,  (in 
1728,)  entitled,  Articles  of  Belief  and  Jlcts  of  Religion* 
I  returned  to  the  use  of  this,  and  went  no  more  to 
the  public  assemblies.  My  conduct  might  be  blama- 
ble,  but  I  leave  it,  without  attempting  further  to  excuse 
it ;  my  present  purpose  being  to  relate  facts,  and  not 
to  make  apologies  for  them.t 

*  See  Vol.  II.  p.  1. 

]  In  Mr.  Walsh's  "  Life  of  Franklin,"  published  in  Delaplaine's  Reposi- 
tory, there  is  an  extract,  copied  from  an  original  paper  in  Franklin's 


^Ex.  26.1  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  105 

It  was  about  this  time  I  conceived  the  bold  and  ar- 
duous project  of  arriving  at  moral  perfection.  I  wished 
to  live  without  committing  any  fault  at  any  time,  and 
to  conquer  all  that  either  natural  inclination,  custom,  or 
company,  might  lead  me  into.  As  I  knew,  or  thought 
I  knew,  what  was  right  and  wrong,  I  did  not  see  why 
I  might  not  always  do  the  one  and  avoid  the  other. 
But  I  soon  found  I  had  undertaken  a  task  of  more 
difficulty  than  I  had  imagined.  While  my  attention 
was  taken  up,  and  care  employed  in  guarding  against 
one  fault,  I  was  often  surprised  by  another ;  habit  took 
the  advantage  of  inattention ;  inclination  was  some- 
times too  strong  for  reason.  I  concluded  at  length, 
that  the  mere  speculative  conviction,  that  it  was  our 
interest  to  be  completely  virtuous,  was  not  sufficient 
to  prevent  our  slipping;  and  that  the  contrary  habits 


handwriting,  which  claims  insertion  in  this  place,  as  connected  with  the 
subject  upon  which  the  author  is  now  about  to  speak. 

"  Those,  who  write  of  the  art  of  poetry,"  says  Franklin,  "  teach  us, 
that,  if  we  would  write  what  may  be  worth  reading,  we  ought  always, 
before  we  begin,  to  form  a  regular  plan  and  design  of  our  piece  ;  other- 
wise we  shall  be  in  danger  of  incongruity.  I  am  apt  to  think  it  is 
the  same  as  to  life.  I  have  never  fixed  a  regular  design  in  life,  by 
which  moans  it  has  been  a  confused  variety  of  different  scenes.  T  am 
now  entering  upon  a  new  one  ;  let  me,  therefore,  make  some  resolutions, 
and  form  some  scheme  of  action,  that  henceforth  I  may  live  in  all 
respects  like  a  rational  creature. 

"1.  It  is  necessary  for  me  to  be  extremely  frugal  for  some  time,  till 
I  have  paid  what  I  owe. 

"2.  To  endeavour  to  speak  truth  in  every  instance,  to  give  nobody 
expectations  that  are  not  likely  to  be  answered,  but  aim  at  sincerity  in 
every  word  and  action ;  the  most  amiable  excellence  in  a  rational  being. 

"3.  To  apply  myself  industriously  to  whatever  business  I  take  in 
hand,  and  not  divert  my  mind  from  my  business  by  any  foolish  project 
of  growing  suddenly  rich  ;  for  industry  and  patience  are  the  surest  means 
of  plenty. 

"4.  I  resolve  to  speak  ill  of  no  man  whatever,  not  even  in  a  matter 
of  truth ;  but  rather  by  some  means  excuse  the  faults  I  hear  charged 
upon  others,  and,  upon  proper  occasions,  speak  all  the  good  I  know  of 
everybody."  —  EDITOR. 

VOL.  i.      No  3     14 


106  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1733 

must  be  broken,  and  good  ones  acquired  and  estab- 
lished, before  we  can  have  any  dependence  on  a 
steady,  uniform  rectitude  of  conduct.  For  this  purpose 
I  therefore  tried  the  following  method. 

In  the  various  enumerations  of  the  moral  virtues  I 
had  met  with  in  my  reading,  I  found  the  catalogue 
more  or  less  numerous,  as  different  writers  included 
more  or  fewer  ideas  under  the  same  name.  Tem- 
perance, for  example,  was  by  some  confined  to  eating 
and  drinking;  while  by  others  it  was  extended  to 
mean  the  moderating  every  other  pleasure,  appetite, 
inclination,  or  passion,  bodily  or  mental,  even  to  our 
avarice  and  ambition.  I  proposed  to  myself,  for  the 
sake  of  clearness,  to  use  rather  more  names,  with 
fewer  ideas  annexed  to  each,  than  a  few  names  with 
more  ideas;  and  I  included  under  thirteen  names  of 
virtues,  all  that  at  that  time  occurred  to  me  as  neces- 
sary or  desirable;  and  annexed  to  each  a  short  pre 
cept,  which  fully  expressed  the  extent  I  gave  to  its 
meaning. 

These  names  of  virtues,  with  their  precepts,  were; 

1.  TEMPERANCE.  —  Eat  not  to  dulness;   drink  not 
to  elevation. 

2.  SILENCE.  —  Speak    not   but  what  may   benefit 
others  or  yourself;  avoid  trifling  conversation. 

3.  ORDER.  —  Let  all  your  things  have  their  places ; 
let  each  part  of  your  business  have  its  time. 

4.  RESOLUTION.  —  Resolve   to   perform    wnat    you 
ought;  perform  without  fail  what  you  resolve. 

5.  FRUGALITY.  —  Make  no  expense*  but  to  do  good 
to  others  or  yourself;  that  is,  waste  nothing. 

6.  INDUSTRY.  —  Lose  no  time  ;  be  always  employed 
in  something  useful ;  cut  off  all  unnecessary  actions. 

7.  SINCERITY.  —  Use  no  hurtful  deceit ;  think  inno- 
cently and  justly ;  and,  if  you  speak,  speak  accordingly. 


J£T.  27.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  107 

8.  JUSTICE.  —  Wrong  none   by    doing   injuries,   or 
omitting  the  benefits  that  are  your  duty. 

9.  MODERATION.  —  Avoid  extremes;  forbear  resent- 
ing injuries  so  much  as  you  think  they  deserve. 

10.  CLEANLINESS.  —  Tolerate  no  uncleanliness  in 
body,  clothes,  or  habitation. 

11.  TRANQUILLITY.  —  Be  not  disturbed  at  trifles,  or 
at  accidents  common  or  unavoidable. 

12.  CHASTITY 

13.  HUMILITY.  —  Imitate  Jesus  and  Socrates. 

My  intention  being  to  acquire  the  habitude  of  all 
these  virtues,  I  judged  it  would  be  well  not  to  distract 
my  attention  by  attempting  the  whole  at  once,  but  to 
fix  it  on  one  of  them  at  a  time ;  and,  when  I  should 
be  master  of  that,  then  to  proceed  to  another;  and  so 
on,  till  I  should  have  gone  through  the  thirteen.  And, 
as  the  previous  acquisition  of  some  might  facilitate 
the  acquisition  of  certain  others,  I  arranged  them  with 
that  view,  as  they  stand  above.  Temperance  first,  as 
it  tends  to  procure  that  coolness  and  clearness  of 
head,  which  is  so  necessary  where  constant  vigilance 
was  to  be  kept  up,  and  a  guard  maintained  against  the 
unremitting  attraction  of  ancient  habits,  and  the  force 
of  perpetual  temptations.  This  being  acquired  and 
established,  Silence  would  be  more  easy ;  and  my  de- 
sire being  to  gain  knowledge  at  the  same  time  that 
I  improved  in  virtue,  and  considering  that  in  con- 
versation it  was  obtained  rather  by  the  use  of  the  ear 
than  of  the  tongue,  and  therefore  wishing  to  break  a 
habit  I  was  getting  into  of  prattling,  punning,  and 
jesting,  which  only  made  me  acceptable  to  trifling  com- 
pany, I  gave  Silence  the  second  place.  This  and  the 
next,  Order,  I  expected  would  allow  me  more  time  for 
attending  to  my  project  and  my  studies.  Resolution, 
once  become  habitual,  would  keep  me  firm  in  my  en- 


108  LIFE   OF  FRANKLIN.  [1733. 

deavours  to  obtain  all  the  subsequent  virtues ;  Frugal- 
ity and  Industry  relieving  me  from  my  remaining  debt, 
and  producing  affluence  and  independence,  would  make 
more  easy  the  practice  of  Sincerity  and  Justice,  &c.  &,c. 
Conceiving  then,  that,  agreeably  to  the  advice  of 
Pythagoras  in  his  Golden  Verses,  daily  examination 
would  be  necessary,  I  contrived  the  following  method 
for  conducting  that  examination. 

I  made  a  little  book,  in  which  I  allotted  a  page  for 
each  of  the  virtues.  I  ruled  each  page  with  red  ink, 
so  as  to  have  seven  columns,  one  for  each  day  of  the 
week,  marking  each  column  with  a  letter  for  the  day. 
I  crossed  these  columns  with  thirteen  red  lines,  mark- 
ing the  beginning  of  each  line  with  the  first  letter  of 
one  of  the  virtues ;  on  which  line,  and  in  its  proper 
column,  I  might  mark,  by  a  little  black  spot,  every 
fault  I  found  upon  examination  to  have  been  commit- 
ted respecting  that  virtue,  upon  that  day.* 

*  This  little  book  is  dated  Sunday,  1st  July,  1733.  —  W.  T.  F. 

In  a  letter  written  by  the  author  to  Lord  Kames,  in  November,  1761, 
he  thus  alludes  to  the  scheme  here  mentioned,  and  to  the  design  he  then 
had  of  expanding  it  into  a  treatise  on  the  Art  of  Virtue.  In  that  letter 
he  says  ;  "  To  produce  the  number  of  valuable  men  necessary  in  a  na- 
tion for  its  prosperity,  there  is  much  more  hope  from  schemes  of  early 
institution  than  from  reformation.  And,  as  the  power  of  a  single  man 
to  do  national  service,  in  particular  situations  of  influence,  is  often  im- 
mensely great,  a  writer  can  hardly  conceive  the  good  he  may  be  doing, 
when  engaged  in  works  of  this  kind.  I  cannot,  therefore,  but  wish  you 
would  publish  it  ["Elements  of  Criticism"]  as  soon  as  yonr  other  im- 
portant employments  will  permit  you  to  give  it  the  finishing  hand.  With 
these  sentiments  you  will  not  doubt  my  being  serious  in  the  intention 
of  finishing  my  Jlrt  of  Virtue.  It  is  not  a  mere  ideal  work.  1  planned 
it  first  in  1732.  I  have  from  time  to  time  made,  and  caused  to  be  made, 
experiments  of  the  method  with  success.  The  materials  have  been 
growing  ever  since.  The  form  only  is  now  to  be  given ;  in  which  I 
purpose  employing  my  first  leisure,  after  my  return  to  my  other  country." 
This  project,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter,  was  never  carried  into  effect 
—  EDITOR. 


27.] 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 
FORM  OF  THE  PAGES. 


109 


TEMPERANCE. 

Eat  not  to  dulness ;  drink  not  to  elevation. 


Sun. 

M. 

T. 

W. 

Th. 

F. 

S. 

Tern. 

Sil. 

* 

* 

* 

* 

Ord. 

* 

* 

* 

* 

* 

Res. 

* 

* 

Fru. 

* 

* 

Ind. 

* 

Sine. 

Jus. 

Mod. 

Clea. 

Tran. 

Chas. 

Hum. 

I  determined  to  give  a  week's  strict  attention  to 
each  of  the  virtues  successively.  Thus,  in  the  first 
week,  my  great  guard  was  to  avoid  every  the  least 
offence  against  Temperance;  leaving  the  other  virtues 
to  their  ordinary  chance,  only  marking  every  evening 
the  faults  of  the  day.  Thus,  if  in  the  first  week  I 
could  keep  my  first  line,  marked  T,  clear  of  spots,  I 
supposed  the  habit  of  that  virtue  so  much  strengthened, 
and  its  opposite  weakened,  that  I  might  venture  ex- 
tending my  attention  to  include  the  next,  and  for  the 

VOL.    I.  J 


HO  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1733. 

following  week  keep  both  lines  clear  of  spots.  Pro- 
ceeding thus  to  the  last,  I  could  get  through  a  course 
complete  in  thirteen  weeks,  and  four  courses  in  a  year. 
And  like  him,  who,  having  a  garden  to  weed,  does  not 
attempt  to  eradicate  all  the  bad  herbs  at  once,  which 
would  exceed  his  reach  and  his  strength,  but  works 
on  one  of  the  beds  at  a  time,  and*  having  accomplished 
the  first,  proceeds  to  a  second;  so  I  should  have,  I 
hoped,  the  encouraging  pleasure  of  seeing  on  my  pages 
the  progress  made  in  virtue,  by  clearing  successively 
my  lines  of  their  spots;  till  in  the  end,  by  a  number 
of  courses,  I  should  be  happy  in  viewing  a  clean  book, 
after  a  thirteen  weeks'  daily  examination. 

This  my  little  book  had  for  its  motto,  these  lines 
from  Addison's  Cato ; 

"  Here  will  I  hold.    If  there  's  a  power  above  us, 
(And  that  there  is,  all  nature  cries  aloud 
Through  all  her  works,)  He  must  delight  in  virtue ; 
And  that  which  he  delights  in  must  be  happy." 

Another  from  Cicero, 

"O  vitse  Philosophia  dux!  O  virtutum  indagatrix  expultrixque  vi- 
tiorum!  Unus  dies,  bene  et  ex  prteceptis  tuis  actus,  peccanti  immor- 
talitati  est  anteponendus." 

Another  from  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  speaking  of 
wisdom  or  virtue ; 

"Length  of  days  is  in  her  right  hand,  and  in  her  left  hand  riches 
and  honor.  Her  ways  are  \vays  of  pleasantness,  and  all  her  paths  are 
peace." 

And  conceiving  God  to  be  the  fountain  of  wisdom, 
I  thought  it  right  and  necessary  to  solicit  his  assist- 
ance for  obtaining  it ;  to  this  end  I  formed  the  follow- 
ing little  prayer,  which  was  prefixed  to  my  tables  of 
examination,  for  daily  use. 

"O  powerful  Goodness!  bountiful  Father!  merciful  Guide!  Increase 
in  me  that  wisdom,  which  discovers  my  truest  interest  Strengthen  my 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


Ill 


resolution  to  perform  what  that  wisdom  dictates.  Accept  my  kind 
offices  to  thy  other  children,  as  the  only  return  in  my  power  for  thy 
continual  favors  to  me." 

I  used  also  sometimes  a  little  prayer  which  I  took 
from  Thomson's  Poems,  viz. 

"  Father  of  light  and  life,  thou  Good  Supreme ! 
O  teach  me  what  is  good ;  teach  me  Thyself! 
Save  me  from  folly,  vanity,  and  vice, 
From  every  low  pursuit;  and  feed  my  soul 
With  knowledge,  conscious  peace,  and  virtue  pure ; 
Sacred,  substantial,  never-fading  bliss!" 

The  precept  of  Order  requiring  that  every  part  of 
my  business  should  have  its  allotted  time,  one  page  in 
my  little  book  contained  the  following  scheme  of  em- 
ployment for  the  twenty-four  hours  of  a  natural  day. 


SCHEME. 


Hours. 


MORNING. 

The    Question.     What 
shall  I  do  this  day  ? 


Rise,  wash,  and  address  Poto- 
erfid  Goodness  !  Contrive  day's 
business,  and  take  the  resolution 
of  the  day ;  prosecute  the  pres- 
ent study,  and  breakfast. 


NOON. 


AFTERNOON. 

EVENING. 

The    Question.     What 
have  1  done  to-day? 


NIGHT. 


Put  things  in  their  places. 
Supper.  Music  or  diversion,  or 
conversation.  Examination  of 
the  day. 


112  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1733. 

\ 

I  entered  upon  the  execution  of  this  plan  for  self- 
examination,  and  continued  it  with  occasional  intermis- 
sions for  some  time.  I  was  surprised  to  find  myself 
so  much  fuller  of  faults  than  I  had  imagined;  but  I 
had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  them  diminish.  To 
avoid  the  trouble  of  renewing  now  and  then  my  little 
book,  which,  by  scraping  out  the  marks  on  the  paper  of 
old  faults  to  make  room  for  new  ones  in  a  new  course, 
became  full  of  holes,  I  transferred  my  tables  and  pre- 
cepts to  the  ivory  leaves  of  a  memorandum  book,  on 
which  the  lines  were  drawn  with  red  ink,  that  made 
a  durable  stain ;  and  on  those  lines  I  marked  my  faults 
with  a  black-lead  pencil;  which  marks  I  could  easily 
wipe  out  with  a  wet  sponge.  After  awhile  I  went 
through  one  course  only  in  a  year;  and  afterwards 
only  one  in  several  years ;  till  at  length  I  omitted  them 
entirely,  being  employed  in  voyages  and  business 
abroad,  with  a  multiplicity  of  affairs,  that  interfered ; 
but  I  always  carried  my  little  book  with  me. 

My  scheme  of  Order  gave  me  the  most  trouble ; 
and  I  found,  that,  though  it  might  be  practicable  where 
a  man's  business  was  such  as  to  leave  him  the  dis- 
position of  his  time,  that  of  a  journeyman  printer  for 
instance,  it  was  not  possible  to  be  exactly  observed  by 
a  master,  who  must  mix  with  the  world,  and  often  re- 
ceive people  of  business  at  their  own  hours.  Order, 
too,  with  regard  to  places  for  things,  papers,  &c.,  I 
found  extremely  difficult  to  acquire.  I  had  not  been 
early  accustomed  to  methody  and,  having  an  exceeding- 
ly good  memory,  I  was  not  so  sensible  of  the  incon- 
venience attending  want  of  method.  This  article, 
therefore,  cost  me  much  painful  attention,  and  my  faults 
in  it  vexed  me  so  much,  and  I  made  so  little  progress 
in  amendment,  and  had  such  frequent  relapses,  that 
I  was  almost  ready  to  give  up  the  attempt,  and  con- 


JET.  27.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  113 

tent  myself  with  a  faulty  character  in  that  respect. 
Like  the  man,  who,  in  buying  an  axe  of  a  smith,  my 
neighbour,  desired  to  have  the  whole  of  its  surface  as 
bright  as  the  edge.  The  smith  consented  to  grind  it 
bright  for  him,  if  he  would  turn  the  wheel;  he  turned, 
while  .the  smith  pressed  the  broad  face  of  the  axe 
hard  and  heavily  on  the  stone,  which  made  the  turn- 
ing of  it  very  fatiguing.  The  man  came  every  now 
and  then  from  the  wheel  to  see  how  the  work  went 
on ;  and  at  length  would  take  his  axe  as  it  was,  with- 
out further  grinding.  "No,"  said  the  smith,  "turn  on, 
turn  on,  we  shall  have  it  bright  by  and  by ;  as  yet  it 
is  only  speckled."  "Yes,"  said  the  man,  "but  I  think 
I  like  a  speckled  axe  best."  And  I  believe  this  may 
have  been  the  case  with  many,  who,  having  for  want 
of  some  such  means  as  I  employed  found  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  good  and  breaking  bad  habits  in  other 
points  of  vice  and  virtue,  have  given  up  the  struggle, 
and  concluded  that  "  a  speckled  axe  is  best."  For 
something,  that  pretended  to  be  reason,  was  every  now 
and  then  suggesting  to  me,  that  such  extreme  nicety 
as  I  exacted  of  myself  might  be  a  kind  of  foppery  in 
morals,  which,  if  it  were  known,  would  make  me 
ridiculous ;  that  a  perfect  character  might  be  attended 
with  the  inconvenience  of  being  envied  and  hated ; 
and  that  a  benevolent  man  should  allow  a  few  faults 
in  himself,  to  keep  his  friends  in  countenance. 

In  truth,  I  found  myself  incorrigible  with  respect  to 
Order ;  arid  now  I  am  grown  old,  and  my  memory 
bad,  I  feel  very  sensibly  the  want  of  it.  But  on  the 
whole,  though  I  never  arrived  at  the  perfection  I  had 
been  so  ambitious  of  obtaining,  but  fell  far  short  of  it, 
yet  I  was,  by  the  endeavour,  a  better  and  a  happier 
man  than  I  otherwise  should  have  been,  if  I  had  not 
attempted  it;  as  those  who  aim  at  perfect  writing  by 

VOL.  i.  15  jr* 


114  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1733. 

imitating  the  engraved  copies,  though  they  never  reach 
the  wished-for  excellence  of  those  copies,  their  hand 
is  mended  by  the  endeavour,  and  is  tolerable  while  it 
continues  fair  and  legible. 

It  may  be  well  my  posterity  should  be  informed, 
that  to  this  little  artifice,  with  the  blessing  of  God, 
their  ancestor  owed  the  constant  felicity  of  his  life, 
down  to  his  seventy-ninth  year,  in  which  this  is  writ- 
ten. What  reverses  may  attend  the  remainder  is  in 
the  hand  of  Providence ;  but,  if  they  arrive,  the  reflec- 
tion on  past  happiness  enjoyed  ought  to  help  his 
bearing  them  with  more  resignation.  To  Temperance 
he  ascribes  his  long  continued  health,  and  what  is  still 
left  to  him  of  a  good  constitution;  to  Industry  and 
Frugality,  the  early  easiness  of  his  circumstances  and 
acquisition  of  his  fortune,  with  all  that  knowledge  that 
enabled  him  to  be  a  useful  citizen,  and  obtained  for 
him  some  degree  of  reputation  among  the  learned ; 
to  Sincerity  and  Justice,  the  confidence  of  his  coun- 
try, and  the  honorable  employs  it  conferred  upon  him ; 
and  to  the  joint  influence  of  the  whole  mass  of  the 
virtues,  even  in  the  imperfect  state  he  was  able  to  ac- 
quire them,  all  that  evenness  of  temper,  and  that  cheer- 
fulness in  conversation,  which  makes  his  company  still 
sought  for,  and  agreeable  even  to  his  young  acquaint- 
ance. I  hope,  therefore,  that  some  of  my  descendants 
may  follow  the  example  -and  reap  the  benefit. 

It  will  be  remarked,  that,  though  my  scheme  was 
not  wholly  without  religion,  there  was  in  it  no  mark 
of  any  of  the  distinguishing  tenets  of  any  particular 
sect.  I  had  purposely  avoided  them ;  for,  being  fully 
persuaded  of  the  utility  and  excellency  of  my  method, 
and  that  it  might  be  serviceable  to  people  in  all  re- 
ligions, and  intending  some  time  or  other  to  publish  it, 
I  would  not  have  any  thing  in  it  that  should  preju- 


^ET.  27.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  115 

dice  any  one,  of  any  sect,  against  it.  I  proposed 
writing  a  little  comment  on  each  virtue,  in  which  I 
would  have  shown  the  advantages  of  possessing  it, 
and  the  mischiefs  attending  its  opposite  vice ;  I  should 
have  called  my  book  THE  ART  OF  VIRTUE,  because 
it  would  have  shown  the  means  and  manner  of  ob- 
taining virtue,  which  would  have  distinguished  it  from 
the  mere  exhortation  to  be  good,  that  does  not  in- 
struct and  indicate  the  means;  but  is  like  the  Apos- 
tle's man  of  verbal  charity,  who,  without  showing  to 
the  naked  and  hungry,  how  or  where  they  might  get 
clothes  or  victuals,  only  exhorted  them  to  be  fed  and 
clothed.  James  ii.  15,  16. 

But  it  so  happened,  that  my  intention  of  writing 
and  publishing  this  comment  was  never  fulfilled.  I 
had,  indeed,  from  time  to  time,  put  down  short  hints 
of  the  sentiments  and  reasonings  to  be  made  use  of 
in  it;  some  of  which  I  have  still  by  me;  but  the  ne- 
cessary close  attention  to  private  business  in  the  earlier 
part  of  life,  and  public  business  since,  have  occasioned 
my  postponing  it.  For,  it  being  connected  in  my  mind 
with  a  great  and  extensive  project,  that  required  the 
whole  man  to  execute,  and  which  an  unforeseen  suc- 
cession of  employs  prevented  my  attending  to,  it  has 
hitherto  remained  unfinished. 

In  this  piece  it  was  my  design  to  explain  and  en- 
force this  doctrine,  that  vicious  actions  are  not  hurtful 
because  they  are  forbidden,  but  forbidden  because  they 
are  hurtful,  the  nature  of  man  alone  considered ;  that 
it  was,  therefore,  every  one's  interest  to  be  virtuous, 
who  wished  to  be  happy  even  in  this  world;  and  I 
should  from  this  circumstance  (there  being  always  in 
the  world  a  number  of  rich  merchants,  nobility,  states, 
and  princes,  who  have  need  of  honest  instruments  for 
the  management  of  their  affairs,  and  such  being  so 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1733 

rare)  have  endeavoured  to  convince  young  persons,  that 
no  qualities  are  so  likely  to  make  a  poor  man's  fortune, 
as  those  of  probity  and  integrity. 

My  list  of  virtues  contained  at  first  but  twelve ;  but 
a  Quaker  friend  having  kindly  informed  me,  that  I 
was  generally  thought  proud;  that  my  pride  showed 
itself  frequently  in  conversation;  that  I  was  not  con- 
tent with  being  in  the  right  when  discussing  any  point, 
but  was  overbearing,  and  rather  insolent,  of  which  he 
convinced  me  by  mentioning  several  instances ;  I  de- 
termined to  endeavour  to  cure  myself,  if  I  could,  of 
this  vice  or  folly  among  the  rest ;  and  I  added  Humility 
to  my  list,  giving  an  extensive  meaning  to  the  word. 

I  cannot  boast  of  much  success  in  acquiring  the 
reality  of  this  virtue,  but  I  had  a  good  deal  with  re- 
gard to  the  appearance  of  it.  I  made  it  a  rule  to 
forbear  all  direct  contradiction  to  the  sentiments  of 
others,  and  all  positive  assertion  of  my  own.  I  even 
forbid  myself,  agreeably  to  the  old  laws  of  our  Junto, 
the  use  of  every  word  or  expression  in  the  language 
that  imported  a  fixed  opinion ;  such  as  certainly,  un- 
doubtedly, &c.,  and  I  adopted  instead  of  them,  1  con- 
ceive, I  apprehend,  or  /  imagine,  a  thing  to  be  so  01 
so ;  or  it  so  appears  to  me  at  present.  When  another 
asserted  something  that  I  thought  an  error,  I  denied 
myself  the  pleasure  of  contradicting  him  abruptly,  and 
of  showing  immediately  some  absurdity  in  his  proposi- 
tion ;  and  in  answering  I  began  by  observing,  that, 
in  certain  cases  or  circumstances,  his  opinion  would 
be  right,  but  in  the  present  case  there  appeared  or 
seemed  to  me  some  difference,  &c.  I  soon  found  the 
advantage  of  this  change  in  my  manners ;  the  conver- 
sations I  engaged  in  went  on  more  pleasantly.  The 
modest  way  in  which  I  proposed  my  opinions,  pro- 
cured them  a  readier  reception  and  less  ccntradiction ; 


>ET.  S7.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  117 

I  had  less  mortification,  when  I  was  found  to  be  in 
the  wrong ;  and  I  more  easily  prevailed  with  others  to 
give  up  their  mistakes  and  join  with  me,  when  I  hap- 
pened to  be  in  the  right. 

And  this  mode,  which  I  at  first  put  on  with  some  vio- 
lence to  natural  inclination,  became  at  length  easy,  and 
so  habitual  to  me,  that  perhaps  for  the  last  fifty  years 
no  one  has  ever  heard  a  dogmatical  expression  escape 
me.  And  to  this  habit  (after  my  character  of  integrity) 
I  think  it  principally  owing,  that  I  had  early  so  much 
weight  with  my  fellow  citizens,  when  I  proposed  new 
institutions  or  alterations  in  the  old;  and  so  much  in- 
fluence in  public  councils,  when  I  became  a  member ; 
for  I  was  but  a  bad  speaker,  never  eloquent,  subject 
to  much  hesitation  in  my  choice  of  words,  hardly  cor- 
rect in  language,  and  yet  I  generally  carried  my  point. 

In  reality  there  is  perhaps  no  one  of  our  natural 
passions  so  hard  to  subdue  as  pride.  Disguise  it, 
struggle  with  it,  stifle  it,  mortify  it  as  much  as  one 
pleases,  it  is  still  alive,  and  will  every  now  and  then 
peep  out  and  show  itself;  you  will  see  it,  perhaps, 
often  in  this  history.  For,  even  if  I  could  conceive 
that  I  had  completely  overcome  it,  I  should  probably 
be  proud  of  my  humility. 


LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [173a 


CHAPTER  VII.* 

Scheme  of  a  Society  for  extending  the  Influence  of  Virtue.  —  Belief  in 
one  God,  the  Immortality  of  the  Soul,  and  future  Rewards  and  Pun- 
ishments. —  Poor  Richard's  Almanac.  —  Rules  for  conducting  a  News- 
paper. —  Controversy  concerning  Hemphill,  the  Preacher.  —  Studies 
the  French,  Italian,  and  Spanish  Languages.  —  Visits  Boston.  —  The 
Junto.  —  Chosen  Clerk  of  the  Assembly.  —  Appointed  Postmaster  ot 
*  Philadelphia.  —  Suggests  Improvements  in  the  City  Watch.  —  Estab- 
lishes a  Fire  Company. 

HAVING  mentioned  a  great  and  extensive  project, 
which  I  had  conceived,  it  seems  proper  that  some  ac- 
count should  be  here  given  of  that  project  and  its  ob- 
ject. Its  first  rise  in  my  mind  appears  in  the  follow- 
ing little  paper,  accidentally  preserved,  viz. 

"  Observations  on  my  reading  history,  in  the  Library, 
May  9th,  1731. 

"  That  the  great  affairs  of  the  world,  the  wars,  and 
revolutions  are  carried  on  and  effected  by  parties. 

"That  the  view  of  these  parties  is  their  present 
general  interest,  or  what  they  take  to  be  such. 

"That  the  different  views  of  these  different  parties 
occasion  all  confusion. 

"  That  while  a  party  is  carrying  on  a  general  de- 
sign, each  man  has  his  particular  private  interest  in  view. 

"That  as  soon  as  a  party  has  gained  its  general 
point,  each  member  becomes  intent  upon  his  particular 
interest ;  which,  thwarting  others,  breaks  that  party  into 
divisions,  and  occasions  more  confusion. 

*  The  preceding  chapter  was  written  at  Passy.  In  a  memorandum, 
which  he  made  when  he  again  resumed  the  narrative  four  years  after- 
wards, he  says,  "I  am  now  about  to  write  at  home,  (Philadelphia, 
August,  1788,  but  cannot  have  the  help  expected  from  my  papers,  many 
of  them  being  lost  in  the  war.  I  have,  however,  found  the  following." 
He  then  proceeds  as  in  the  text.  —  EDITOR, 


/Ex.  27.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  1 19 

"  That  few  in  public  affairs  act  from  a  mere  view  of 
the  good  of  their  country,  whatever  they  may  pretend; 
and,  though  their  actings  bring  real  good  to  their  coun- 
try, yet  men  primarily  considered  that  their  own  and 
their  country's  interest  were  united,  and  so  did  not 
act  from  a  principle  of  benevolence. 

"That  fewer  still,  in  public  affairs,  act  with  a  view 
to  the  good  of  mankind. 

"  There  seems  to  me  at  present  to  be  great  occa- 
sion for  raising  a  United  Party  for  Virtue,  by  form- 
ing the  virtuous  and  good  men  of  all  nations  into  a 
regular  body,  to  be  governed  by  suitable  good  and 
wise  rules,  which  good  and  wise  men  may  probably 
be  more  unanimous  in  their  obedience  to,  than  com- 
mon people  are  to  common  laws. 

"  I  at  present  think,  that  whoever  attempts  this  aright, 
and  is  well  qualified,  cannot  fail  of  pleasing  God,  and 
of  meeting  with  success." 

Revolving  this  project  in  my  mind,  as  to  be  under- 
taken hereafter,  when  my  circumstances  should  afford 
me  the  necessary  leisure,  I  put  down  from  time  to 
time,  on  pieces  of  paper,  such  thoughts  as  occurred  to 
me  respecting  it.  Most  of  these  are  lost;  but  I  find 
one  purporting  to  be  the  substance  of  an  intended 
creed,  containing,  as  I  thought,  the  essentials  of  every 
known  religion,  and  being  free  of  every  thing  that 
might  shock  the  professors  of  any  religion.  It  is  ex- 
pressed in  these  words;  viz. 

"That  there  is  one  God,  who  made  all  things. 

"That  he  governs  the  world  by  his  providence. 

"That  he  ought  to  be  worshipped  by  adoration, 
prayer,  and  thanksgiving. 

"But  that  the  most  acceptable  service  to  God  is 
doing  good  to  man. 

"That  the  soul  is  immortal. 


120  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1733, 

"And  that  God  will  certainly  reward  virtue  and 
punish  vice,  either  here  or  hereafter." 

My  ideas  at  that  time  were,  that  the  sect  should  be 
begun  and  spread  at  first  among  young  and  single 
men  only;  that  each  person  to  be  initiated  should  not 
only  declare  his  assent  to  such  creed,  but  should  have 
exercised  himself  with  the  thirteen  weeks'  examination 
and  practice  of  the  virtues,  as  in  the  beforementioned 
model ;  that  the  existence  of .  such  a  society  should 
be  kept  a  secret,  till  it  was  become  considerable,  to 
prevent  solicitations  for  the  admission  of  improper  per- 
sons; but  that  the  members  should,  each  of  them, 
search  among  his  acquaintance  for  ingenious,  well  dis- 
posed youths,  to  whom,  with  prudent  caution,  the 
scheme  should  be  gradually  communicated.  That  the 
members  should  engage  to  afford  their  advice,  as- 
sistance, and  support  to  each  other  in  promoting  one 
another's  interest,  business,  and  advancement  in  life. 
That,  for  distinction,  we  should  be  called  THE  SOCIETY 
OF  THE  FREE  AND  EASY.  Free,  as  being,  by  the  gen- 
eral practice  and  habits  of  the  virtues,  free  from  the 
dominion  of  vice ;  and  particularly,  by  the  practice  of 
industry  and  frugality,  free  from  debt,  which  exposes 
a  man  to  constraint,  and  a  species  of  slavery  to  his 
creditors. 

This  is  as  much  as  I  can  now  recollect  of  the 
project,  except  that  I  communicated  it  in  part  to  two 
young  men  who  adopted  it  with  some  enthusiasm; 
but  my  then  narrow  circumstances,  and  the  necessity 
I  was  under  of  sticking  close  to  my  business,  occasioned 
my  postponing  the  further  prosecution  of  it  at  that 
time ;  and  my  multifarious  occupations,  public  and  pri- 
vate, induced  me  to  continue  postponing,  so  that  it 
has  been  omitted,  till  I  have  no  longer  strength  or 
activity  left  sufficient  for  such  an  enterprise.  Though 


JET.  27.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

I  am  still  of  opinion  it  was  a  practicable  scheme,  and 
might  have  been  very  useful,  by  forming  a  great  num- 
ber of  good  citizens ;  and  I  was  not  discouraged  by 
the  seeming  magnitude  of  the  undertaking,  as  I  have 
always  thought,  that  one  man  of  tolerable  abilities  may 
work  great  changes,  and  accomplish  great  affairs  among 
mankind,  if  he  first  forms  a  good  plan ;  and,  cutting  off 
all  amusements  or  other  employments,  that  would  divert 
his  attention,  makes  the  execution  of  that  same  plan 
his  sole  study  and  business. 

In  1732,  I  first  published  my  Almanac,  under  the 
name  of  Richard  Saunders ;  it  was  continued  by  me 
about  twenty-five  years,  and  commonly  called  Poor 
Richard's  Almanac*  I  endeavoured  to  make  it  both 
entertaining  and  useful,  and  it  accordingly  came  to  be  in 
such  demand,  that  I  reaped  considerable  profit  from  it ; 
vending  annually  near  ten  thousand.  And  observing 
that  it  was  generally  read,  scarce  any  neighbourhood  in 
the  province  being  without  it,  I  considered  it  as  a  proper 
vehicle  for  conveying  instruction  among  the  common 


*  Considering  the  remarkable  success  of  this  Almanac,  and  the  great 
celebrity  it  has  attained,  particularly  the  summary  of  maxims  selected 
from  it,  and  published  separately  under  the  title  of  The  Way  to  Wealth, 
(see  Vol.  II.  p.  92,)  the  reader  may  be  curious  to  see  the  advertisement 
of  the  first  number,  including  the  table  of  contents.  It  was  printed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  on  the  19th  of  December,  1732,  as  follows. 

"Just  published,  for  1733,  An  Almanac,  containing  the  Lunations, 
Eclipses,  Planets'  Motions  and  Aspects,  Weather,  Sun  and  Moon's  Rising 
and  Setting,  High  Water,  &c. ;  besides  many  pleasant  and  witty  Verses, 
Jests,  and  Sayings  ;  Author's  Motive  of  Writing  ;  Prediction  of  the  Death 
of  his  Friend,  Mr.  Titan  Leeds ;  Moon  no  Cuckold ;  Bachelor's  Folly ; 
Parson's  Wine,  and  Baker's  Pudding ;  Short  Visits ;  Kings  and  Bears ; 
New  Fashions ;  Game  for  Kisses ;  Katherine's  Love ;  Different  Senti- 
ments ;  Signs  of  a  Tempest;  Death  of  a  Fisherman ;  Conjugal  Debate; 
Men  and  Melons;  The  Prodigal;  Breakfast  in  Bed;  Oyster  Lawsuit,  &c. 
By  Richard  Saunders,  Philomat.  Printed  and  Sold  by  B.  Franklin." 

Such  was  the  eagerness  with  which  this  Almanac  was  sought,  that 
three  editions  were  printed  before  the  end  of  January,  and,  although  he 

VOL.  I.  16  K 


122  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1733. 

people,  who  bought  scarcely  any  other  books.  I  there- 
fore filled  all  the  little  spaces,  that  occurred  between  the 
remarkable  days  in  the  Calendar,  with  proverbial  sen- 
tences, chiefly  such  as  inculcated  industry  and  frugality, 
as  the  means  of  procuring  wealth,  and  thereby  secur- 
ing virtue;  it  being  more  difficult  for  a  man  in  want 
to  act  always  honestly,  as,  to  use  here  one  of  those 
proverbs,  it  is  hard  for  an  empty  sack  to  stand  upright. 
These  proverbs,  which  contained  the  wisdom  of 
many  ages  and  nations,  I  assembled  and  formed  into  a 
connected  discourse  prefixed  to  the  Almanac  of  1757, 
as  the  harangue  of  a  wise  old  man  to  the  people  at- 
tending an  auction.  The  bringing  all  these  scattered 
counsels  thus  into  a  focus  enabled  them  to  make  greater 
impression.  The  piece,  being  universally  approved,  was 
copied  in  all  the  newspapers  of  the  American  Conti- 
nent, reprinted  in  Britain  on  a  large  sheet  of  paper,  to 
be  stuck  up  in  houses ;  two  translations  were  made  of 
it  in  France,  and  great  numbers  bought  by  the  cler- 
gy and  gentry,  to  distribute  gratis  among  their  poor 


enlarged  his  first  editions  for  the  subsequent  years,  yet  two  editions 
were  frequently  required  to  supply  the  demand.  In  the  Almanac  for 
]739,  he  makes  the  following  apology  for  its  miscellaneous  character. 

"Besides  the  usual  things  expected  in  an  Almanac,  I  hope  the  pro- 
fessed teachers  of  mankind  will  excuse  my  scattering  here  and  there 
some  instructive  hints  in  matters  of  morality  and  religion.  And  be  not 
thou  disturbed,  O  grave  and  sober  reader,  if,  among  the  many  serious 
sentences  in  my  book,  thou  findest  me  trifling  now  and  then,  and  talking 
idly.  In  all  the  dishes  I  have  hitherto  cooked  for  thee,  there  is  solid 
meat  enough  for  thy  money.  There  are  scraps  from  the  table  of  wisdom, 
that  will,  if  well  digested,  yield  strong  nourishment  for  the  mind.  But 
squeamish  stomachs  cannot  eat  without  pickles ;  which,  it  is  true,  are 
good  for  nothing  else,  but  they  provoke  an  appetite.  The  vain  youth, 
that  reads  my  Almanac  for  the  sake  of  an  idle  joke,  will  perhaps  meet 
with  a  serious  reflection,  that  he  may  ever  after  be  the  better  for." 

It  is  believed  that  a  complete  series  of  Poor  Richard's  JMmanac  is  not 
now  in  existence.  After  much  research  I  have  not  been  able  to  find 
more  than  one  third  of  the  numbers  that  were  published.  —  EDITOR. 


^Ex.  27.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  123 

parishioners  and  tenants.  In  Pennsylvania,  as  it  dis- 
couraged useless  expense  in  foreign  superfluities,  some 
thought  it  had  its  share  of  influence  in  producing  that 
growing  plenty  of  money,  which  was  observable  for 
several  years  after  its  publication.* 

I  considered  my  newspaper,  also,  as  another  means 
of  communicating  instruction,  and  in  that  view  frequent- 
ly reprinted  in  it  extracts  from  the  Spectator,  and  other 
moral  writers ;  and  sometimes  published  little  pieces 
of  my  own,  which  had  been  first  composed  for  reading 
in  our  Junto.  Of  these  are  a  Socratic  dialogue,  tend- 
ing to  prove,  that,  whatever  might  be  his  parts  and 
abilities,  a  vicious  man  could  not  properly  be  called  a 
man  of  sense ;  and  a  discourse  on  self-denial,  showing 
that  virtue  was  not  secure,  till  its  practice  became  a 
habitude,  and  was  free  from  the  opposition  of  contrary 
inclinations.  These  may  be  found  in  the  papers  about 
the  beginning  of  1735.f 

In  the  conduct  of  my  newspaper,  I  carefully  ex- 
cluded all  libelling  and  personal  abuse,  which  is  of  late 
years  become  so  disgraceful  to  our  country.  When- 
ever I  was  solicited  to  insert  any  thing  of  that  kind, 
and  the  writers  pleaded,  as  they  generally  did,  the  lib- 
erty of  the  press ;  and  that  a  newspaper  was  like  a 
stagecoach,  in  which  any  one  who  would  pay  had  a 
right  to  a  place ;  my  answer  was,  that  I  would  print 
the  piece  separately  if  desired,  and  the  author  might 
have  as  many  copies  as  he  pleased  to  distribute  him- 
self; but  that  I  would  not  take  upon  me  to  spread 
his  detraction ;  and  that,  having  contracted  with  my 
subscribers  to  furnish  them  with  what  might  be  either 
useful  or  entertaining,  I  could  not  fill  their  papers 

«  See  Vol.  II.  p.  92. 

t  The  Dialogue  was  printed  in  the  year  1730;  and  the  other  piece  in 
1735.  Ibid.  pp.  46,  63.  —  EDITOR. 


124  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1733. 

.with  private  altercation,  in  which  they  had  no  concern, 
without  doing  them  manifest  injustice.  Now,  many  of 
our  printers  make  no  scruple  of  gratifying  the  malice  of 
individuals,  by  false  accusations  of  the  fairest  characters 
among  ourselves,  augmenting  animosity  even  to  the 
producing  of  duels ;  and  are,  moreover,  so  indiscreet  as 
to  print  scurrilous  reflections  on  the  government  of 
neighbouring  states,  and  even  on  the  conduct  of  our 
best  national  allies,  which  may  be  attended  with  the 
most  pernicious  consequences.  These  things  I  men- 
tion as  a  caution  to  young  printers,  and  that  they  may 
be  encouraged  not  to  pollute  their  presses,  and  disgrace 
their  profession  by  such  infamous  practices,  but  refuse 
steadily ;  as  they  may  see  by  my  example,  that  such  a 
course  of  conduct  will  not  on  the  whole  be  injurious 
to  their  interests.* 

In  1733,  I  sent  one  of  my  journeymen  to  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  where  a  printer  was  wanting.  I  fur- 
nished him  with  a  press  and  letters,  on  an  agreement 
of  partnership,  by  which  I  was  to  receive  one  third  of 
the  profits  of  the  business,  paying  one  third  of  the 
expense.  He  was  a  man  of  learning,  but  ignorant  in 
matters  of  account ;  and,  though  he  sometimes  made 
me  remittances,  I  could  get  no  account  from  him,  nor 
any  satisfactory  state  of  our  partnership  while  he  lived. 
On  his  decease,  the  business  was  continued  by  his 
widow,  who,  being  born  and  bred  in  Holland,  where, 
as  I  have  been  informed,  the  knowledge  of  accounts 
makes  a  part  of  female  education,  she  not  only  sent 
me  as  clear  a  statement  as  she  could  find  of  the 
transactions  past,  but  continued  to  account  with  the 
greatest  regularity  and  exactness  every  quarter  after- 

*  In  1737  he  published  a  piece  in  his  paper  on  the  Freedom  of  Speech 
and  of  the  Press.  See  Vol.  II.  p.  285.  Again,  late  in  life,  he  wrote  a 
pointed  satirical  piece  on  this  subject.  Ibid.  p.  508.  —  EDITOR. 


&T.  28.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

wards ;  and  managed  the  business  with  such  success, 
that  she  not  only  reputably  brought  up  a  family  of 
children,  but,  at  the  expiration  of  the  term,  was  able  to 
purchase  of  me  the  printing-house,  and  establish  her 
son  in  it. 

I  mention  this  affair  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  recom- 
mending that  branch  of  education  for  our  young  women, 
as  likely  to  be  of  more  use  to  them  and  their  chil- 
dren, in  case  of  widowhood,  than  either  music  or 
dancing ;  by  preserving  them  from  losses  by  imposition 
of  crafty  men,  and  enabling  them  to  continue,  perhaps, 
a  profitable  mercantile  house,  with  established  corre- 
spondence, till  a  son  is  grown  up  fit  to  undertake  and 
go  on  with  it;  to  the  lasting  advantage  and  enriching 
of  the  family 

About  the  year  1734,  there  arrived  among  us  a 
young  Presbyterian  preacher,  named  Hemphill,  who 
delivered  with  a  good  voice,  and  apparently  extempore, 
most  excellent  discourses;  which  drew  together  con- 
siderable numbers  of  different  persuasions,  who  joined 
in  admiring  them.  Among  the  rest,  I  became  one  of 
his  constant  hearers,  his  sermons  pleasing  me,  as  they 
had  little  of  the  dogmatical  kind,  but  inculcated  strongly 
the  practice  of  virtue,  or  what  in  the  religious  style 
are  called  good  works.  Those,  however,  of  our  con- 
gregation, who  considered  themselves  as  orthodox  Pres- 
byterians, disapproved  his  doctrine,  and  were  joined  by 
most  of  the  old  ministers,  who  arraigned  him  of  het- 
erodoxy before  the  synod,  in  order  to  have  him  silenced. 
I  became  his  zealous  partisan,  and  contributed  all  I 
could  to  raise  a  party  in  his  favor,  and  combated  for 
him  awhile  with  some  hopes  of  success.  There  was 
much  scribbling  pro  and  con  upon  the  occasion;  and 
finding,  that,  though  an  elegant  preacher,  he  was  but 
a  poor  writer,  I  wrote  for  him  two  or  three  pamphlets, 

K* 


126  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1734 

and  a  piece  in  the  Gazette  of  April,  1735.  Those 
pamphlets,  as  is  generally  the  case  with  controversial 
writings,  though  eagerly  read  at  the  time,  were  soon 
out  of  vogue,  and  I  question  whether  a  single  copy 
of  them  now  exists.* 

During  the  contest  an  unlucky  occurrence  hurt  his 
cause  exceedingly.  One  of  our  adversaries  having 
heard  him  preach  a  sermon,  that  was  much  admired, 
thought  he  had  somewhere  read  the  sermon  before,  or 
at  least  a  part  of  it.  On  searching,  he  found  that  part 
quoted  at  length,  in  one  of  the  British  Reviews,  from 
a  discourse  of  Dr.  Foster's.  This  detection  gave  many 
of  our  party  disgust,  who  accordingly  abandoned  his 
cause,  and  occasioned  our  more  speedy  discomfiture  in 
the  synod.  I  stuck  by  him,  however;  I  rather  ap- 
proved his  giving  us  good  sermons  composed  by  oth- 
ers, than  bad  ones  of  his  own  manufacture ;  though 
the  latter  was  the  practice  of  our  common  teachers. 
He  afterwards  acknowledged  to  me,  that  none  of  those 
he  preached  were  his  own;  adding,  that  his  memory 
was  such  as  enabled  him  to  retain  and  repeat  any 
sermon  after  once  reading  only.  On  our  defeat,  he 
left  us  in  search  elsewhere  of  better  fortune,  and 
I  quitted  the  congregation,  never  attending  it  after; 
though  I  continued  many  years  my  subscription  for  the 
support  of  its  ministers. 

I  had  begun  in  1733  to  study  languages;  I  soon 
made  myself  so  much  a  master  of  the  French,  as  to  be 
able  to  read  the  books  in  that  language  with  ease.  I 
then  undertook  the  Italian.  An  acquaintance,  who  was 


*  None  of  these  pamphlets  has  been  found.  Several  anonymous  tracts 
on  this  subject  are  advertised  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  in  the  months 
of  July,  September,  and  October,  1735,  some  of  which  are  probably  the 
same  that  are  here  mentioned,  as  having  been  written  by  Franklin.— 
EDITOR. 


/£T.  28.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  127 

also  learning  it,  used  often  to  tempt  me  to  play  chess 
with  him.  Finding  this  took  up  too  much  of  the 
time  I  had  to  spare  for  study,  I  at  length  refused  to 
play  any  more,  unless  on  this  condition,  that  the  victor 
in  every  game  should  have  a  right  to  impose  a  task, 
either  of  parts  of  the  grammar  to  be  got  by  heart,  or 
in  translations,  which  tasks  the  vanquished  was  to  per- 
form upon  honor  before  our  next  meeting.  As  we 
played  pretty  equally,  we  thus  beat  one  another  into 
that  language.  I  afterwards,  with  a  little  pains-taking, 
acquired  as  much  of  the  Spanish  as  to  read  their  books 
also. 

I  have  already  mentioned,  that  I  had  only  one  year's 
instruction  in  a  Latin  school,  and  that  when  very 
young,  after  which  I  neglected  that  language  entirely. 
But,  when  I  had  attained  an  acquaintance  with  the 
French,  Italian,  and  Spanish,  I  was  surprised  to  find, 
on  looking  over  a  Latin  Testament,  that  I  understood 
more  of  that  language  than  I  had  imagined ;  which 
encouraged  me  to  apply  myself  again  to  the  study  of 
it,  and  I  met  with  more  success,  as  those  preceding 
languages  had  greatly  smoothed  my  way. 

From  these  circumstances  I  have  thought  there  is 
some  inconsistency  in  our  common  mode  of  teaching 
languages.  We  are  told,  that  it  is  proper  to  begin  first 
with  the  Latin,  and,  having  acquired  that,  it  will  be 
more  easy  to  attain  those  modern  languages,  which 
are  derived  from  it;  and  yet  we  do  not  begin  with 
the  Greek,  in  order  more  easily  to  acquire  the  Latin. 
It  is  true,  that,  if  we  can  clamber  and  get  to  the  top 
of  a  staircase  without  using  the  steps,  we  shall  more 
easily  gain  them  in  descending ;  but  certainly,  if  we 
begin  with  the  lowest,  we  shall  with  more  ease  as- 
cend to  the  top ;  and  I  would  therefore  offer  it  to 
the  consideration  of  those,  who  superintend  the  edu- 


128  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1736. 

cation  of  our  youth,  whether,  since  many  of  those, 
who  begin  with  the  Latin,  quit  the  same  after  spend- 
ing some  years  without  having  made  any  great  pro- 
ficiency, and  what  they  have  learned  becomes  almost 
useless,  so  that  their  time  has  been  lost,  it  would  not 
have  been  better  to  have  begun  with  the  French,  pro- 
ceeding to  the  Italian  and  Latin.  For  though  after 
spending  the  same  time  they  should  quit  the  study 
of  languages  and  never  arrive  at  the  Latin,  they  wrould 
however  have  acquired  another  tongue  or  two,  that, 
being  in  modern  use,  might  be  serviceable  to  them  in 
common  life. 

After  ten  years'  absence  from  Boston,  and  having 
become  easy  in  my  circumstances,  I  made  a  journey 
thither  to  visit  my  relations ;  which  I  could  not  sooner 
afford.  In  returning  I  called  at  Newport  to  see  my 
brother  James,  then  settled  there  with  his  printing- 
house.  Our  former  differences  were  forgotten,  and  our 
meeting  was  very  cordial  and  affectionate.  He  was 
fast  declining  in  health,  and  requested  me,  that,  in  case 
of  his  death,  which  he  apprehended  not  far  distant,  I 
would  take  home  his  son,  then  but  ten  years  of  age, 
and  bring  him  up  to  the  printing  business.  This  I  ac- 
cordingly performed,  sending  him  a  few  years  to  school 
before  I  took  him  into  the  office.  His  mother  carried 
on  the  business  till  he  was  grown  up,  when  I  assisted 
him  with  an  assortment  of  new  types,  those  of  his 
father  being  in  a  manner  worn  out.  Thus  it  was  that 
I  made  my  brother  ample  amends  for  the  service  I 
had  deprived  him  of  by  leaving  him  so  early. 

In  1736, 1  lost  one  of  my  sons,  a  fine  boy  of  four 
years  old,  by  the  smallpox,  taken  in  the  common  way. 
I  long  regretted  him  bitterly,  and  still  regret  that  I  had 
not  given  it  to  him  by  inoculation.  This  I  mention 
for  the  sake  of  parents  who  omit  that  operation,  on 


MT.  30.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  129 

the  supposition,  that  they  should  never  forgive  them- 
selves if  a  child  died  under  it;  my  example  showing, 
that  the  regret  may  be  the  same  either  way,  and 
therefore  that  the  safer  should  be  chosen. 

Our  club,  the  Junto,  was  found  so  useful,  and  af- 
forded such  satisfaction  to  the  members,  that  some 
were  desirous  of  introducing  their  friends,  which  could 
not  well  be  done  without  exceeding  what  we  had  set- 
tled as  a  convenient  number;  viz.  twelve.  We  had 
from  the  beginning  made  it  a  rule  to  keep  our  insti- 
tution a  secret,  which  was  pretty  well  observed ;  the 
intention  was,  to  avoid  applications  of  improper  persons 
for  admittance,  some  of  whom,  perhaps,  we  might  find 
it  difficult  to  refuse.  I  was  one  of  those,  who  were 
against  any  addition  to  our  number,  but  instead  of  it 
made  in  writing  a  proposal,  that  every  member  sepa- 
rately should  endeavour  to  form  a  subordinate  club, 
with  the  same  rules  respecting  queries,  &,c.,  and  with- 
out informing  them  of  the  connexion  with  the  Junto. 
The  advantages  proposed  were,  the  improvement  of  so 
many  more  young  citizens  by  the  use  of  our  institu- 
tions; our  better  acquaintance  with  the  general  senti- 
ments of  the  inhabitants  on  any  occasion,  as  the  Junto 
member  might  propose  what  queries  we  should  desire, 
and  was  to  report  to  the  Junto  what  passed  at  his 
separate  club ;  the  promotion  of  our  particular  interests 
in  business  by  more  extensive  recommendation,  and 
the  increase  of  our  influence  in  public  affairs,  and  our 
power  of  doing  good  by  spreading  through  the  sev- 
eral clubs  the  ^entiments  of  the  Junto. 

The  project  was  approved,  and  every  member  un- 
dertook to  form  his  club ;  but  they  did  not  all  suc- 
ceed. Five  or  six  only  were  completed,  which  were 
called  by  different  names,  as  the  Vine,  the  Union,  the 
Band.  They  were  useful  to  themselves,  and  afforded 

VOL.  I.  17 


130  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1736. 

us  a  good  deal  of  amusement,  information,  and  in- 
struction ;  besides  answering,  in  some  considerable  de- 
gree, our  views  of  influencing  the  public  on  particu- 
lar occasions ;  of  which  I  shall  give  some  instances  in 
course  of  time  as  they  happened. 

My  first  promotion  was  my  being  chosen,  in  1736, 
clerk  of  the  General  Assembly.  The  choice  was  made 
that  year  without  opposition;  but  the  year  following, 
when  I  was  again  proposed,  (the  choice  like  that  of 
the  members  being  annual,)  a  new  member  made  a 
long  speech  against  me,  in  order  to  favor  some  other 
candidate.  I  was  however  chosen,  which  was  the  more 
agreeable  to  me,  as,  besides  the  pay  for  the  immediate 
service  of  clerk,  the  place  gave  me  a  better  opportu- 
nity of  keeping  up  an  interest  among  the  members, 
which  secured  to  me  the  business  of  printing  the  votes, 
laws,  paper  money,  and  other  occasional  jobs  for  the 
public,  that,  on  the  whole,  were  very  profitable. 

I  therefore  did  not  like  the  opposition  of  this  new 
member,  who  was  a  gentleman  of  fortune  and  educa- 
tion, with  talents  that  were  likely  to  give  him  in  time 
great  influence  in  the  House,  which  indeed  afterwards 
happened.  I  did  not,  however,  aim  at  gaining  his  fa- 
vor by  paying  any  servile  respect  to  him,  but,  after 
some  time,  took  this  other  method.  Having  heard  that 
he  had  in  his  library  a  certain  very  scarce  and  curious 
fcook,  I  wrote  a  note  to  him,  expressing  my  desire  of 
perusing  that  book,  and  requesting  that  he  would  do 
me  the  favor  of  lending  it  to  me  for  a  few  days.  He 
sent  it  immediately ;  and  I  returned  it  in  about  a  week 
with  another  note,  expressing  strongly  the  sense  of 
the  favor.  When  we  next  met  in  the  House,  he  spoke 
to  me,  which  he  had  never  done  before,  and  with 
great  civility ;  and  he  ever  after  manifested  a  readiness 
to  serve  me  on  all  occasions,  so  that  we  became  great 


^T.  31.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  131 

friends,  and  our  friendship  continued  to  his  death. 
This  is  another  instance  of  the  truth  of  an  old  maxim 
I  had  learned,  which  says,  "He,  that  has  once  done 
you  a  kindness,  will  be  more  ready  to  do  you  another, 
than  he  whom  you  yourself  have  obliged"  And  it 
shows  how  much  more  profitable  it  is  prudently  to 
remove,  than  to  resent,  return,  and  continue,  inimical 
proceedings. 

In  1737,  Colonel  Spotswood,  late  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  then  postmaster-general,  being  dissatisfied 
with  the  conduct  of  his  deputy  at  Philadelphia,  respect- 
ing some  negligence  in  rendering,  and  want  of  exact- 
ness in  framing,  his  accounts,  took  from  him  the  com- 
mission and  offered  it  to  me.  I  accepted  it  readily, 
and  found  it  of  great  advantage ;  for,  though  the  sala- 
ry was  small,  it  facilitated  the  correspondence  that  im- 
proved my  newspaper,  increased  the  number  demand- 
ed, as  well  as  the  advertisements  to  be  inserted,  so 
that  it  came  to  afford  me  a  considerable  income.  My 
old  competitor's  newspaper  declined  proportionably,  and 
I  \vas  satisfied  without  retaliating  his  refusal,  while 
postmaster,  to  permit  my  papers  being  carried  by  the 
riders.  Thus  he  suffered  greatly  from  his  neglect  in 
due  accounting ;  and  I  mention  it  as  a  lesson  to  those 
young  men,  who  may  be  employed  in  managing  affairs 
for  others,  that  they  should  always  render  accounts, 
and  make  remittances,  with  great  clearness  and  punc- 
tuality. The  character  of  observing  such  a  conduct  is 
the  most  powerful  of  all  recommendations  to  new  em- 
ployments and  increase  of  business.* 

*  Before  this  appointment,  he  had  been  favored  in  regard  to  the  circu- 
lation of  his  newspaper.  On  the  28th  of  January,  1735,  he  says ;  "  By 
the  indulgence  of  the  Honorable  Colonel  Spotswood,  Postmaster- 
General,  the  printer  hereof  is  allowed  to  send  the  Gazettes  by  the  post, 
postage  free,  to  all  parts  of  the  post-road,  from  Virginia  to  New  England." 

The  following  advertisement  indicates   nearly  the  time  at  which  he 


132  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1737 

I  began  now  to  turn  my  thoughts  to  public  affairs, 
beginning  however  with  small  matters.  The  city  watch 
was  one  of  the  first  things  that  I  conceived  to  want 
regulation.  It  was  managed  by  the  constables  of  the 
respective  wards  in  turn ;  the  constable  summoned  a 
number  of  housekeepers  to  attend  him  for  the  night. 
Those,  who  chose  never  to  attend,  paid  him  six  shil- 
lings a  year  to  be  excused,  which  was  supposed  to  go 
to  hiring  substitutes,  but  was  in  reality  much  more 
than  was  necessary  for  that  purpose,  and  made  the 
constableship  a  place  of  profit;  and  the  constable,  for 
a  little  drink,  often  got  such  ragamuffins  about  him  as 
a  watch,  that  respectable  housekeepers  did  not  choose 
to  mix  with.  Walking  the  rounds,  too,  was  often 
neglected,  and  most  of  the  nights  spent  in  tippling.  I 
thereupon  wrote  a  paper  to  be  read  in  the  Junto, 

assumed  the  duties  of  postmaster,  and  also  the  degree  of  speed  with 
which  the  mail  was  then  conveyed. 

October  27JA,  1737.  —  "  Notice  is  hereby  given,  that  the  postoffice  of 
Philadelphia  is  now  kept  at  B.  Franklin's,  in  Market  Street;  and  that 
Henry  Pratt  is  appointed  Riding  Postmaster  for  all  the  stages  between 
Philadelphia  and  Newport  in  Virginia,  who  sets  out  about  the  beginning 
of  each  month,  and  returns  in  twenty-four  days ;  by  whom  gentlemen, 
merchants,  and  others,  may  have  their  letters  carefully  conveyed,  and 
business  faithfully  transacted,  he  having  given  good  security  for  the 
same  to  the  Honorable  Colonel  Spotswood,  Postmaster-General  of  all 
his  Majesty's  Dominions  in  America." 

Six  years  afterwards  some  improvement  had  taken  place  in  the  trans- 
mission of  the  mail.  In  an  advertisement,  dated  April  14th,  1743,  he 
says ;  "  After  this  week,  the  northern  post  will  set  out  for  New  York  on 
Thursdays  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  till  Christmas.  The  southern 
post  sets  out  next  Monday  at  eight  o'clock  for  Annapolis,  and  continues 
going  every  fortnight  during  the  summer  season."  In  winter  the  post 
between  Philadelphia  and  New  York  went  once  a  fortnight. 

The  following  characteristic  advertisement  is  contained  in  the  Penn- 
sylvania  Gazette  for  June  23d,  1737.  —  "Taken  out  of  a  pew  in  the 
Church,  some  months  since,  a  Common  Prayer  Book,  bound  in  red,  gilt, 
and  lettered  D.  F.  [Deborah  Franklin]  on  each  cover.  The  person  who 
took  it  is  desired  to  open  it  and  read  the  eighth  Commandment,  and 
afterwards  return  it  into  the  same  pew  again ;  upon  which  no  further 
notice  will  be  taken."  —  EDITOR. 


jET.31.]  LIFE    UP    FRANKLIN.  133 

representing  these  irregularities,  but  insisting  more  par- 
ticularly on  the  inequality  of  the  six  shilling  tax  of  the 
constable,  respecting  the  circumstances  of  those  who 
paid  it;  since  a  poor  widow  housekeeper,  all  whose 
property  to  be  guarded  by  the  watch  did  not  perhaps 
exceed  the  value  of  fifty  pounds,  paid  as  much  as  the 
wealthiest  merchant,  who  had  thousands  of  pounds' 
worth  of  goods  in  his  stores. 

On  the  whole  I  proposed  as  a  more  effectual  watch, 
the  hiring  of  proper  men  to  serve  constantly  in  the 
business;  and  as  a  more  equitable  way  of  supporting 
the  charge,  the  levying  a  tax  that  should  be  propor- 
tioned to  the  property.  This  idea,  being  approved  by 
the  Junto,  was  communicated  to  the  other  clubs,  but 
as  originating  in  each  of  them;  and  though  the  plan 
was  not  immediately  carried  into  execution,  yet,  by 
preparing  the  minds  of  people  for  the  change,  it  paved 
the  way  for  the  law  obtained  a  few  years  after,  when 
the  members  of  our  clubs  were  grown  into  more  in- 
fluence. 

About  this  time  I  wrote  a  paper  (first  to  be  read 
in  the  Junto,  but  it  was  afterwards  published,)  on  the 
different  accidents  and  carelessnesses  by  which  houses 
were  set  on  fire,  with  cautions  against  them,  and 
means  proposed  of  avoiding  them.  This  was  spoken 
of  as  a  useful  piece,  and  gave  rise  to  a  project,  which 
soon  followed  it,  of  forming  a  company  for  the  more 
ready  extinguishing  of  fires,  and  mutual  assistance  in 
removing  and  securing  of  goods  when  in  danger.  As- 
sociates in  this  scheme  were  presently  found,  amount- 
ing to  thirty.  Our  articles  of  agreement  obliged  every 
member  to  keep  always  in  good  order,  and  fit  for  use, 
a  certain  number  of  leathern  buckets,  with  strong  bags 
and  baskets  (for  packing  and  transporting  of  goods), 
which  were  to  be  brought  to  every  fire;  and  we 

VOL.  I.  L 


134  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1738. 

agreed  about  once  a  month  to  spend  a  social  evening 
together,  in  discoursing  and  communicating  such  ideas 
as  occurred  to  us  upon  the  subject  of  fires,  as  might 
be  useful  in  our  conduct  on  such  occasions.* 

The  utility  of  this  institution  soon  appeared,  and 
many  more  desiring  to  be  admitted  than  we  thought 
convenient  for  one  company,  they  were  advised  to  form 
another,  which  was. accordingly  done;  and  thus  went 
on  one  new  company  after  another,  till  they  became 
so  numerous  as  to  include  most  of  the  inhabitants  who 
were  men  of  property ;  and  now,  at  the  time  of  my 
writing  this,  though  upwards  of  fifty  years  since  its 
establishment,  that  which  I  first  formed,  called  the 
Union  Fire  Company,  still  subsists ;  though  the  first 
members  are  all  deceased  but  one,  who  is  older  by  a 
year  than  I  am.  The  fines  that  have  been  paid  by 

*  In  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  for  February  4th,  1734-5,  is  a  paper  on 
this  subject,  which  was  probably  written  by  Franklin.  It  begins  as 
follows. 

"  Being  old  and  lame  of  ray  hands,  and  thereby  incapable  of  assisting 
my  fellow  citizens  when  their  houses  are  on  fire,  I  must  beg  them  to 
take  in  good  part  the  following  hints  on  the  subject  of  fires. 

"In  the  first  place,  as  an  ounce  of  prevention  is  worth  a  pound  of 
cure,  I  would  advise  them  to  take  care  how  they  suffer  living  brand-ends, 
or  coals  in  a  full  shovel,  to  be  carried  out  of  one  room  into  another,  or 
up  or  down  stairs,  unless  in  a  warming-pan,  shut;  for  scraps  of  fire 
may  fall  into  chinks,  and  make  no  appearance  till  midnight,  when,  your 
stairs  being  in  flames,  you  may  be  forced,  as  I  once  was,  to  leap  out  of 
your  windows,  and  hazard  your  necks  to  avoid  being  over-roasted.  And 
now  we  talk  of  prevention,  where  would  be  the  damage,  if,  to  the  act 
for  regulating  bakehouses  and  coopers'  shops,  a  clause  were  added  to 
regulate  all  other  causes  in  the  particulars  of  too  shallow  hearths,  and 
the  detestable  practice  of  putting  wooden  mouldings  on  each  side  of  the 
fireplace,  which,  being  commonly  of  heart  of  pine  and  full  of  turpentine, 
stand  ready  to  flame  as  soon  as  a  coal  or  a  small  brand  shall  roll  against 
them?" 

He  then  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  caution  necessary  in  the  building 
and  sweeping  of  chimneys,  and  dwells  at  considerable  length  on  the 
best  modes  of  extinguishing  fires,  and  the  advantages  of  a  proper  or- 
ganization of  fire  companies. —  EDITOR. 


JET.  32.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  135 

members  for  absence  at  the  monthly  meetings  have 
been  applied  to  the  purchase  of  fire-engines,  ladders, 
fire-hooks,  and  other  useful  implements  for  each  com- 
pany; so  that  I  question  whether  there  is  a  city  in 
the  world  better  provided  with  the  means  of  putting 
a  stop  to  beginning  conflagrations ;  and,  in  fact,  since 
these  institutions,  the  city  has  never  lost  by  fire  more 
than  one  or  two  houses  at  a  time,  and  the  flames  have 
often  been  extinguished  before  the  house  in  which 
they  began  has  been  half  consumed. 


136  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1739. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Forms  an  Intimacy  with  Whitefield.  —  Building  erected  for  Preachers 
of  nil  Denominations.  —  Character  of  Whitefield,  his  Oratory  and  Writ- 
ings. —  Partnerships  in  the  Printing  Business.  —  Proposes  a  Philosoph- 
ical Society. —  Takes  an  active  Part  in  providing  Means  of  Defence 
in  the  Spanish  War.  —  Forms  an  Association  for  that  Purpose.  —  Sen- 
timents of  the  Quakers.  —  James  Logan.  —  Anecdote  of  William 
Penn.— The  Sect  called  Dunkers. —  Religious  Creeds.  —  New-in- 
vented Fireplace. 

IN  1739,  arrived  among  us  from  Ireland  the  Rev- 
erend Mr.  Whitefield,  who  had  made  himself  remark- 
able there  as  an  itinerant  preacher.  He  was  at  first 
permitted  to  preach  in  some  of  our  churches ;  but  the 
clergy,  taking  a  dislike  to  him,  soon  refused  him  their 
pulpits,  and  he  was  obliged  to  preach  in  the  fields. 
The  multitudes  of  all  sects  and  denominations  that 
attended  his  sermons  were  enormous,  and  it  was  a 
matter  of  speculation  to  me,  who  was  one  of  the  num- 
ber, to  observe  the  extraordinary  influence  of  his  ora- 
tory on  his  hearers,  and  how  much  they  admired  and 
respected  him,  notwithstanding  his  common  abuse  of 
them,  by  assuring  them,  they  were  naturally  half  beasts 
and  half  devils.  It  was  wonderful  to  see  the  change 
soon  made  in  the  manners  of  our  inhabitants.  From 
being  thoughtless  or  indifferent  about  religion,  it  seemed 
as  if  all  the  world  were  growing  religious,  so  that  one 
could  not  walk  through  the  town  in  an  evening  with- 
out hearing  psalms  sung  in  different  families  of  every 
street. 

And  it  being  found  inconvenient  to  assemble  in  the 
open  air,  subject  to  its  inclemencies,  the  building  of  a 
house  to  meet  in  was  no  sooner  proposed,  and  per- 
sons appointed  to  receive  contributions,  than  sufficient 


^T.  33.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  137 

sums  were  soon  received  to  procure  the  ground,  and 
erect  the  building,  \vhich  was  one  hundred  feet  long 
and  seventy  broad ;  and  the  work  was  carried  on  with 
such  spirit  as  to  be  finished  in  a  much  shorter  time 
than  could  have  been  expected.  Both  house  and 
ground  were  vested  in  trustees,  expressly  for  the  use 
of  any  preacher  of  any  religious  persuasion,  who  might 
desire  to  say  something  to  the  people  at  Philadelphia; 
the  design  in  building  being  not  to  accommodate  any 
particular  sect,  but  the  inhabitants  in  general ;  so  that 
even  if  the  Mufti  of  Constantinople  were  to  send  a 
missionary  to  preach  Mahometanism  to  us,  he  would 
find  a  pulpit  at  his  service. 

Mr.  Whitefield,  on  leaving  us,  went  preaching  all 
the  way  through  the  colonies  to  Georgia.  The  set- 
tlement of  that  province  had  been  lately  begun,  but, 
instead  of  being  made  with  hardy,  industrious  husband- 
men, accustomed  to  labor,  the  only  people  fit  for  such 
an  enterprise,  it  was  with  families  of  broken  shop- 
keepers and  other  insolvent  debtors ;  many  of  indolent 
and  idle  habits,  taken  out  of  the  jails,  who,  being  set 
down  in  the  woods,  unqualified  for  clearing  land,  and 
unable  to  endure  the  hardships  of  a  new  settlement, 
perished  in  numbers,  leaving  many  helpless  children 
unprovided  for.  The  sight  of  their  miserable  situation 
inspired  the  benevolent  heart  of  Mr.  Whitefield,  with 
the  idea  of  building  an  Orphan  House  there,  in  which 
they  might  be  supported  and  educated.  Returning 
northward,  he  preached  up  this  charity,  and  made 
large  collections;  for  his  eloquence  had  a  wonderful 
power  over  the  hearts  and  purses  of  his  hearers,  of 
which  I  myself  was  an  instance. 

I  did  not  disapprove  of  the  design,  but,  as  Georgia 
was  then  destitute  of  materials  and  workmen,  and  it 
was  proposed  to  send  them  from  Philadelphia  at  a 

VOL.  i.  18  L  * 


138  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1739-41 

great  expense,  I  thought  it  would  have  been  better 
to  have  built  the  house  at  Philadelphia,  and  brought 
the  children  to  it.  This  I  advised ;  but  he  was  reso- 
lute in  his  first  project,  rejected  my  counsel,  and  I 
therefore  refused  to  contribute.  I  happened  soon  after 
to  attend  one  of  his  sermons,  in  the  course  of  which 
I  perceived  he  intended  to  finish  with  a  collection, 
and  I  silently  resolved  he  should  get  nothing  from  me. 
I  had  in  my  pocket  a  handful  of  copper  money,  three 
or  four  silver  dollars,  and  five  pistoles  in  gold.  As  he 
proceeded  I  began  to  soften,  and  concluded  to  give 
the  copper.  Another  stroke  of  his  oratory  made  me 
ashamed  of  that,  and  determined  me  to  give  the  silver ; 
and  he  finished  so  admirably,  that  I  emptied  my  pocket 
wholly  into  the  collector's  dish,  gold  and  all.  At  this 
sermon  there  was  also  one  of  our  club,  who,  being 
of  my  sentiments  respecting  the  building  in  Georgia, 
and  suspecting  a  collection  might  be  intended,  had 
by  precaution  emptied  his  pockets  before  he  came 
from  home.  Towards  the  conclusion  of  the  discourse, 
however,  he  felt  a  strong  inclination  to  give,  and  ap- 
plied to  a  neighbour,  who  stood  near  him,  to  lend  him 
some  money  for  the  purpose.  The  request  was  for- 
tunately made  to  perhaps  the  only  man  in  the  company, 
who  had  the  firmness  not  to  be  affected  by  the 
preacher.  His  answer  was,  "  At  any  other  time,  friend 
Hopkinson,  I  would  lend  to  thee  freely ;  but  not  now ; 
for  thee  seems  to  be  out  of  thy  right  senses." 

Some  of  Mr.  Whitefield's  enemies  affected  to  sup- 
pose that  he  would  apply  these  collections  to  his  own 
private  emolument;  but  I,  who  was  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  him,  being  employed  in  printing  his 
Sermons  and  Journals,  never  had  the  least  suspicion 
of  his  integrity ;  but  am  to  this  day  decidedly  of  opin- 
ion, that  he  was  in  all  his  conduct  a  perfectly  honest 


/Er.  33-35.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  139 

man;  and  methinks  my  testimony  in  his  favor  ought 
to  have  the  more  weight,  as  we  had  no  religious  con- 
nexion. He  used,  indeed,  sometimes  to  pray  for  my 
conversion,  but  never  had  the  satisfaction  of  believing 
that  his  prayers  were  heard.  Ours  was  a  mere  civil 
friendship,  sincere  on  both  sides,  and  lasted  to  his 
death. 

The  following  instance  will  show  the  terms  on  which 
we  stood.  Upon  one  of  his  arrivals  from  England  at 
Boston,  he  wrote  to  me,  that  he  should  come  soon  to 
Philadelphia,  but  knew  not  where  he  could  lodge  when 
there,  as  he  understood  his  old  friend  and  host,  Mr. 
Benezet,  was  removed  to  Germantown.  My  answer 
was,  "You  know  my  house;  if  you  can  make  shift 
with  its  scanty  accommodations,  you  will  be  most 
heartily  welcome."  He  replied,  that  if  I  made  that 
kind  offer  for  Christ's  sake,  I  should  not  miss  of  a 
reward.  And  I  returned,  "  Don't  let  me  be  mistaken ; 
it  was  not  for  Christ's  sake,  but  for  your  sake"  One 
of  our  common  acquaintance  jocosely  remarked,  that, 
knowing  it  to  be  the  custom  of  the  saints,  when  they 
received  any  favor,  to  shift  the  burden  of  the  obligation 
from  off  their  own  shoulders,  and  place  it  in  heaven, 
I  had  contrived  to  fix  it  on  earth. 

The  last  time  I  saw  Mr.  Whitefield,  was  in  London, 
when  he  consulted  me  about  his  Orphan-House  con- 
cern, and  his  purpose  of  appropriating  it  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  college. 

He  had  a  loud  and  clear  voice,  and  articulated  his 
words  so  perfectly,  that  he  might  be  heard  and  un- 
derstood at  a  great  distance ;  especially  as  his  auditors 
observed  the  most  perfect  silence.  He  preached  one 
evening  from  the  top  of  the  Court-House  steps,  which 
are  in  the  middle  of  Market  Street,  and  on  the  west 
side  of  Second  Street,  which  crosses  it  at  right  angles. 


140  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1739-41. 

Both  streets  were  filled  with  his  hearers  to  a  consider- 
able distance.  Being  among  the  hindmost  in  Market 
Street,  I  had  the  curiosity  to  learn  how  far  he  could  be 
heard,  by  retiring  backwards  down  the  street  towards 
the  river ;  and  I  found  his  voice  distinct  till  I  came  near 
Front  Street,  when  some  noise  in  that  street  obscured 
it.  Imagining  then  a  semicircle,  of  which  my  distance 
should  be  the  radius,  and  that  it  was  filled  with  au- 
ditors, to  each  of  whom  I  allowed  two  square  feet,  I 
computed  that  he  might  well  be  heard  by  more  than 
thirty  thousand.  This  reconciled  me  to  the  newspaper 
accounts  of  his  having  preached  to  twenty- five  thou- 
sand people  in  the  fields,  and  to  the  history  of  gen- 
erals haranguing  whole  armies,  of  which  I  had  some- 
times doubted.* 

By  hearing  him  often,  I  came  to  distinguish  easily 
between  sermons  newly  composed,  and  those  which 
he  had  often  preached  in  the  course  of  his  travels. 
His  delivery  of  the  latter  was  so  improved  by  frequent 
repetition,  that  every  accent,  every  emphasis,  every 
modulation  of  voice,  was  so  perfectly  well  turned  and 
well  placed,  that,  without  being  interested  in  the  sub- 
ject, one  could  not  help  being  pleased  with  the  dis- 
course ;  a  pleasure  of  much  the  same  kind  with  that 
received  from  an  excellent  piece  of  music.  This  is  an 

*  In  the  early  part  of  his  life,  Mr.  Whitefield  was  preaching  in  an 
open  field,  when  a  drummer  happened  to  be  present,  who  was  determined 
to  interrupt  his  pious  business,  and  rudely  beat  his  drum  in  a  violent 
manner,  in  order  to  drown  the  preacher's  voice.  Mr.  Whitefield  spoke 
very  loud,  but  was  not  as  powerful  as  the  instrument.  He  therefore 
called  out  to  the  drummer  in  these  words,  "Friend,  you  and  I  serve 
the  two  greatest  masters  existing,  but  in  different  callings ;  you  beat 
up  for  volunteers  for  King  George,  I  for  the  Lord  Jesus.  In  God's 
name,  then,  let  us  not  interrupt  each  other;  the  world  is  wide  enough 
for  both ;  and  we  may  get  recruits  in  abundance."  This  speech  had 
such  an  effect  on  the  drummer,  that  he  went  away  in  great  good-humor, 
nnd  left  the  preacher  in  full  possession  of  the  field. 


yET.  33-35.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  141 

advantage  itinerant  preachers  have  over  those  who  are 
stationary,  as  the  latter  cannot  well  improve  their  de- 
livery of  a  sermon  by  so  many  rehearsals. 

His  writing  and  printing  from  time  to  time  gave  great 
advantage  to  his  enemies ;  unguarded  expressions,  and 
even  erroneous  opinions,  delivered  in  preaching,  might 
have  been  afterwards  explained  or  qualified  by  sup- 
posing others  that  might  have  accompanied  them ;  or 
they  might  have  been  denied ;  but  litera  scripta  ma.net. 
Critics  attacked  his  writings  violently,  and  with  so 
much  appearance  of  reason  as  to  diminish  the  number 
of  his  votaries  and  prevent  their  increase.  So  that  I 
am  satisfied,  that,  if  he  had  never  written  any  thing, 
he  would  have  left  behind  him  a  much  more  numerous 
and  important  sect;  and  his  reputation  might  in  that 
case  have  been  still  growing  even  after  his  death  ;  as, 
there  being  nothing  of  his  writing  on  which  to  found 
a  censure,  and  give  him  a  lower  character,  his  prose- 
lytes would  be  left  at  liberty  to  attribute  to  him  as 
great  a  variety  of  excellences  as  their  enthusiastic  ad- 
miration might  wish  him  to  have  possessed.* 

*  The  following  notices,  selected  from  Franklin's  newspaper,  the  Penn- 
sylvania Gazette,  show  that  he  was  the  first  publisher  of  Whitefield's 
writings ;  and  they  also  contain  some  curious  facts  respecting  the  suc- 
cess of  that  eloquent  preacher,  immediately  after  his  arrival  in  America. 

November  15th,  1739.  —  "  The  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield,  havirg  given 
me  copies  of  his  Journals  and  Sermons,  with  leave  to  print  the  same,  I 
propose  to  publish  them  with  all  expedition,  if  I  find  sufficient  encour- 
agement The  Sermons  will  make  two  volumes ;  and  the  Journals  two 
more ;  which  will  be  delivered  to  subscribers  at  two  shillings  for  each 
volume  bound.  Those,  therefore,  who  are  inclined  to  encourage  this 
work,  are  desired  speedily  to  send  in  their  names  to  me,  that  I  may 
take  measures  accordingly." 

November  29/ft.  —  "On  Friday  last,  Mr.  Whitefield  arrived  here  with 
his  friends  from  New  York,  where  he  preached  eight  times.  He  has 
preached  twice  every  day  to  great  crowds,  except  Tuesday,  when  he 
preached  at  Germantown,  from  a  balcony,  to  about  five  thousand  peo- 
ple in  the  street.  And  last  night  the  crowd  was  so  great  to  hear  his 
farewell  sermon,  that  the  church  could  not  contain  one  half,  whereupon 


]42  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1739-4L 

My  business  was  now  constantly  augmenting,  and 
my  circumstances  growing  daily  easier,  my  newspaper 
having  become  very  profitable,  as  being  for  a  time 
almost  the  only  one  in  this  and  the  neighbouring 
provinces.  I  experienced  too,  the  truth  of  the  obser- 
vation, "  that  after  getting  the  first  hundred  pounds,  it 
is  more  easy  to  get  the  second;"  money  itself  being  of 
a  prolific  nature. 

The  partnership  at  Carolina  having  succeeded,  I  was 
encouraged  to  engage  in  others,  and  to  promote  sev- 
eral of  my  workmen,  who  had  behaved  well,  by  estab- 
lishing them  in  printing-houses  in  different  colonies,  on 

they  withdrew  to  Society  Hill,  where  he  preached  from  a  balcony  to  a 
multitude,  computed  at  not  less  than  ten  thousand  people.  He  left  this 
city  to-day." 

December  5th.  —  "  On  Thursday  last,  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield  left 
this  city,  and  was  accompanied  to  Chester  by  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  horse,  and  preached  there  to  about  seven  thousand  people.  On 
Friday  he  preached  twice  at  Willing's  Town  to  about  five  thousand  ;  on 
Saturday  at  Newcastle  to  about  two  thousand  five  hundred;  and  the 
same  evening  at  Christiana  Bridge  to  about  three  thousand ;  on  Sunday 
at  White  Clay  Creek  he  preached  twice,  resting  about  half  an  hour 
between  the  sermons,  to  about  eight  thousand,  of  whom  three  thou- 
sand it  is  computed  came  on  horseback.  It  rained  most  of  the  time,  and 
yet  they  stood  in  the  open  air." 

May  15th,  1740. — "This  evening  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield  went 
on  board  his  sloop  at  Newcastle  to  sail  for  Georgia.  On  Sunday  he 
preached  twice  at  Philadelphia.  The  last  was  his  farewell  sermon,  at 
which  was  a  vast  audience.  On  Monday  he  preached  at  Derby  and 
Chester ;  on  Tuesday  at  Wilmington  and  White  Clay  Creek ;  on  Wednes- 
day at  Nottingham ;  on  Thursday  at  Fog's  Manor.  The  congregationa 
were,  at  every  place,  much  more  numerous  than  when  he  was  here 
last  We  hear  that  he  has  collected  in  these  parts,  in  goods  and 
money,  between  four  and  five  hundred  pounds  sterling  for  his  Orphan 
House  in  Georgia." 

May  22</,  1740.  —  "  Monday  next  will  be  delivered  to  the  subscribers 
two  volumes  of  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield's  works;  viz.  one  of  Ser- 
mons and  one  of  Journals.  The  other  volumes  being  nearly  finished,  will 
be  ready  in  a  short  time.  The  whole  number  of  names  subscribed  far 
exceeds  the  number  of  books  printed.  Those  subscribers,  who  have  paid, 
or  who  bring  the  money  in  their  hands,  will  have  the  preference."  — 
EDITOR. 


jET.  37.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  143 

the  same  terms  with  that  in  Carolina.*  Most  of  them 
did  well,  being  enabled  at  the  end  of  our  term,  six 
years,  to  purchase  the  types  of  me  and  go  on  working 
for  themselves,  by  which  means  several  families  were 
raised.  Partnerships  often  finish  in  quarrels ;  but  I  was 
happy  in  this,  that  mine  were  all  carried  on  and  ended 
amicably;  owing,  I  think,  a  good  deal  to  the  precaution 
of  having  very  explicitly  settled,  in  our  articles,  every 
thing  to  be  done  by  or  expected  from  each  partner,  so 
that  there  was  nothing  to  dispute;  which  precaution  I 
would  therefore  recommend  to  all  who  enter  into  part- 
nerships ;  for,  whatever  esteem  partners  may  have  for, 
and  confidence  in,  each  other  at  the  time  of  the  contract, 
little  jealousies  and  disgusts  may  arise,  with  ideas  of 
inequality  in  the  care  and  burden,  business,  &c.,  which 
are  attended  often  with  breach  of  friendship  and  of  the 
connexion;  perhaps  with  lawsuits  and  other  disagree- 
able consequences. 

I  had  on  the  whole  abundant  reason  to  be  satisfied 
with  my  being  established  in  Pennsylvania.  There 
were,  however,  some  things  that  I  regretted,  there  be- 
ing no  provision  for  defence,  nor  for  a  complete  educa- 
tion of  youth ;  no  militia,  nor  any  college.  I  therefore,  in 
1 743,  drew  up  a  proposal  for  establishing  an  academy ;  t 
and  at  that  time,  thinking  the  Reverend  Richard  Peters, 

*  By  the  general  terms  of  these  partnerships,  Franklin  supplied  a 
printing-press  and  a  certain  quantity  of  types  at  his  own  charge ;  and 
all  other  materials  for  carrying  on  the  business  were  provided  by  the 
partner.  The  amount  of  necessary  expenses  for  rent,  paper,  ink,  and 
the  like,  was  deducted  from  the  gross  receipts,  and  the  remainder,  in- 
cluding the  debts,  was  divided  into  three  parts,  of  which  two  belonged 
to  the  partner  and  one  to  Franklin.  All  accounts  were  settled  quarterly. 
At  the  expiration  of  the  time  agreed  upon,  which  was  commonly  six 
years,  the  partner  was  at  liberty  to  return  the  press  and  types,  or  to 
purchase  them  at  a  fair  valuation.  A  partnership  of  this  description 
existed  for  many  years  between  Franklin  and  James  Parker,  a  respectable 
printer  in  New  York.  —  EDITOR. 

f  See  APPENDIX,  No.  III. 


144  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1744 

who  was  out  of  employ,  a  fit  person  to  superintend 
such  an  institution,  I  communicated  the  project  to  him ; 
but  he,  having  more  profitable  views  in  the  service  of 
the  Proprietors,  which  succeeded,  declined  the  under- 
taking ;  and,  not  knowing  another  at  that  time  suitable 
for  such  a  trust,  I  let  the  scheme  lie  awhile  dormant. 
I  succeeded  better  the  next  year,  1744,  in  proposing 
and  establishing  a  Philosophical  Society.  The  papei 
I  wrote  for  that  purpose  will  be  found  among  my 
writings ;  if  not  lost  with  many  others.* 

With  respect  to  defence,  Spain  having  been  several 
years  at  war  against  Great  Britain,  and  being  at  length 
joined  by  France,  which  brought  us  into  great  danger ; 
and  the  labored  and  long-continued  endeavour  of  our 
governor,  Thomas,  to  prevail  with  our  Quaker  Assembly 
to  pass  a  militia  law,  and  make  other  provisions  for  the 
security  of  the  province,  having  proved  abortive  ;  I  pro- 
posed to  try  what  might  be  done  by  a  voluntary  sub- 

*  See  Vol.  VI.  p.  14 ;  also  APPENDIX  to  this  volume,  No.  IV. 

The  author  has  omitted  to  mention  an  enterprise,  which  he  under- 
took in  the  year  1741,  being  the  publication  of  a  periodical  work,  called 
the  General  Magazine.  The  first  notice  of  it  is  contained  in  his  Gazette 
for  November  13th,  1740. 

"  This  Magazine,"  he  says,  "  in  imitation  of  those  in  England,  was 
long  since  projected.  A  correspondence  is  settled  with  intelligent  men 
in  most  parts  of  the  colonies,  and  small  types  are  procured  for  carry- 
ing it  on  in  the  best  manner.  It  would  not,  Indeed,  have  been  publish- 
ed quite  so  soon,  were  it  not  that  a  person,  to  whom  the  scheme  was 
communicated  in  confidence,  has  thought  fit  to  advertise  it  in  the  last 
Mercury,  without  our  participation,  and  probably  with  a  view,  by  starting 
before  us,  to  discourage  us  from  prosecuting  our  first  design,  and  reap 
the  advantage  of  it  wholly  to  himself.  We  shall  endeavour,  however,  by 
executing  our  plan  with  care,  diligence,  and  impartiality,  and  by  printing 
the  work  neatly  and  correctly,  to  deserve  a  share  of  the  public  favor. 

u  But  we  desire  no  subscriptions.  We  shall  publish  the  books  at  our 
own  expense,  and  risk  the  sale  of  them ;  which  method,  we  suppose, 
will  be  most  agreeable  to  our  readers,  as  they  wDl  then  be  at  liberty  to 
buy  only  what  they  like,  and  we  shall  be  under  the  constant  necessity 
of  endeavouring  to  make  every  particular  pamphlet  worth  their  money 
Each  Magazine  shall  contain  four  sheets,  of  common-sized  paper,  in  a 


/Ei<.  40.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  145 

scription  of  the  people.  To  promote  this,  I  first  wrote 
and  published  a  pamphlet,  entitled,  PLAIN  TRUTH,* 
in  which  I  stated  our  helpless  situation  in  strong  lights 
with  the  necessity  of  union  and  discipline  for  our  de- 
fence, and  promised  to  propose  in  a  few  days  an  as- 
sociation, to  be  generally  signed  for  that  purpose.  The 
pamphlet  had  a  sudden  and  surprising  effect.  I  was 
called  upon  for  the  instrument  of  association.  Having 
settled  the  draft  of  it  with  a  few  friends,  I  appointed 
a  meeting  of  the  citizens  in  the  large  building  before 
mentioned.  The  house  was  pretty  full;  I  had  pre- 
pared a  number  of  printed  copies,  and  provided  pens 
and  ink  dispersed  all  over  the  room.  I  harangued 
them  a  little  on  the  subject,  read  the  paper,  explained 
it,  and  then  distributed  the  copies,  which  were  eagerly 
signed,  not  the  least  objection  being  made. 

When  the  company  separated,  and  the  papers  were 
collected,  we  found  above  twelve  hundred  signatures; 

small  character.  Price  sixpence  sterling,  or  ninepence  Pennsylvania 
money ;  with  considerable  allowance  to  chapmen,  who  take  quantities. 
To  be  printed  and  sold  by  B.  Franklin,  in  Philadelphia." 

The  work  was  accordingly  begun,  and  entitled  "The  General  Maga- 
zine and  Historical  Chronicle,  for  all  the  British  Plantations  in  America ; 
January,  1741.  Philadelphia  ;  printed  and  sold  by  B.  Franklin."  It  is  in 
a  duodecimo  form,  handsomely  printed  on  a  small  type.  The  titlepage 
is  ornamented  with  the  Prince  of  Wales's  coronet  and  three  plumes, 
with  the  motto,  Ich  Dien.  One  number  was  published  monthly  till  June, 
making  six  in  the  whole.  It  was  then  discontinued.  The  contents  arc 
miscellaneous,  but  mostly  historical,  political,  and  theological.  Very 
few  of  the  articles  were  original.  A  large  part  of  each  number  was 
occupied  with  the  proceedings  of  Parliament  relating  to  the  colonies, 
Governors'  speeches,  the  Assemblies'  replies,  and  extracts  from  books. 
There  was  a  department  for  poetry,  chiefly  selected,  but  interspersed 
with  original  pieces  both  in  English  and  Latin.  Much  space  was  allowed 
for  theological  controversy,  in  which  articles  were  admitted  on  both 
sides.  Two  of  the  numbers  contain  a  manual  of  military  exercise.  In 
short,  although  the  work  imparted  much  useful  information,  it  seems 
not  to  have  been  well  adapted  to  win  popular  favor.  —  EDITOR. 

*  See  Vol.  III.  p.  1. 
VOL.  I.  19  M 


146  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1747 

and,  other  copies  being  dispersed  in  the  country,  the 
subscribers  amounted  at  length  to  upwards  of  ten 
thousand.  These  all  furnished  themselves  as  soon  as 
they  could  with  arms,  formed  themselves  into  compa- 
nies and  regiments,  chose  their  own  officers,  and  met 
every  week  to  be  instructed  in  the  manual  exercise, 
and  other  parts  of  military  discipline.  The  women, 
by  subscriptions  among  themselves,  provided  silk  colors, 
which  they  presented  to  the  companies,  painted  with 
different  devices  and  mottos,  which  I  supplied.* 

The  officers  of  the  companies  composing  the  Phila- 
delphia regiment,  being  met,  chose  me  for  their  colonel ; 
but,  conceiving  myself  unfit,  I  declined  that  station, 
and  recommended  Mr.  Lawrence,  a  fine  person,  and  a 
man  of  influence,  who  was  accordingly  appointed.  I 
then  proposed  a  lottery  to  defray  the  expense  of  build- 
ing a  battery  below  the  town,  and  furnished  with  can- 
non. It  filled  expeditiously,  and  the  battery  was  soon 


*  The  following  are  the  devices  and  mottos,  as  published  at  the  time. 

"  1.  A  lion  erect,  a  naked  scimitar  in  one  paw,  the  other  holding  the 
Pennsylvania  scutcheon.  Motto;  Patria. 

"2.  Three  "arms,  wearing  different  linen  ruffled,  plain,  and  checked, 
the  hands  joined  by  grasping  each  other's  wrist,  denoting  the  union  of 
all  ranks.  Motto;  Unita  Virtus  Void. 

"3.  An  eagle,  the  emblem  of  victory,  descending  from  the  skies. 
Motto  ;  Jl  Deo  Victoria. 

"4.  The  figure  of  liberty  sitting  on  a  cube,  holding  a  spear  with  the 
cap  of  Freedom  on  its  point.  Motto ;  Inestimabilis. 

"  5.  An  armed  man  with  a  naked  falchion  in  his  hand.  Motto ;  Deus 
adjuvat  Fortes. 

"6.  An  elephant,  being  the  emblem  of  a  warrior  always  on  his  guard, 
as  that  creature  is  said  never  to  lie  down,  and  hath  his  arms  ever  in 
readiness.  Motto  ;  Semper  Paralus. 

"  7.  A  city  walled  round.     Motto  ;  Solus  Patrice  Summa  Lex. 

"8.  A  soldier  with  his  piece  recovered,  ready  to  present.  Motto;  Sic 
pacem  quoerimus. 

"9.  A  coronet  and  plume  of  feathers.     Motto ;  In  God  we  trust. 

"  10.  A  man  with  a  sword  drawn.     Motto ;  Pro  Aris  et  Focis. 

"11.  Three  of  the  associators,  marching  with  their  muskets  shouldered, 


Mr.  41.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  147 

erected,  the  merlons  being  framed  of  logs,  and  filled 
with  earth.*  We  bought  some  old  cannon  from  Bos- 
ton ;  but,  these  not  being  sufficient,  we  wrote  to  Lon- 
don for  more;  soliciting  at  the  same  time  our  Propri- 
etaries for  some  assistance ;  though  without  much  ex- 
pectation of  obtaining  it. 

Meanwhile  Colonel  Lawrence,  Mr.  Allen,  Abraham 
Taylor,  and  myself  were  sent  to  New  York  by  the 
associators,  commissioned  to  borrow  some  cannon  of 
Governor  Clinton.  He  at  first  refused  us  peremptori- 
ly ;  but  at  a  dinner  with  his  council,  where  there  was 
great  drinking  of  Madeira  wine,  as  the  custom  of  that 
place  then  was,  he  softened  by  degrees,  and  said  he 
would  lend  us  six.  After  a  few  more  bumpers  he 
advanced  to  ten;  and  at  length  he  very  good  na- 

and  dressed  in  different  clothes,  intimating  the  unanimity  of  the  different 
sorts  of  people  in  the  Association.  Motto  ;  Vis  Unita  Fortior. 

"12.  A  musket  and  sword  crossing  each  other.  Motto;  Pro  Rege  et 
Grcge. 

"  13.  Representation  of  a  glory,  in  the  middle  of  which  is  wrote,  JE- 
HOVAH-Nissi ;  in  English,  The  Lord  our  Banner. 

"  14.  A  castle,  at  the  gate  of  which  a  soldier  stands  sentinel.  Motto  ; 
Cavendo  Tutus. 

"15.  David,  as  he  advanced  against  Goliath,  and  slung  the  stone. 
Motto ;  In  Nomine  Domini. 

"  16.  A  lion  rampant,  one  paw  holding  up  a  scimitar,  another  a  sheaf 
of  wheat.  Motto;  Domine,  Protege  JUimentum. 

"17.  A  sleeping  lion.     Motto;  Rouse  me,  if  you  dare. 

"  18.  Hope,  represented  by  a  woman  standing  clothed  in  blue,  holding 
one  hand  on  an  anchor.  Motto ;  Spero  per  Deum  Vincere. 

"19.  Duke  of  Cumberland,  as  a  general.  Motto;  Pro  Deo  et  Georgia 
Rege. 

"  20.  A  soldier  on  horseback.    Motto ;  Pro  Libertate  Patrice. 

"  Most  of  the  above  colors,  together  with  the  officers'  half-pikes  and 
spontoons,  and  even  the  halberds  and  drums,  have  been  given  by  the 
good  ladies  of  this  city,  who  raised  money  by  subscription  among  them- 
selves for  that  purpose."  —  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  January  12/A,  and  JJprU 
Uth,  1748.  —  EDITOR. 

*  For  a  more  particular  account  of  these  proceedings,  see  Vo\.  III. 
p.  1  -  3 ;  also  Vol.  VII.  pp.  28-32. 

It  appears,  that  the  Proprietaries  were  not  pleased  with  the  scheme 


148  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1748 

turedly  conceded  eighteen.  They  were  fine  cannon, 
eighteen-pounders,  with  their  carriages,  which  were 
soon  transported  and  mounted  on  our  batteries ;  where 
the  associators  kept  a  nightly  guard,  while  the  war 
lasted ;  and  among  the  rest  I  regularly  took  my  turn 
of  duty  there,  as  a  common  soldier. 

My  activity  in  these  operations  was  agreeable  to  the 
Governor  and  Council;  they  took  me  into  confidence, 
and  I  was  consulted  by  them  in  every  measure  where 
their  concurrence  was  thought  useful  to  the  Association. 
Calling  in  the  aid  of  religion,  I  proposed  to  them  the 
proclaiming  a  fast,  to  promote  reformation,  and  implore 
the  blessing  of  Heaven  on  our  undertaking.  They 
embraced  the  motion ;  but,  as  it  was  the  first  fast  ever 

thought  of  in  the  province,  the  secretary  had  no  prece- 

* 

of  associating  for  the  defence  of  the  province.  They  deemed  it  an  il- 
legal act,  and  an  exercise  of  too  much  power,  to  unite  in  this  manner 
without  the  previous  sanction  of  the  government;  and  they  feared  it 
would  prove  a  dangerous  precedent,  by  encouraging  the  people  to  form 
combinations  for  making  new  claims  to  civil  privileges,  and  new  en- 
croachments on  the  prerogatives  of  the  Proprietaries.  In  answer  to 
their  letters  on  this  subject,  Mr.  Secretary  Peters  wrote  as  follows.  Af- 
ter mentioning  the  cannon  obtained  from  New  York,  he  proceeds  to  say ; 

"And  now  the  people  are  hastening  to  erect  a  battery,  and,  when  it  is 
done,  their  fears  will  subside  for  the  city,  though  the  trade  will  be  ab- 
solutely destroyed.  There  are  now  eighty  associated  companies,  who 
behave  very  orderly ;  signals  and  words  of  command  are  settled  all  over 
the  country,  and  the  alarms  are,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  well  contrived. 
I  shall  send  you  the  general  disposition,  with  lists  of  the  officers  and 
number  of  men  in  each  company,  by  the  London  ship.  I  begin  to  see 
this  affair  in  a  different  light  from  what  I  did  at  first,  and  think  it  may 
be  exceedingly  for  the  Proprietaries'  interest,  for  the  ease  of  government, 
and  the  preservation  of  the  place,  under  Divine  Providence  ;  and  that  you 
may,  by  instructions  to  the  new  Governor,  obviate  every  inconvenience. 

"  The  Quaker  principle  of  non-resistance  would,  I  fear,  endanger  the 
Constitution  of  the  province,  if  the  war  continues  and  any  invasion 
happens  to  this  province,  the  centre  of  America  and  its  granary  ;  but  so 
general  an  association  and  batteries  on  the  river  may  the  better  recon- 
cile the  province  to  his  Majesty  and  his  ministers,  and  save  them  the 
trouble,  and  the  Quakers  the  shame,  of  an  Act  of  Parliament  to  inca- 
pacitate them  from  sitting  in  the  Assembly.  The  President  and  Council 


^Ex.  42.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  149 

dent  from  which  to  draw  the  proclamation.  My  edu- 
cation in  New  England,  where  a  fast  is  proclaimed 
every  year,  was  here  of  some  advantage;  I  drew  it 
in  the  accustomed  style;  it  was  translated  into  Ger- 
man, printed  in  both  languages,  and  circulated  through 
the  province.  This  gave  the  clergy  of  the  different 
sects  an  opportunity  of  influencing  their  congregations 
to  join  the  Association,  and  it  would  probably  have 
been  general  among  all  but  the  Quakers,  if  the  peace 
had  not  soon  intervened. 

It  was  thought  by  some  of  my  friends,  that,  by  my 
activity  in  these  affairs,  I  should  offend  that  sect,  and 
thereby  lose  my  interest  in  the  Assembly  of  the  prov- 
ince, where  they  formed  a  great  majority.  A  young 
man,  who  had  likewise  some  friends  in  the  Assembly, 

have  applied  for  a  man-of-war,  and  the  loan  of  cannon,  to  the  governors 
of  New  England  and  Cape  Breton  ;  and  there  is  some  reason  to  think, 
that,  from  one  place  or  the  other,  there  will  be  one  or  more  vessels  of 
force  cruising  on  our  coasts  this  summer."  —  MS.  Letter,  Philadelphia, 
March  25th,  1748. 

"  I  am  truly  concerned  at  what  you  say  about  the  Association ;  but,  as 
your  notions  of  it  are  taken  from  the  perusal  of  the  Association  paper 
only,  I  am  in  hopes  it  will  be  seen  in  another  light  when  it  comes  to 
be  known,  that  they  have  never  acted  but  by  orders  from  the  board; 
that  leaving  them  to  choose  their  own  officers  was  looked  upon  by  the 
Council  only  in  the  nature  of  a  recommendation,  (he  tenure  of  their  com- 
missions being  to  receive  their  orders  from  the  Governor  for  the  time 
being,  according  to  the  rules  of  war ;  and  they  have  it  in  their  power 
at  any  time  to  revoke  their  commissions.  The  rules  agreed  to  by  the 
associators,  though  they  are  oddly  expressed,  and  in  too  general  terms, 
yet  they  were  only  intended  for  the  more  easy  learning  of  the  military 
art,  and  the  more  commodious  management  of  their  musters.  They  tell 
rne  that  they  plainly  respect  discipline,  not  action ;  and,  as  they  never 
thought  of  acting  independently  of  the  government,  they  are  exceed- 
ingly surprised,  that  their  intentions  are  so  much  misconstrued ;  how- 
ever, if  they  should  have  missed  it  in  the  form,  since  in  fact  they  have 
ever  had  recourse  to  the  Council,  since  they  have  ever  taken  their 
measures  from  them,  and  have  behaved  with  remarkable  dutifulness, 
erder,  sobriety,  and  quietness,  these  they  think  such  substantial  evi- 
dences of  their  submission  to  the  King  and  his  representative  here,  that 
they  will  more  than  obviate  the  objections  taken  against  their  manner 

M* 


150  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1748 

and  wished  to  succeed  me  as  their  clerk,  acquainted 
me,  that  it  was  decided  to  displace  me  at  the  next 
election ;  and  he  through  good  will  advised  me  to  re- 
sign, as  more  consistent  with  my  honor  than  being 
turned  out.  My  answer  to  him  was,  that  I  had  read 
or  heard  of  some  public  man,  who  made  it  a  rule, 
never  to  ask  for  an  office,  and  never  to  refuse  one 
when  offered  to  him.  "I  approve,"  said  I,  "of  this 
rule,  and  shall  practise  it  with  a  small  addition ;  I  shall 
never  ask,  never  refuse,  nor  ever  RESIGN  an  office. 
If  they  will  have  my  office  of  clerk  to  dispose  of  it  to 
another,  they  shall  take  it  from  me.  I  will  not,  by 
giving  it  up,  lose  my  right  of  some  time  or  other  mak- 


of  wording  their  Association,  and  may  draw  upon  them  his  Majesty's 
favor,  not  resentment. 

"  I  am  no  associator,  and  had  no  hand  in  the  thing  or  in  any  one 
paper  that  was  drawn ;  and,  at  the  time  it  was  proposed,  no  one  could 
entertain  more  doubtful  apprehensions  than  I  did ;  but  those  who  were 
at  the  head  of  it  desired  Mr.  Allen  to  inform  me,  that  they  were  all 
hearty  friends  of  the  Proprietaries,  and  had  it  much  at  heart  to  recom- 
mend themselves  to  their  favor.  They  hoped  that  what  was  done  from 
the  glorious  motive  of  defending  the  city  would  receive  the  Proprietaries' 
countenance,  and  that  they  would  become  generous  contributors.  And 
in  fact  the  batteries,  with  the  numbers  of  men  associated,  their  being 
furnished  with  arms  and  doing  their  military  exercises  to  admiration, 
have  rendered  the  minds  of  the  citizens  easy,  have  prevented  a  civil 
war  within  the  province,  and  have,  as  I  am  well  informed,  frustrated 
some  schemes  concerted  against  the  city  by  the  people  of  Havana. 
These  are  considerations,  which  will,  I  hope,  reconcile  them  to  your 
favor;  and,  as  I  was  an  eyewitness  of  all  their  proceedings,  justice  extorts 
from  me  what  I  have  said,  and  indeed  would  induce  me  to  say  every 
thing  I  could  for  them."  —  MS.  Letter,  June  13th,  1748. 

As  cannon  were  afterwards  sent  from  England,  it  is  probable  that  the 
Proprietaries  became  better  reconciled  to  the  Association,  when  they 
were  more  fully  informed  of  its  objects. 

"  The  new  large  cannon,  that  lately  arrived  from  England,  purchased 
by  the  managers  of  the  Lottery,  being  mounted  on  the  great  battery,  on 
Monday  last,  the  associators  of  this  city  met  under  arms  and  marched 
thither;  where  they  were  saluted  with  one  and  twenty  guns,  and  named 
the  battery  THE  ASSOCIATION."  —  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  September  1st, 
1748.  — EDITOR. 


jET.  42-1  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ing  reprisal  on  my  adversaries."  I  heard,  however,  no 
more  of  this ;  I  was  chosen  again  unanimously  as  clerk 
at  the  next  election.  Possibly,  as  they  disliked  my 
late  intimacy  with  the  members  of  Council,  who  had 
joined  the  governors  in  all  the  disputes  about  military 
preparations,  with  which  the  House  had  long  been 
harassed,  they  might  have  been  pleased  if  I  would 
voluntarily  have  left  them;  but  they  did  not  care  to 
displace  me  on  account  merely  of  my  zeal  for  the 
Association,  and  they  could  not  well  give  another  reason. 

Indeed,  I  had  some  cause  to  believe,  that  the  de- 
fence of  the  country  was  not  disagreeable  to  any  of 
them,  provided  they  were  not  required  to  assist  in  it 
And  I  found  that  a  much  greater  number  of  them, 
than  I  could  have  imagined,  though  against  offensive 
war,  were  clearly  for  the  defensive.  Many  pamphlets 
pro  and  con  were  published  on  the  subject,  and  some 
by  good  Quakers,  in  favor  of  defence  ;  which  I  believe 
convinced  most  of  their  young  people. 

A  transaction  in  our  fire  company  gave  me  some  in- 
sight into  their  prevailing  sentiments.  It  had  been  pro- 
posed, that  we  should  encourage  the  scheme  for  building 
a  battery  by  laying  out  the  present  stock,  then  about 
sixty  pounds,  in  tickets  of  the  lottery.  By  our  rules 
no  money  could  be  disposed  of  till  the  next  meeting 
after  the  proposal.  The  company  consisted  of  thirty 
members,  of  whom  twenty-two  were  Quakers,  and 
eight  only  of  other  persuasions.  We  eight  punctually 
attended  the  meeting ;  but,  though  we  thought  that 
some  of  the  Quakers  would  join  us,  we  were  by  no 
means  sure  of  a  majority.  Only  one  Quaker,  Mr. 
James  Morris,  appeared  to  oppose  the  measure.  He 
expressed  much  sorrow,  that  it  had  ever  been  pro- 
posed, as  he  said  Friends  were  all  against  it,  and  it 
would  create  such  discord  as  might  break  up  the  com- 


152  LIFE    OF   FRAJNKLIN.  [1748. 

pany.  We  told  him,  that  we  saw  no  reason  for  that ; 
we  were  the  minority,  and  if  Friends  were  against  the 
measure,  and  out-voted  us,  we  must  and  should, 
agreeably  to  the  usage  of  all  societies,  submit.  When 
the  hour  for  business  arrived,  it  was  moved  to  put 
this  to  the  vote;  he  allowed  we  might  do  it  by  the 
rules,  but,  as  he  could  assure  us  that  a  number  of 
members  intended  to  be  present  for  the  purpose  of 
opposing  it,  it  would  be  but  candid  to  allow  a  little 
time  for  their  appearing. 

While  we  were  disputing  this,  a  waiter  came  to  tell 
me,  that  two  gentlemen  below  desired  to  speak  with 
me.  I  went  down,  and  found  there  two  of  our  Quaker 
members.  They  told  me,  there  were  eight  of  them 
assembled  at  a  tavern  just  by ;  that  they  were  deter- 
mined to  come  and  vote  with  us  if  there  should  be 
occasion,  which  they  hoped  would  not  be  the  case,  and 
desired  we  would  not  call  for  their  assistance,  if  we 
could  do  without  it ;  as  their  voting  for  such  a 
measure  might  embroil  them  with  their  elders  and 
friends.  Being  thus  secure  of  a  majority,  I  went  up, 
and,  after  a  little  seeming  hesitation,  agreed  to  a  delay 
of  another  hour.  This  Mr.  Morris  allowed  to  be  ex- 
tremely fair.  Not  one  of  his  opposing  friends  ap- 
peared, at  which  he  expressed  great  surprise ;  and,  at 
the  expiration  of  the  hour,  we  carried  the  resolution 
eight  to  one ;  and  as,  of  the  twenty-two  Quakers,  eight 
were  ready  to  vote  with  us,  and  thirteen  by  their  ab- 
sence manifested  that  they  were  not  inclined  to  oppose 
the  measure,  I  afterwards  estimated  the  proportion  of 
Quakers  sincerely  against  defence  as  one  to  twenty- 
one  only.  For  these  were  all  regular  members  of  the 
society,  and  in  good  reputation  among  them,  and  who 
had  notice  of  what  was  proposed  at  that  meeting. 

The   honorable   and   learned   Mr.  Logan,  who   had 


Mr.  41-43.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  153 

always  been  of  that  sect,  wrote  an  address  to  them, 
declaring  his  approbation  of  defensive  war,  and  sup- 
ported his  opinion  by  many  strong  arguments.  He 
put  into  my  hands  sixty  pounds  to  be  laid  out  in 
lottery  tickets  for  the  battery,  with  directions  to  apply 
what  prizes  might  be  drawn  wholly  to  that  service. 
He  told  me  the  following  anecdote  of  his  old  master, 
William  Penn,  respecting  defence.  He  came  over  from 
England  when  a  young  man,  with  that  Proprietary, 
and  as  his  secretary.  It  was  war  time,  and  their  ship 
was  chased  by  an  armed  vessel,  supposed  to  be  an 
enemy.  Their  captain  prepared  for  defence;  but  told 
William  Penn,  and  his  company  of  Quakers,  that  he 
did  not  expect  their  assistance,  and  they  might  retire 
into  the  cabin;  which  they  did,  except  James  Logan, 
who  chose  to  stay  upon  deck,  and  was  quartered  to 
a  gun.  The  supposed  enemy  proved  a  friend,  so  there 
was  no  fighting ;  but  when  the  secretary  went  down 
to  communicate  the  intelligence,  William  Penn  rebuked 
him  severely  for  staying  upon  deck,  and  undertaking 
to  assist  in  defending  the  vessel,  contrary  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  Friends ;  especially  as  it  had  not  been  required 
by  the  captain.  This  reprimand,  being  before  all  the 
company,  piqued  the  secretary,  who  answered ;  "  I  be- 
ing thy  servant,  why  did  thee  not  order  me  to  come 
down?  But  thee  was  willing  enough  that  I  should 
stay  and  help  to  fight  the  ship,  when  thee  thought 
there  was  danger." 

My  being  many  years  in  the  Assembly,  a  majority 
of  which  were  constantly  Quakers,  gave  me  frequent 
opportunities  of  seeing  the  embarrassment  given  them 
by  their  principle  against  war,  whenever  application  was 
made  to  them,  by  order  of  the  crown,  to  grant  aids  for 
military  purposes.  They  were  unwilling  to  offend  gov- 
ernment, on  the  one  hand,  by  a  direct  refusal;  and 

VOL.  i.  20 


154  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1747-49 

their  friends,  the  body  of  the  Quakers,  on  the  other,  by 
a  compliance  contrary  to  their  principles ;  using  a  variety 
of  evasions  to  avoid  complying,  and  modes  of  disguis- 
ing the  compliance,  when  it  became  unavoidable.  The 
common  mode  at  last  was,  to  grant  money  under  the 
phrase  of  its  being  "/or  the  King's  use"  and  never  to 
inquire  how  it  was  applied. 

But,  if  the  demand  was  not  directly  from  the  crown, 
that  phrase  was  found  not  so  proper,  and  some  other 
was  to  be  invented.  Thus,  when  powder  was  want- 
ing (I  think  it  was  for  the  garrison  at  Louisburg),  and 
the  government  of  New  England  solicited  a  grant  of 
some  from  Pennsylvania,  which  was  much  urged  on 
the  House  by  Governor  Thomas,  they  would  not  grant 
money  to  buy  powder,  because  that  was  an  ingredient 
of  war;  but  they  voted  an  aid  to  New  England  of 
three  thousand  pounds,  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of 
the  Governor,  and  appropriated  it  for  the  purchase 
of  bread,  flour,  wheat,  or  other  grain.  Some  of  the 
Council,  desirous  of  giving  the  House  still  further  em- 
barrassment, advised  the  Governor  not  to  accept  pro- 
vision, as  not  being  the  thing  he  had  demanded  ;  but 
he  replied,  "I  shall  take  the  money,  for  I  understand 
very  well  their  meaning;  other  grain  is  gunpowder;15 
which  he  accordingly  bought,  and  they  never  objected 
to  it. 

It  was  in  allusion  to  this  fact,  that,  when  in  our  fire 
company  we  feared  the  success  of  our  proposal  in  fa- 
vor of  the  lottery,  and  I  had  said  to  a  friend  of  mine, 
one  of  our  members,  "If  we  fail,  let  us  move  the 
purchase  of  a  fire  engine  with  the  money;  the  Qua- 
kers can  have  no  objection  to  that ;  and  then,  if  you 
nominate  me  and  I  you  as  a  committee  for  that  pur- 
pose, we  will  buy  a  great  gun,  w:hich  is  certainly  a 
fire  engine;"  "I  see,"  said  he,  "you  have  improved 


^£T  41-43.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  155 

by  being  so  long  in  the  Assembly;  your  equivocal 
project  would  be  just  a  match  for  their  wheat  or 
other  grain" 

Those  embarrassments  that  the  Quakers  suffered, 
from  having  established  and  published  it  as  one  of 
their  principles,  that  no  kind  of  war  was  lawful,  and 
which,  being  once  published,  they  could  not  afterwards, 
however  they  might  change  their  minds,  easily  get  rid 
of,  reminds  me  of  what  I  think  a  more  prudent  con- 
duct in  another  sect  among  us;  that  of  the  Dunkers. 
I  was  acquainted  with  one  of  its  founders,  Michael 
Weffare,  soon  after  it  appeared.  He  complained  to  me, 
that  they  were  grievously  calumniated  by  the  zealots 
of  other  persuasions,  and  charged  with  abominable 
principles  and  practices,  to  which  they  were  utter 
strangers.  I  told  him  this  had  always  been  the  case 
with  new  sects,  and  that,  to  put  a  stop  to  such  abuse, 
I  imagined  it  might  be  well  to  publish  the  articles  of 
their  belief,  and  the  rules  of  their  discipline.  He  said 
that  it  had  been  proposed  among  them,  but  not  agreed 
to,  for  this  reason ;  "  When  we  were  first  drawn  to- 
gether as  a  society,"  said  he,  "it  had  pleased  God 
to  enlighten  our  minds  so  far  as  to  see  that  some  doc- 
trines, which  were  esteemed  truths,  were  errors;  and 
that  others,  which  we  had  esteemed  errors,  were  real 
truths.  From  time  to  time  He  has  been  pleased  to 
afford  us  further  light,  and  our  principles  have  been 
improving,  and  our  errors  diminishing.  Now  we  are 
not  sure,  that  we  are  arrived  at  the  end  of  this  pro- 
gression, and  at  the  perfection  of  spiritual  or  theological 
knowledge;  and  we  fear,  that,  if  we  should  once  print 
our  confession  of  faith,  we  should  feel  ourselves  as 
if  bound  and  confined  by  it,  and  perhaps  be  unwil- 
ling to  receive  further  improvement ;  and  our  succes- 
sors still  more  so,  as  conceiving  what  their  elders  and 


156  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1747-49 

founders  had  done  to  be  something  sacred,  never  to 
be  departed  from." 

This  modesty  in  a  sect  is  perhaps  a  singular  instance 
in  the  history  of  mankind,  every  other  sect  supposing 
itself  in  possession  of  all  truth,  and  that  those  who 
differ  are  so  far  in  the  wrong ;  like  a  man  travelling  in 
foggy  weather ;  those  at  some  distance  before  him  on 
the  road  he  sees  wrapped  up  in  the  fog,  as  well  as  those 
behind  him,  and  also  the  people  in  the  fields  on  each 
side;  but  near  him  all  appear  clear;  though  in  truth 
he  is  as  much  in  the  fog  as  any  of  them.  To  avoid 
this  kind  of  embarrassment,  the  Quakers  have  of  late 
years  been  gradually  declining  the  public  service  in 
the  Assembly  and  in  the  magistracy,  choosing  rather 
to  quit  their  power  than  their  principle. 

In  order  of  time,  I  should  have  mentioned  before, 
that  having,  in  1742,  invented  an  open  stove  for  the 
better  warming  of  rooms,  and  at  the  same  time  saving 
fuel,  as  the  fresh  air  admitted  was  warmed  in  entering, 
I  made  a  present  of  the  model  to  Mr.  Robert  Grace, 
one  of  my  early  friends,  who,  having  an  iron-furnace, 
found  the  casting  of  the  plates  for  these  stoves  a 
profitable  thing,  as  they  were  growing  in  demand.  To 
promote  that  demand,  I  wrote  and  published  a  pam- 
phlet, entitled,  "  An  Account  of  the  new-invented  Penn- 
sylvanian  Fire-places ;  wherein  their  Construction  and 
Manner  of  Operation  are  particularly  explained ;  their 
Advantages  above  every  other  Method  of  warming 
Rooms  demonstrated ;  and  all  Objections  that  have  been 
raised  against  the  Use  of  them,  answered  and  obvi- 
ated," &c.*  This  pamphlet  had  a  good  effect ;  Gover- 
nor Thomas  was  so  pleased  with  the  construction  of 
this  stove,  as  described  in  it,  that  he  offered  to  give 

*  See  Vol.  VI.  p.  34. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  157 


me  a  patent  for  the  sole  vending  of  them  for  a 
of  years  ;  but  I  declined  it  from  a  principle  which 
has  ever  weighed  with  me  on  such  occasions,  viz. 
That,  as  ice  enjoy  great  advantages  from  the  inventions 
of  others,  we  should  be  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  serve 
others  by  any  invention  of  ours  ;  and  this  we  should  do 
freely  and  generously. 

An  ironmonger  in  London,  however,  assuming  a 
good  deal  of  my  pamphlet,  and  working  it  up  into  his 
own,  and  making  some  small  changes  in  the  machine, 
which  rather  hurt  its  operation,  got  a  patent  for  it 
there,  and  made,  as  I  was  told,  a  little  fortune  by  it. 
And  this  is  not  the  only  instance  of  patents  taken  out 
of  my  inventions  by  others,  though  not  always  with  the 
same  success;  which  I  never  contested,  as  having  no 
desire  of  profiting  by  patents  myself,  and  hating  dis- 
putes. The  use  of  these  fire-places  in  very  many  houses, 
both  here  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  neighbouring  States, 
has  been,  and  is,  a  great  saving  of  wood  to  the  in- 
habitants. 


VOL.  r.     No.  4. 


158  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1749 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Proposals  relating  to  the  Education  of  Youth. —  Subscriptions  foi  that 
Object  —  An  Academy  established. —  Appointed  one  of  the  Trustees 
for  managing  it.  —  Partnership  with  David  Hall.  —  Electrical  Experi- 
ments.—  Chosen  a  Member  of  the  Assembly.  —  A  Commissioner  for 
making  a  Treaty  with  the  Indians.  —  Pennsylvania  Hospital.  —  Writes 
in  Favor  of  it,  and  procures  Subscriptions.  —  Advice  to  Gilbert  Ten- 
nent.  —  Suggests  Plans  for  cleaning,  paving,  and  lighting  the  Streets 
of  Philadelphia.  —  Project  for  cleaning  the  Streets  of  London.  —  Ap- 
pointed Postmaster-general  for  America.  —  Receives  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Arts  from  Harvard  and  Yale  Colleges. 

PEACE  being  concluded,  and  the  Association  business 
therefore  at  an  end,  I  turned  my  thoughts  again  to  the 
affair  of  establishing  an  academy.  The  first  step  I 
took  was  to  associate  in  the  design  a  number  of  active 
friends,  of  whom  the  Junto  furnished  a  good  part ;  the 
next  was  to  write  and  publish  a  pamphlet,  entitled, 
Proposals  relating  to  the  Education  of  Youth  in  Penn- 
sylvania* This  I  distributed  among  the  principal  in- 
habitants gratis ;  and  as  soon  as  I  could  suppose  their 
minds  a  little  prepared  by  the  perusal  of  it,  I  set  on 
foot  a  subscription  for  opening  and  supporting  an 
academy ;  it  was  to  be  paid  in  quotas  yearly  for  five 
years ;  by  so  dividing  it  I  judged  the  subscription 
might  be  larger ;  and  I  believe  it  was  so,  amounting  to 
no  less,  if  I  remember  right,  than  five  thousand  poiinds.f 

*  The  same  paper  is  mentioned  above,  p.  143.  It  appears  not  to  have 
been  printed  when  it  was  first  written.  See  APPENDIX,  No.  III.— 
EDITOR. 

f  Other  great  benefactions  for  this  institution  were  subsequently  ob- 
tained, both  in  America  and  Great  Britain,  through  the  influence  of 
Dr.  Franklin  ;  who,  on  his  return  to  Philadelphia  from  England,  in  1775, 
carried  thence  two  large  gold  medals,  given  by  Mr.  Sargent,  one  of 
his  friends,  to  be  bestowed  as  prizes  on  such  scholars  as  should  dis- 
tinguish themselves  by  writing  on  subjects  to  be  proposed  to  them  by 
the  trustees  or  governors  of  the  college.  Dr.  Franklin,  one  of  the  trus- 


JET  43.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  159 

In  the  introduction  to  these  proposals,  1  stated  their 
publication  not  as  an  act  of  mine,  but  of  some  public- 
spirited  gentlemen;  avoiding  as  much  as  I  could,  ac- 
cording to  my  usual  rule,  the  presenting  myself  to  the 
public  as  the  author  of  any  scheme  for  their  benefit. 

The  subscribers,  to  carry  the  project  into  immediate 
execution,  chose  out  of  their  number  twenty-four  trus- 
tees, and  appointed  Mr.  Francis,  then  attorney-general, 
and  myself,  to  draw  up  constitutions  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  academy ;  which  being  done  and  signed, 
a  house  \vas  hired,  masters  engaged,  and  the  schools 
opened;  I  think  in  the  same  year,  1749.* 

The  scholars  increasing  fast,  the  house  was  soon 
found  too  small,  and  we  were  looking  out  for  a  piece 
of  ground,  properly  situated,  with  intent  to  build,  when 
accident  threw  into  our  way  a  large  house  ready  built, 
which  with  a  few  alterations  might  well  serve  our  pur- 
pose. This  was  the  building  before  mentioned,  erected 
by  the  hearers  of  Mr.  Whitefield,  and  was  obtained  for 
us  in  the  following  manner. 

It  is  to  be  noted,  that,  the  contributions  to  this  build- 
ing being  made  by  people  of  different  sects,  care  was 
taken  in  the  nomination  of  trustees,  in  whom  the  build- 
ing and  ground  were  to  be  vested,  that  a  predom- 
inancy should  not  be  given  to  any  sect,  lest  in  time 
that  predominancy  might  be  a  means  of  appropri- 
ating the  whole  to  the  use  of  such  sect,  contrary  to 
the  original  intention.  It  was  for  this  reason,  that  one 
of  each  sect  was  appointed;  viz.  one  Church- of-Eng- 
land  man,  one  Presbyterian,  one  Baptist,  one  Moravian, 

tees,  named  for  the  first  subject,  "  The  Motives  to,  and  Advantages  of,  a 
perpetual  Union  between  Britain  and  her  Colonies.1"  Five  pieces  on  the 
subject  were  produced,  one  of  which  obtained  the  medal.  They  were 
all  printed,  and  read  in  America  with  approbation,  and  were  reprinted 
in  England.  —  W.  T.  F. 
*See  Vol.  VII.  pp.  44-47. 


160  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1749 

&,c.,  who,  in  case  of  vacancy  by  death,  were  to  fill  it 
by  election  from  among  the  contributors.  The  Mora- 
vian happened  not  to  please  his  colleagues,  and  on 
his  death  they  resolved  to  have  no  other  of  that  sect. 
The  difficulty  then  was,  how  to  avoid  having  two  of 
some  other  sect,  by  means  of  the  new  choice. 

Several  persons  were  named,  and  for  that  reason 
not  agreed  to.  At  length  one  mentioned  me,  with  the 
observation,  that  I  was  merely  an  honest  man,  and  of 
no  sect  at  all,  which  prevailed  with  them  to  choose  me. 
The  enthusiasm,  which  existed  when  the  house  was 
built,  had  long  since  abated,  and  its  trustees  had  not 
been  able  to  procure  fresh  contributions  for  paying  the 
ground  rent,  and  discharging  some  other  debts  the 
building  had  occasioned,  which  embarrassed  them 
greatly.  Being  now  a  member  of  both  boards  of  trus- 
tees, that  for  the  building,  and  that  for  the  academy, 
I  had  a  good  opportunity  of  negotiating  with  both,  and 
brought  them  finally  to  an  agreement,  by  which  the 
trustees  for  the  building  were  to  cede  it  to  those  of 
the  academy;  the  latter  undertaking  to  discharge  the 
debt,  to  keep  for  ever  open  in  the  building  a  large 
hall  for  occasional  preachers,  according  to  the  original 
intention,  and  maintain  a  free  school  for  the  instruction 
of  poor  children.  Writings  were  accordingly  drawn ; 
and,  on  paying  the  debts,  the  trustees  of  the  academy 
were  put  in  possession  of  the  premises ;  and,  by  di- 
viding the  great  and  lofty  hall  into  stories,  and  different 
rooms  above  and  below  for  the  several  schools,  and 
purchasing  some  additional  ground,  the  whole  was  soon 
made  fit  for  our  purpose,  and  the  scholars  removed  into 
the  building.  The  whole  care  and  trouble  of  agreeing 
with  the  workmen,  purchasing  materials,  and  super- 
intending the  work,  fell  upon  me ;  and  I  went  through 
it  the  more  cheerfully,  as  it  did  not  then  interfere  with 


ffir.  43.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  161 

my  private  business;  having  the  year  before  taken  a 
very  able,  industrious,  and  honest  partner,  Mr.  David 
Hall,  with  whose  character  I  was  well  acquainted,  as 
he  had  worked  for  me  four  years.  He  took  off  my 
hands  all  care  of  the  printing-office,  paying  me  punc- 
tually my  share  of  the  profits.  This  partnership  con- 
tinued eighteen  years,  successfully  for  us  both. 

The  trustees  of  the  academy,  after  a  while,  were 
incorporated  by  a  charter  from  the  governor;  their 
funds  were  increased  by  contributions  in  Britain,  and 
grants  of  land  from  the  Proprietaries,  to  which  the  As- 
sembly has  since  made  considerable  addition ;  and  thus 
was  established  the  present  University  of  Philadelphia. 
I  have  been  continued  one  of  its  trustees  from  the 
beginning,  now  near  forty  years,  and  have  had  the  very 
great  pleasure  of  seeing  a  number  of  the  youth,  who 
have  received  their  education  in  it,  distinguished  by 
their  improved  abilities,  serviceable  in  public  stations, 
and  ornaments  to  their  country.* 

When  I  was  disengaged  myself,  as  above  men- 
tioned, from  private  business,  I  flattered  myself  that,  by 
the  sufficient  though  moderate  fortune  I  had  acquired, 
I  had  found  leisure  during  the  rest  of  my  life-  for  phi- 

*  A  free  school  was  likewise  attached  to  the  Academy,  as  appears  by 
the  following  advertisement  in  Franklin's  Gazette,  of  September  I9th, 
1751. 

"  Notice  is  hereby  given,  that  on  Monday,  the  16th  of  this  instant  Sep- 
tember, a  free  school  will  be  opened,  under  the  care  and  direction  of  the 
Trustees  of  the  Academy,  at  the  New  Building,  for  the  instruction  of 
poor  children  gratis  in  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.  Those,  who  are 
desirous  of  having  their  children  admitted,  may  apply  to  any  of  the 
Trustees." 

Again,  October  26th,  1752.  "  The  charity  school,  opened  by  the  Trus- 
tees in  the  Academy,  now  teaches  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic  to 
a  hundred  poor  children,  most  of  whom,  though  from  eight  to  thirteen 
years  of  age,  had  never  been  sent  to  any  school  before  ;  nor  did  it  seem 
likely  many  of  them  would  ever  have  been  sent  to  any  school,  if  it  had 
not  been  for  this  institution." —  EDITOR. 

VOL.  I.  21  N* 


162  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1750. 

losophical  studies  and  amusements.  I  purchased  all 
Dr.  Spence's  apparatus,  who  had  come  from  England 
to  lecture  in  Philadelphia,  and  I  proceeded  in  my  elec- 
trical experiments  with  great  alacrity;  but  the  public, 
now  considering  me  as  a  man  of  leisure,  laid  hold  of 
me  for  their  purposes ;  every  part  of  our  civil  govern- 
ment, and  almost  at  the  same  time,  imposing  some 
duty  upon  me.  The  governor  put  me  into  the  com- 
mission of  the  peace ;  the  corporation  of  the  city  chose 
me  one  of  the  common  council,  and  soon  after  alder- 
man ;  and  the  citizens  at  large  elected  me  a  burgess 
to  represent  them  in  the  Assembly.  This  latter  sta- 
tion was  the  more  agreeable  to  me,  as  I  grew  at  length 
tired  with  sitting  there  to  hear  the  debates,  in  which, 
as  clerk,  I  could  take  no  part;  and  which  were  often 
so  uninteresting,  that  I  was  induced  to  amuse  myself 
with  making  magic  squares  or  circles,  or  any  thing  to 
avoid  weariness ;  *  and  I  conceived  my  becoming  a 
member  would  enlarge  my  power  of  doing  good.  I 
would  not  however  insinuate,  that  my  ambition  was  not 
flattered  by  all  these  promotions ;  it  certainly  was,  for, 
considering  my  low  beginning,  they  were  great  things 
to  me ;  and  they  were  still  more  pleasing,  as  being  so 
many  spontaneous  testimonies  of  the  public  good  opin- 
ion, and  by  me  entirely  unsolicited. 

The  office  of  justice  of  the  peace  I  tried  a  little,  by 
attending  a  few  courts,  and  sitting  on  the  bench  to 
hear  causes ;  but  finding  that  more  knowledge  of  the 
common  law  than  I  possessed  was  necessary  to  act  in 
that  station  with  credit,  I  gradually  withdrew  from  it 
excusing  myself  by  being  obliged  to  attend  the  highei 
duties  of  a  legislator  in  the  Assembly.  My  election  tc 
this  trust  was  repeated  every  year  for  ten  years,  with 

«  See  Vol.  VI.  pp.  100, 104. 


JET.  44.]          .          LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  163 

out  my  ever  asking  any  elector  for  his  vote,  or  signi- 
fying, either  directly  or  indirectly,  any  desire  of  being 
chosen.  On  taking  my  seat  in  the  House,  my  son  was 
appointed  their  clerk. 

The  year  following,  a  treaty  being  to  be  held  with 
the  Indians  at  Carlisle,  the  governor  sent  a  message 
to  the  House,  proposing  that  they  should  nominate  some 
of  their  members,  to  be  joined  with  some  members 
of  Council,  as  commissioners  for  that  purpose.  The 
House  named  the  Speaker  (Mr.  Norris)  and  myself; 
and,  being  commissioned,  we  went  to  Carlisle,  and  met 
the  Indians  accordingly. 

As  those  people  are  extremely  apt  to  get  drunk, 
and,  when  so,  are  very  quarrelsome  and  disorderly,  we 
strictly  forbade  the  selling  any  liquor  to  them;  and, 
when  they  complained  of  this  restriction,  we  told  them, 
that,  if  they  would  continue  sober  during  the  treaty, 
we  would  give  them  plenty  of  rum  when  the  business 
was  over.  They  promised  this,  and  they  kept  their 
promise,  because  they  could  get  no  rum,  and  the  treaty 
was  conducted  very  orderly,  and  concluded  to  mutual 
satisfaction.  They  then  claimed  and  received  the  rum ; 
this  was  in  the  afternoon;  they  were  near  one  hun- 
dred men,  women,  and  children,  and  were  lodged  in 
temporary  cabins,  built  in  the  form  of  a  square,  just 
without  the  town.  In  the  evening,  hearing  a  great  noise 
among  them,  the  commissioners  walked  to  see  what 
was  the  matter.  We  found  they  had  made  a  great 
bonfire  in  the  middle  of  the  square ;  they  were  all  drunk, 
men  and  women,  quarrelling  and  fighting.  Their  dark- 
colored  bodies,  half  naked,  seen  only  by  the  gloomy  light 
of  the  bonfire,  running  after  and  beating  one  another 
with  firebrands,  accompanied  by  their  horrid  yellings, 
formed  a  scene  the  most  resembling  our  ideas  of  hell 
that  could  well  be  imagined;  there  was  no  appeasing 


164  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN  [1751. 

the  tumult,  and  we  retired  to  our  lodging.  At  midnight 
a  number  of  them  came  thundering  at  our  door,  de» 
manding  more  rum,  of  which  we  took  no  notice. 

The  next  day,  sensible  they  had  misbehaved,  in  giv- 
ing us  that  disturbance,  they  sent  three  of  their  old 
counsellors  to  make  their  apology.  The  orator  ac- 
knowledged the  fault,  but  laid  it  upon  the  rum ;  and 
then  endeavoured  to  excuse  the  rum,  by  saying,  "The 
Great  Spirit,  who  made  all  things,  made  every  thing  for 
some  use,  and  whatever  use  he  designed  any  thing 
for,  that  use  it  should  always  be  put  to.  Now,  when 
he  made  rum,  he  said,  '  Let  this  be  for  the  Indians  to 
get  drunk  with;1  and  it  must  be  so."  And  indeed, 
if  it  be  the  design  of  Providence  to  extirpate  these 
savages  in  order  to  make  room  for  the  cultivators  of 
the  earth,  it  seems  not  impossible  that  rum  may  be 
the  appointed  means.  It  has  already  annihilated  all  the 
tribes  who  formerly  inhabited  the  seacoast. 
•»  In  1751,  Dr.  Thomas  Bond,  a  particular  friend  of 
mine,  conceived  the  idea  of  establishing  a  hospital  in 
Philadelphia,  (a  very  beneficent  design,  which  has  been 
ascribed  to  me,  but  was  originally  and  truly  his,)  for 
the  reception  and  cure  of  poor  sick  persons,  whether 
inhabitants  of  the  province  or  strangers.  He  was  zeal- 
ous and  active  in  endeavouring  to  procure  subscriptions 
for  it ;  but,  the  proposal  being  a  novelty  in  America, 
and  at  first  not  well  understood,  he  met  but  with  little 
success. 

At  length  he  came  to  me  with  the  compliment,  that 
he  found  there  was  no  such  a  thing  as  carrying  a 
public-spirited  project  through  without  my  being  con- 
cerned in  it.  "For,"  said  he,  "I  am  often  asked  by 
those  to  whom  I  propose  subscribing,  Have  you  consult- 
ed Franklin  on  this  business  ?  Jlnd  what  does  he  think 
of  it  7  And  when  I  tell  them,  that  I  have  not,  sup- 


^Er.  45.]  LIFE   OP    FRANKLIN.  165 

posing  it  rather  out  of  your  line,  they  do  not  subscribe, 
but  say,  they  will  consider  it"  I  inquired  into  the 
nature  and  probable  utility  of  this  scheme,  and,  receiv- 
ing from  him  a  very  satisfactory  explanation,  I  not  only 
subscribed  to  it  myself,  but  engaged  heartily  in  the 
design  of  procuring  subscriptions  from  others.  Pre- 
viously, however,  to  the  solicitation,  I  endeavoured  to 
prepare  the  minds  of  the  people,  by  writing  on  the 
subject  in  the  newspapers,  which  was  my  usual  cus- 
tom in  such  cases,  but  which  Dr.  Bond  had  omitted. 

The  subscriptions  afterwards  were  more  free  and 
generous ;  but,  beginning  to  flag,  I  saw  they  would  be 
insufficient  without  some  assistance  from  the  Assembly, 
and  therefore  proposed  to  petition  for  it;  which  was 
done.  The  country  members  did  not  at  first  relish  the 
project ;  they  objected  that  it  could  only  be  serviceable 
to  the  city,  and  therefore  the  citizens  alone  should  be 
at  the  expense  of  it;  and  they  doubted  whether  the 
citizens  themselves  generally  approved  of  it.  My  al- 
legation on  the  contrary,  that  it  met  with  such  appro- 
bation as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  our  being  able  to  raise 
two  thousand  pounds  by  voluntary  donations,  they 
considered  as  a  most  extravagant  supposition,  and  ut- 
terly impossible. 

On  this  I  formed  my  plan ;  and,  asking  leave  to 
bring  in  a  bill  for  incorporating  the  contributors  ac- 
cording to  the  prayer  of  their  petition,  and  granting 
them  a  blank  sum  of  money;  which  leave  was  ob- 
tained chiefly  on  the  consideration,  that  the  House 
could  throw  the  bill  out  if  they  did  not  like  it ;  I  drew 
it  so  as  to  make  the  important  clause  a  conditional 
one ;  viz.  "  And  be  it  enacted,  by  the  authority  afore- 
said, that,  when  the  said  contributors  shall  have  met 
and  chosen  their  managers  and  treasurer,  and  shall 
have  raised  by  their  contributions  a  capital  stock  of 


166  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

two  thousand  pounds'  value,  (the  yearly  interest  of 
which  is  to  be  applied  to  the  accommodation'  of  the 
sick  poor  in  the  said  hospital,  and  of  charge  for  diet, 
attendance,  advice,  and  medicines,)  and  shall  make  the 
same  appear  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Speaker  of  the 
Assembly  for  the  time  being;  that  then  it  shall  and 
may  be  lawful  for  the  said  Speaker,  and  he  is  hereby 
required,  to  sign  an  order  on  the  provincial  treasurer, 
for  the  payment  of  two  thousand  pounds,  in  two  yearly 
payments,  to  the  treasurer  of  the  said  hospital,  to  be 
applied  to  the  founding,  building,  and  finishing  of  the 
same." 

This  condition  carried  the  bill  through ;  for  the  mem- 
bers, who  had  opposed  the  grant,  and  now  conceived 
they  might  have  the  credit  of  being  charitable  without 
the  expense,  agreed  to  its  passage;  and  then  in  so- 
liciting subscriptions  among  the  people,  we  urged  the 
conditional  promise  of  the  law  as  an  additional  motive 
to  give,  since  every  man's  donation  would  be  doubled ; 
thus  the  clause  worked  both  ways.  The  subscriptions 
accordingly  soon  exceeded  the  requisite  sum,  and  we 
claimed  and  received  the  public  gift,  which  enabled 
us  to  carry  the  design  into  execution.  A  convenient 
and  handsome  building  was  soon  erected ;  the  insti- 
tution has  by  constant  experience  been  found  useful, 
and  flourishes  to  this  day;  and  I  do  not  remember 
any  of  my  political  manoeuvres,  the  success  of  which 
at  the  time  gave  me  more  pleasure ;  or  wherein,  after 
thinking  of  it,  I  more  easily  excused  myself  for  having 
made  some  use  of  cunning.* 
. __ , . 

*.  The  principal  facts,  respecting  the  origin  and  establishment  cf  the 
Hospital,  are  contained  in  a  quarto  pamphlet,  entitled  "Some  Account 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital,  from  its  fast  Rise  to  the  Beginning  of  the 
Fifth  Month,  called  May,  1754,  Philadelphia;  printed  by  B.  Franklin  and 
D.  Hall."  The  BUI,  alluded  to  in  the  text,  makes  a  part  of  this  pam- 


LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  167 

It  was  about  this  time,  that  another  projector,  the 
Reverend  Gilbert  Tennent,  came  to  me  with  a  request, 
that  I  would  assist  him  in  procuring  a  subscription 
for  erecting  a  new  meetinghouse.  It  was  to  be  for 
the  use  of  a  congregation  he  had  gathered  among 
the  Presbyterians,  who  were  originally  disciples  of 
Mr.  Whitefield.  Unwilling  to  make  myself  disagree- 
able to  my  fellow  citizens,  by  too  frequently  soliciting 
their  contributions,  I  absolutely  refused.  He  then  de- 
sired I  would  furnish  him  with  a  list  of  the  names  of 
persons  I  knew  by  experience  to  be  generous  and 
public-spirited.  I  thought  it  would  be  unbecoming  in 
me,  after  their  kind  compliance  with  my  solicitations, 
to  mark  them  out  to  be  worried  by  other  beggars,  and 
therefore  refused  to  give  such  a  list.  He  then  desired 
I  would  at  least  give  him  my  advice.  "That  I  will 


phlet;  and  also  two  papers  previously  published  in  the  Pennsylvania  Ga- 
zette, showing  the  benefits  of  such  an  institution,  and  urging  contribu- 
tions to  the  fund  from  motives  of  benevolence  and  charity.  The  names 
of  the  original  contributors  are  likewise  printed  in  this  pamphlet,  and 
among  them  is  that  of  Franklin.  The  preliminary  arrangements  were 
completed,  and  the  first  managers  were  elected,  on  the  1st  of  July,  1751. 
The  persons  chosen  were  Joshua  Crosby,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Thomas 
Bond,  Samuel  Hazard,  Richard  Peters,  Israel  Pemberton,  junior,  Samuel 
Rhoads,  Hugh  Roberts,  Joseph  Morris,  John  Smith,  Evan  Morgan,  and 
Charles  Norris.  The  elections  were  annual,  and  Franklin  was  chosen 
for  three  years  successively,  which  is  as  far  as  the  records  in  the 
pamphlet  extend,  and  probably  till  he  went  to  England  as  a  commis- 
sioner from  the  Assembly  in  1757.  He  also  acted  as  secretary  of  the 
board.  While  in  England,  he  corresponded  with  the  friends  of  the  in- 
stitution, as  an  agent  for  aiding  its  objects,  and  he  always  took  a  lively 
interest  in  its  affairs.  In  a  letter  to  Hugh  Roberts,  dated  London, 
February  26th,  1761,  he  says ;  "I  was  glad  to  hear  that  the  Hospital  is 
still  well  supported.  I  write  to  the  managers  by  this  ship.  In  my 
journeys  through  England  and  Scotland  I  have  visited  several  of  the 
same  kind,  which  I  think  were  all  in  a  good  way.  I  send  you  by  this 
ship  sundry  of  their  accounts  and  rules,  which  were  given  me.  Possi- 
bly you  may  find  a  useful  hint  or  two  in  some  of  them.  I  believe 
we  shall  be  able  to  make  a  small  collection  here ;  but  I  cannot  promise 
it  will  be  very  considerable." — EDITOR. 


168  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

readily  do,"  said  I;  "and,  in  the  first  place,  I  advise 
you  to  apply  to  all  those,  who  you  know  will  give 
something;  next  to  those  who  you  are  uncertain 
whether  they  will  give  any  thing  or  not,  and  show 
them  the  list  of  those  who  have  given ;  and  lastly,  do 
not  neglect  those,  who  you  are  sure  will  give  nothing; 
for  in  some  of  them  you  may  be  mistaken."  He 
laughed  and  thanked  me,  and  said  he  would  take  my 
advice.  He  did  so,  for  he  asked  of  everybody;  and 
he  obtained  a  much  larger  sum  than  he  expected,  with 
which  he  erected  the  capacious  and  elegant  meeting- 
house that  stands  in  Arch  Street. 

Our  city,  though  laid  out  with  a  beautiful  regularity, 
the  streets  large,  straight,  and  crossing  each  other  at 
right  angles,  had  the  disgrace  of  suffering  those  streets 
to  remain  long  unpaved,  and  in  wet  weather  the  wheels 
of  heavy  carriages  ploughed  them  into  a  quagmire,  so 
that  it  was  difficult  to  cross  them ;  and  in  dry  weather 
the  dust  was  offensive.  I  had  lived  near  what  was 
called  the  Jersey  Market,  and  saw  with  pain  the  in- 
habitants wading  in  mud,  while  purchasing  their  pro- 
visions. A  strip  of  ground  down  the  middle  of  that 
market  was  at  length  paved  with  brick,  so  that,  being 
once  in  the  market,  they  had  firm  footing ;  but  were 
often  over  shoes  in  dirt  to  get  there.  By  talking  and 
writing  on  the  subject,  I  was  at  length  instrumental 
in  getting  the  street  paved  with  stone  between  the 
market  and  the  brick  foot  pavement,  that  was  on  the 
side  next  the  houses.  This,  for  some  time,  gave  an 
easy  access  to  the  market  dry-shod;  but,  the  rest  of 
the  street  not  being  paved,  whenever  a  carriage  came 
out  of  the  mud  upon  this  pavement,  it  shook  off  and 
left  its  dirt  upon  it,  and  it  was  soon  covered  with 
mire,  which  was  not  removed,  the  city  as  yet  having 
no  scavengers. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


169 


After  some  inquiry,  I  found  a  poor  industrious  man, 
who  was  willing  to  undertake  keeping  the  pavement 
clean,  by  sweeping  it  twice  a  week,  carrying  off  the 
dirt  from  before  all  the  neighbours'  doors,  for  the  sum 
of  sixpence  per  month,  to  be  paid  by  each  house.  I 
then  wrote  and  printed  a  paper  setting  forth  the  ad- 
vantages to  the  neighbourhood,  that  might  be  obtained 
from  this  small  expense;  the  greater  ease  in  keeping 
our  houses  clean,  so  much  dirt  not  being  brought  in  by 
people's  feet;  the  benefit  to  the  shops  by  more  cus- 
tom, as  buyers  could  more  easily  get  at  them ;  and  by 
not  having  in  windy  weather  the  dust  blown  in  upon 
their  goods,  &,c.  &c.  I  sent  one  of  these  papers  to 
each  house,  and  in  a  day  or  two  went  round  to  see 
who  would  subscribe  an  agreement  to  pay  these  six- 
pences; it  was  unanimously  signed,  and  for  a  time 
well  executed.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  were 
delighted  with  the  cleanliness  of  the  pavement  that 
surrounded  the  market,  it  being  a  convenience  to  all, 
and  this  raised  a  general  desire  to  have  all  the  streets 
paved;  and  made  the  people  more  willing  to  submit 
to  a  tax  for  that  purpose. 

After  some  time  I  drew  a  bill  for  paving  the  city, 
and  brought  it  into  the  Assembly.  It  was  just  before 
I  went  to  England,  in  1757,  and  did  not  pass  till  I 
was  gone,  and  then  with  an  alteration  in  the  mode 
of  assessment,  which  I  thought  not  for  the  better ;  but 
with  an  additional  provision  for  lighting  as  well  as 
paving  the  streets,  which  was  a  great  improvement. 
It  was  by  a  private  person,  the  late  Mr.  John  Clifton, 
giving  a  sample  of  the  utility  of  lamps,  by  placing  one 
at  his  door,  that  the  people  were  first  impressed  with 
the  idea  of  lighting  all  the  city.  The  honor  of  this 
public  benefit  has  also  been  ascribed  to  me,  but  it 
belongs  truly  to  that  gentleman.  I  did  but  follow  his 

VOL.  i.  22  o 


170  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

example,  and  have  only  some  merit  to  claim  respecting 
the  form  of  our  lamps,  as  differing  from  the  globe 
lamps,  we  were  at  first  supplied  with  from  London. 
They  were  found  inconvenient  in  these  respects ;  they 
admitted  no  air  below ;  the  smoke  therefore  did  not 
readily  go  out  above,  but  circulated  in  the  globe, 
lodged  on  its  inside,  and  soon  obstructed  the  light 
they  were  intended  to  afford ;  giving  besides  the  daily 
trouble  of  wiping  them  clean ;  and  an  accidental  stroke 
on  one  of  them  would  demolish  it,  and  render  it  to- 
tally useless.  I  therefore  suggested  the  composing 
them  of  four  flat  panes,  with  a  long  funnel  above  to 
draw  up  the  smoke,  and  crevices  admitting  the  air 
below  to  facilitate  the  ascent  of  the  smoke ;  by  this 
means  they  were  kept  clean,  and  did  not  grow  dark 
in  a  few  hours,  as  the  London  lamps  do,  but  continued 
bright  till  morning;  and  an  accidental  stroke  would 
generally  break  but  a  single  pane,  easily  repaired. 

I  have  sometimes  wondered  that  the  Londoners  did 
not,  from  the  effect  holes  in  the  bottom  of  the  globe 
lamps  used  at  Vauxhall  have  in  keeping  them  clean, 
learn  to  have  such  holes  in  their  street  lamps.  But, 
these  holes  being  made  for  another  purpose,  viz.  to 
communicate  flame  more  suddenly  to  the  wick  by  a 
little  flax  hanging  down  through  them,  the  other  use, 
of  letting  in  air,  seems  not  to  have  been  thought  of; 
and  therefore,  after  the  lamps  have  been  lit  a  few 
hours,  the  streets  of  London  are  very  poorly  illu- 
minated. 

The  mention  of  these  improvements  puts  me  in  mind 
of  one  I  proposed,  when  in  London,  to  Dr.  Fothergill, 
who  was  among  the  best  men  I  have  known,  and  a 
great  promoter  of  useful  projects.  I  had  observed,  that 
the  streets,  when  dry,  were  never  swept,  and  the  light 
dust  carried  away;  but 'it  was  suffered  to  accumulate 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  171 

till  wet  weather  reduced  it  to  mud ;  and  then,  after 
lying  some  clays  so  deep  on  the  pavement  that  there 
was  no  crossing  but  in  paths  kept  clean  by  poor  peo- 
ple with  brooms,  it  was  with  great  labor  raked  to- 
gether and  thrown  up  into  carts,  open  above,  the  sides 
of  which  suffered  some  of  the  slush  at  every  jolt  on 
the  pavement  to  shake  out  and  fall ;  sometimes  to  the 
annoyance  of  foot  passengers.  The  reason  given  for 
not  sweeping  the  dusty  streets  was,  that  the  dust  would 
fly  into  the  windows  of  shops  and  houses. 

An  accidental  occurrence  had  instructed  me  how 
much  sweeping  might  be  done  in  a  little  time.  I  found 
at  my  door  in  Craven  Street,  one  morning,  a  poor 
woman  sweeping  my  pavement  with  a  birch  broom; 
she  appeared  very  pale  and  feeble,  as  just  come  out 
of  a  fit  of  sickness.  I  asked  who  employed  her  to 
sweep  there ;  she  said,  "  Nobody ;  but  I  am  poor  and 
in  distress,  and  I  sweeps  before  gentlefolkeses  doors, 
and  hopes  they  will  give  me  something."  I  bid  her 
sweep  the  whole  street  clean,  and  I  would  give  her  a 
shilling ;  this  was  at  nine  o'clock ;  at  noon  she  came 
for  the  shilling.  From  the  slowness  I  saw  at  first  in 
her  working,  I  could  scarce  believe  that  the  work  was 
done  so  soon,  and  sent  my  servant  to  examine  it,  who 
reported  that  the  whole  street  was  swept  perfectly 
clean,  and  all  the  dust  placed  in  the  gutter  which  was 
in  the  middle ;  and  the  next  rain  washed  it  quite 
away,  so  that  the  pavement  and  even  the  kennel  were 
perfectly  clean. 

I  then  judged,  that,  if  that  feeble  woman  could 
sweep  such  a  street  in  three  hours,  a  strong  active 
man  might  have  done  it  in  half  the  time.  And  here  let 
me  remark,  the  convenience  of  having  but  one  gutter 
in  such  a  narrow  street  running  down  its  middle  in- 
stead of  two,  one  on  each  side  near  the  footway.  For 


172  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN. 

where  all  the  rain  that  falls  on  a  street  runs  from  the 
sides  and  meets  in  the  middle,  it  forms  there  a  current 
strong  enough  to  wash  away  all  the  mud  it  meets 
with ;  but,  when  divided  into  two  channels,  it  is  often 
too  weak  to  cleanse  either,  and  only  makes  the  mud  it 
finds  more  fluid ;  so  that  the  wheels  of  carriages  and 
feet  of  horses  throw  and  dash  it  upon  the  foot  pave- 
ment, which  is  thereby  rendered  foul  and  slippery, 
and  sometimes  splash  it  upon  those  who  are  walk- 
ing. My  proposal,  communicated  to  the  Doctor,  was 
as  follows ; 

"  For  the  more  effectually  cleaning  and  keeping  clean 
the  streets  of  London  and  Westminster,  it  is  proposed, 
that  the  several  watchmen  be  contracted  with  to  have 
the  dust  swept  up  in  dry  seasons,  and  the  mud  raked 
up  at  other  times,  each  in  the  several  streets  and  lanes 
of  his  round ;  that  they  be  furnished  with  brooms  and 
other  proper  instruments  for  these  purposes,  to  be  kept 
at  their  respective  stands,  ready  to  furnish  the  poor 
people  they  may  employ  in  the  service. 

"That  in  the  dry  summer  months  the  dust  be  all 
swept  up  into  heaps  at  proper  distances,  before  the 
shops  and  windows  of  houses  are  usually  opened ; 
when  scavengers,  with  close  covered  carts,  shall  also 
carry  it  all  away. 

"  That  the  mud,  when  raked  up,  be  not  left  in 
heaps  to  be  spread  abroad  again  by  the  wheels  of  car- 
riages and  trampling  of  horses ;  but  that  the  scaven- 
gers be  provided  with  bodies  of  carts,  not  placed  high 
upon  wheels,  but  low  upon  sliders,  with  lattice  bot- 
toms, which,  being  covered  with  straw,  will  retain  the 
mud  thrown  into  them,  and  permit  the  water  to  drain 
from  it;  whereby  it  will  become  much  lighter,  water 
making  the  greatest  part  of  the  weight.  These  bodies 
of  carts  to  be  placed  at  convenient  distances,  and  the 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  173 

mud  brought  to  them  in  wheelbarrows ;  they  remain- 
ing where  placed  till  the  mud  is  drained,  and  then 
horses  brought  to  draw  them  away." 

I  have  since  had  doubts  of  the  practicability  of  the 
lattei  part  of  this  proposal,  in  all  places,  on  account 
of  the  narrowness  of  some  streets,  and  the  difficulty 
of  placing  the  draining  sleds  so  as  not  to  encumber 
too  much  the  passage;  but  I  am  still  of  opinion,  that 
the  former,  requiring  the  dust  to  be  swept  up  and 
carried  away  before  the  shops  are  open,  is  very  prac- 
ticable in  the  summer,  when  the  days  are  long;  for, 
in  walking  through  the  Strand  and  Fleet  Street  one 
morning  at  seven  o'clock,  I  observed  there  was  not 
one  shop  open,  though  it  had  been  daylight  and  the 
sun  up  above  three  hours;  the  inhabitants  of  London 
choosing  voluntarily  to  live  much  by  candle-light,  and 
sleep  by  sunshine;  and  yet  often  complain,  a  little 
absurdly,  of  the  duty  on  candles,  and  the  high  price 
of  tallow. 

Some  may  think  these  trifling  matters  not  worth 
minding  or  relating ;  but,  when  they  consider,  that 
though  dust  blown  into  the  eyes  of  a  single  person, 
or  into  a  single  shop  in  a  windy  day,  is  but  of  small 
importance,  yet  the  great  number  of  the  instances  in 
a  populous  city,  and  its  frequent  repetition,  gives  it 
weight  and  consequence,  perhaps  they  will  not  cen- 
sure very  severely  those,  who  bestow  some  atten- 
tion to  affairs  of  this  seemingly  low  nature.  Human 
felicity  is  produced  not  so  much  by  great  pieces  of 
good  fortune  that  seldom  happen,  as  by  little  advan- 
tages that  occur  every  day.  Thus,  if  you  teach  a  poor 
young  man  to  shave  himself,  and  keep  his  razor  in 
order,  you  may  contribute  more  to  the  happiness  of  his 
life  than  in  giving  him  a  thousand  guineas.  This  sum 

o* 


174  l-IFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1753 

may  be  soon  spent,  the  regret  only  remaining  of  having 
foolishly  consumed  it ;  but  in  the  other  case,  he  escapes 
the  frequent  vexation  of  waiting  for  barbers,  and  of 
their  sometimes  dirty  fingers,  offensive  breaths,  and 
dull  razors;  he  shaves  when  most  convenient  to  him, 
and  enjoys  daily  the  pleasure  of  its  being  done  with 
a  good  instrument.  With  these  sentiments  I  have 
hazarded  the  few  preceding  pages,  hoping  they  may 
afford  hints,  which  some  time  or  other  may  be  use- 
ful to  a  city  I  love,  having  lived  many  years  in  it 
very  happily,  and  perhaps  to  some  of  our  towns  in 
America. 

Having  been  some  time  employed  by  the  postmaster- 
general  of  America,  as  his  comptroller  in  regulating 
several  offices,  and  bringing  the  officers  to  account,  I 
was,  upon  his  death,  in  1753,  appointed  jointly  with 
Mr.  William  Hunter,  to  succeed  him,  by  a  commission 
from  the  postmaster-general  in  England.  The  Ameri- 
can office  had  hitherto  never  paid  any  thing  to  that 
of  Britain.  We  were  to  have  six  hundred  pounds 
a  year  between  us,  if  we  could  make  that  sum  out 
of  the  profits  of  the  office.  To  do  this,  a  variety  of 
improvements  was  necessary ;  some  of  these  were  in- 
evitably at  first  expensive;  so  that  in  the  first  four 
years  the  office  became  above  nine  hundred  pounds 
in  debt  to  us.  But  it  soon  after  began  to  repay 
us;  and  before  I  was  displaced  by  a  freak  of  the 
ministers,  of  which  I  shall  speak  hereafter,  we  had 
brought  it  to  yield  three  times  as  much  clear  reve- 
nue to  the  crown,  as  the  postoffice  of  Ireland.  Since 
that  imprudent  transaction,  they  have  received  from 
it  —  not  one  farthing! 

The  business  of  the  postoffice  occasioned  my  taking 
a,  journey  this  year  to  New  England,  where  the  Col- 


jE-r.47.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  175 

lege  of  Cambridge,  of  their  own  motion,  presented  me 
with  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts.  Yale  College  in 
Connecticut  had  before  made  me  a  similar  compli- 
ment. Thus,  without  studying  in  any  College,  I  came 
to  partake  of  their  honors.  They  were  conferred  in 
consideration  of  my  improvements  and  discoveries  in 
the  electric  branch  of  natural  philosophy. 


176  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1754. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Attends  a  General  Convention  at  Albany,  as  a  Delegate  from  Pennsyl- 
vania.—  Proposes  a  Plan  of  Union  for  the  Colonies,  which  is  adopted 
by  the  Convention.  —  Interview  with  Governor  Shirley  at  Boston.— 
Conversations  with  Governor  Morris  on  Pennsylvania  Affairs. — Assists 
Mr.  Quincy  in  procuring  Aids  for  New  England.  —  Visits  General 
Braddock's  Army  in  Maryland.  —  Procures  Horses  and  Wagons  to 
facilitate  the  March  of  the  Army.  —  Obtains  Supplies  for  the  Officers. 
—  Character  of  Braddock.  —  Account  of  his  Defeat  in  the  Battle  of 
the  Monongahela.  —  Braddock  commends  his  Services  in  Letters  to 
the  Government. — These  Services  poorly  rewarded. —  Society  for  the 
Relief  and  Instruction  of  Germans  in  Pennsylvania. 

IN  1754,  war  with  France  being  again  apprehended, 
a  congress  of  commissioners  from  the  different  colonies 
was  by  an  order  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  to  be  assem- 
bled at  Albany ;  there  to  confer  with  the  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations,  concerning  the  means  of  defending  both 
their  country  and  ours.  Governor  Hamilton,  having 
received  this  order,  acquainted  the  House  with  it,  re- 
questing they  would  furnish  proper  presents  for  the 
Indians,  to  be  given  on  this  occasion ;  and  naming  the 
Speaker  (Mr.  Norris)  and  myself  to  join  Mr.  John 
Penn  and  Mr.  Secretary  Peters,  as  commissioners  to 
act -for  Pennsylvania.  The  House  approved  the  nom- 
ination, and  provided  the  goods  for  the  presents,  though 
they  did  not  much  like  treating  out  of  the  province; 
and  we  met  the  other  commissioners  at  Albany  about 
the  middle  of  June. 

In  our  way  thither,  I  projected  and  drew  up  a  Plan 
for  the  union  of  all  the  colonies  under  one  govern- 
ment, so  far  as  might  be  necessary  for  defence,  and 
other  important  general  purposes.  As  we  passed 
through  New  York,  I  had  there  shown  my  project  to 
Mr.  James  Alexander  and  Mr.  Kennedy,  two  gentlemen 


/Er.  48.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  177 

of  great  knowledge  in  public  affairs ;  and,  being  fortified 
by  their  approbation,  I  ventured  to  lay  it  before  the 
congress.  It  then  appeared,  that  several  of  the  com- 
missioners had  formed  plans  of  the  same  kind.  A 
previous  question  was  first  taken,  whether  a  union 
should  be  established,  which  passed  in  the  affirmative 
unanimously.  A  committee  was  then  appointed,  one 
member  from  each  colony,  to  consider  the  several  plans  , 
and  report.  Mine  happened  to  be  preferred,  and,  with 
a  few  amendments,  was  accordingly  reported. 

By  this  plan  the  general  government  was  to  be  ad- 
ministered by  a  President-general,  appointed  and  sup- 
ported by  the  crown ;  and  a  grand  council  was  to  be 
chosen  by  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the 
several  colonies,  met  in  their  respective  assemblies. 
The  debates  upon  it  in  congress  went  on  daily,  hand  in 
hand  with  the  Indian  business.  Many  objections  and 
difficulties  were  started;  but  at  length  they  were  all 
overcome,  and  the  plan  was  unanimously  agreed  to, 
and  copies  ordered  to  be  transmitted  to  the  Board  of 
Trade  and  to  the  Assemblies  of  the  several  provinces. 
Its  fate  was  singular ;  the  Assemblies  did  not  adopt  it, 
as  they  all  thought  there  was  too  much  prerogative  in 
it;  and  in  England  it  was  judged  to  have  too  much 
of  the  democratic.  The  Board  of  Trade  did  not  ap- 
prove it,  nor  recommend  it  for  the  approbation  of  his 
Majesty;  but  another  scheme  was  formed,  supposed  to 
answer  the  same  purpose  better,  whereby  the  governors 
of  the  provinces,  with  some  members  of  their  respective 
councils,  were  to  meet  and  order  the  raising  of  troops, 
building  of  forts,  &,c.,  and  to  draw  on  the  treasury  of 
Great  Britain  for  the  expense,  which  was  afterwards 
to  be  refunded  by  an  act  of  Parliament  laying  a  tax 
on  America.  My  plan,  with  my  reasons  in  support  of 

VOL.  i.  23 


178  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1754 

it,  is  to  be  found  among  my  political  papers  that  were 
printed.* 

Being  the  winter  following  in  Boston,  I  had  much 
conversation  with  Governor  Shirley  upon  both  the  plans. 
Part  of  what  passed  between  us  on  this  occasion  may 
also  be  seen  among  those  papers. t  The  different  and 
contrary  reasons  of  dislike  to  my  plan  makes  me  sus- 
pect that  it  was  really  the  true  medium ;  and  I  am 
still  of  opinion,  it  would  have  been  happy  for  both 
sides,  if  it  had  been  adopted.  /  The  colonies  so  united 
would  have  been  sufficiently  strong  to  have  defended 
themselves;  there  would  then  have  been  no  need  of 
troops  from  England ;  of  course  the  subsequent  pretext 
for  taxing  America,  and  the  bloody  contest  it  occa- 
sioned, would  have  been  avoided.  But  such  mistakes 
are  not  new ;  history  is  full  of  the  errors  of  states  and 
princes. 

"Look  round  the  habitable  world,  how  few 
Know  their  own  good,  or,  knowing  it,  pursue!" 

Those  who  govern,  having  much  business  on  their 
hands,  do  not  generally  like  to  take  the  trouble  of  con- 
sidering and  carrying  into  execution  new  projects.  The 
best  public  measures  are  therefore  seldom  adopted  from 
previous  wisdom,  but  forced  by  the  occasion. 

The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  sending  it  down 
to  the  Assembly,  expressed  his  approbation  of  the  plan, 
"  as  appearing  to  him  to  be  drawn  up  with  great  clear- 
ness and  strength  of  judgment,  and  therefore  recom- 
mended it  as  well  worthy  of  their  closest  and  most 
serious  attention."  The  House,  however,  by  the  man- 
agement of  a  certain  member,  took  it  up  when  I  hap- 
pened to  be  absent,  which  I  thought  not  very  fair,  and 
reprobated  it  without  paying  any  attention  to  it  at  all, 
to  my  no  small  mortification. 

*  See  Vol.  III.  pp.  22-55.  f  Ibid.  p.  56. 


/Ex.  49.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  179 

In  my  journey  to  Boston  this  year,  I  met  at  New 
York  with  our  new  governor,  Mr.  Morris,  just  arrived 
there  from  England,  with  whom  I  had  been  before  in- 
timately acquainted.  He  brought  a  commission  to  su- 
persede Mr.  Hamilton,  who,  tired  with  the  disputes  his 
proprietary  instructions  subjected  him  to,  had  resigned. 
Mr.  Morris  asked  me,  if  I  thought  he  must  expect  as 
uncomfortable  an  administration.  I  said,  "  No ;  you  may 
on  the  contrary  have  a  very  comfortable  one,  if  you 
will  only  take  care  not  to  enter  into  any  dispute  with 
the  Assembly."  "My  dear  friend,"  said  he  pleasantly, 
"how  can  you  advise  my  avoiding  disputes?  You 
know  I  love  disputing,  it  is  one  of  my  greatest  pleas- 
ures; however,  to  show  the  regard  I  have  for  your 
counsel,  I  promise  you  I  will,  if  possible,  avoid  them." 
He  had  some  reason  for  loving  to  dispute,  being  elo- 
quent, an  acute  sophister,  and  therefore  generally  suc- 
cessful in  argumentative  conversation.  He  had  been 
brought  up  to  it  from  a  boy,  his  father,  as  I  have 
heard,  accustoming  his  children  to  dispute  with  one 
another  for  his  diversion,  while  sitting  at  table  after 
dinner;  but  I  think  the  practice  was  not  wise,  for,  in 
the  course  of  my  observation,  those  disputing,  contra- 
dicting, and  confuting  people,  are  generally  unfortunate 
in  their  affairs.  They  get  victory  sometimes,  but  they 
never  get  good  will,  which  would  be  of  more  use  to 
them.  We  parted,  he  going  to  Philadelphia,  and  I  to 
Boston. 

In  returning  I  met  at  New  York  with  tne  votes  of 
the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  by  which  it  appeared, 
that,  notwithstanding  his  promise  to  me,  he  and  the 
House  were  already  in  high  contention ;  and  it  was  a 
continual  battle  between  them,  as  long  as  he  retained 
the  government.  I  had  my  share  of  it ;  for,  as  soon  as 
I  got  back  to  my  seat  in  the  Assembly,  I  was  put  on 


180  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1/55 

every  committee  for  answering  his  speeches  and  mes- 
sages, and  by  the  committees  always  desired  to  make 
the  drafts.  Our  answers,  as  well  as  his  messages, 
were  often  tart,  and  sometimes  indecently  abusive  ;  and, 
as  he  knew  I  wrote  for  the  Assembly,  one  might  have 
imagined,  that,  when  we  met,  we  could  hardly  avoid 
cutting  throats.  But  he  was  so  good-natured  a  man, 
that  no  personal  difference  between  him  and  me  was 
occasioned  by  the  contest,  and  we  often  dined  together. 

One  afternoon,  in  the  height  of  this  public  quarrel, 
we  met  in  the  street.  "  Franklin,"  said  he,  "  you  must 
go  home  with  me  and  spend  the  evening;  I  am  to 
have  some  company  that  you  will  like;"  and,  taking 
me  by  the  arm,  led  me  to  his  house.  In  gay  conver- 
sation over  our  wine,  after  supper,  he  told  us  jokingly, 
that  he  much  admired  the  idea  of  Sancho  Panza,  who, 
when  it  was  proposed  to  give  him  a  government,  re- 
quested it  might  be  a  government  of  blacks;  as  then, 
if  he  could  not  agree  with  his  people,  he  might  sell 
them.  One  of  his  friends,  who  sat  next  to  me,  said, 
"Franklin,  why  do  you  continue  to  side  with  those 
damned  Quakers  ?  Had  you  not  better  sell  them  ] 
The  Proprietor  would  give  you  a  good  price."  "  The 
Governor,"  said  I,  "  has  not  yet  blacked  them  enough." 
He  indeed  had  labored  hard  to  blacken  the  Assembly 
in  all  his  messages,  but  they  wiped  off  his  coloring  as 
fast  as  he  laid  it  on,  and  placed  it,  in  return,  thick 
upon  his  own  face;  so  that,  finding  he  was  likely  to 
be  negrofied  himself,  he,  as  well  as  Mr.  Hamilton,  grew 
tired  of  the  contest,  and  quitted  the  government. 

These  public  quarrels  were  all  at  bottom  owing  to 
the  Proprietaries,  our  hereditary  governors ;  who,  when 
any  expense  was  to  be  incurred  for  the  defence  of 
their  province,  with  incredible  meanness,  instructed  their 
deputies  to  pass  no  act  for  levying  the  necessary 


MT.  49.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  181 

taxes,  unless  their  vast  estates  were  in  the  same  act  ex- 
pressly exonerated ;  and  they  had  even  taken  the  bonds 
of  these  deputies  to  observe  such  instructions.  The 
Assemblies  for  three  years  held  out  against  this  injus- 
tice, though  constrained  to  bend  at  last.  At  length 
Captain  Denny,  who  was  Governor  Morris's  successor, 
ventured  to  disobey  those  instructions ;  how  that  was 
brought  about  I  shall  show  hereafter. 

But  I  am  got  forward  too  fast  with  my  story ;  there 
are  still  some  transactions  to  be  mentioned,  that  nap- 
pened  during  the  administration  of  Governor  Morris. 

War  being  in  a  manner  commenced  with  France, 
the  government  of  Massachusetts  Bay  projected  an  at- 
tack upon  Crown  Point,  and  sent  Mr.  Quincy  to  Penn* 
sylvania,  and  Mr.  Pownall,  afterwards  Governor  Pow- 
nall,  to  New  York,  to  solicit  assistance.  As  I  was  in 
the  Assembly,  knew  its  temper,  and  was  Mr.  Quincy's 
countryman,  he  applied  to  me  for  my  influence  and 
assistance.  I  dictated  his  address  to  them,  which  was 
well  received.  They  voted  an  aid  of  ten  thousand 
pounds,  to  be  laid  out  in  provisions.  But,  the  Governor 
refusing  his  assent  to  their  bill,  (which  included  this 
with  other  sums  granted  for  the  use  of  the  crown,) 
unless  a  clause  were  inserted,  exempting  the  proprie- 
tary estate  from  bearing  any  part  of  the  tax  that  would 
be  necessary;  the  Assembly,  though  very  desirous  of 
making  their  grant  to  New  England  effectual,  were 
at  a  loss  how  to  accomplish  it.  Mr.  Quincy  labored 
hard  with  the  Governor  to  obtain  his  assent,  but  he 
was  obstinate. 

I  then  suggested  a  method  of  doing  the  business 
without  the  Governor,  by  orders  on  the  trustees  of 
the  Loan  Office,  which,  by  law,  the  Assembly  had 
the  right  of  drawing.  There  was  indeed  little  or  no 
money  at  the  time  in  the  office,  and  therefore  I  pro- 

VOL.  i.  p 


182  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1755. 

posed,  that  the  orders  should  be  payable  in  a  year, 
and  to  bear  an  interest  of  five  per  cent.  With  these 
orders  I  supposed  the  provisions  might  easily  be  pur- 
chased. The  Assembly,  with  very  little  hesitation, 
adopted  the  proposal.  The  orders  were  immediately 
printed,  and  I  was  one  of  the  committee  directed  to 
sign  and  dispose  of  them.  The  fund  for  paying  them 
was  the  interest  of  all  the  paper  currency  then  ex- 
tant in  the  province  upon  loan,  together  with  the  rev- 
enue arising  from  the  excise,  which  being  known  to 
be  more  than  sufficient,  they  obtained  credit,  and  were 
not  only  taken  in  payment  for  the  provisions,  but 
many  moneyed  people,  who  had  cash  lying  by  them, 
vested  it  in  those  orders,  which  they  found  advan- 
tageous, as  they  bore  interest  while  upon  hand,  and 
might  on  any  occasion  be  used  as  money.  So  that 
they  were  eagerly  all  bought  up,  and  in  a  few  weeks 
none  of  them  was  to  be  seen.  Thus  this  important 
affair  was  by  my  means  completed.  Mr.  Quincy  re- 
turned thanks  to  the  Assembly  in  a  handsome  memo- 
rial, went  home  highly  pleased  with  the  success  of  his 
embassy,  and  ever  after  bore  for  me  the  most  cordial 
and  affectionate  friendship. 

The  British  government,  not  choosing  to  permit  the 
union  of  the  colonies  as  proposed  at  Albany,  and  to 
trust  that  union  with  their  defence,  lest  they  should 
thereby  grow  too  military,  and  feel  their  own  strength, 
suspicion  and  jealousies  at  this  time  being  entertained 
of  them,  sent  over  General  Brad  dock  with  two  regi- 
ments of  regular  English  troops  for  that  purpose.  He 
landed  at  Alexandria  in  Virginia,  and  thence  marched 
to  Frederictown  in  Maryland,  where  he  halted  for  car- 
riages. Our  Assembly  apprehending,  from  some  infor- 
mation, that  he  had  received  violent  prejudices  against 
them,  as  averse  to  the  service,  wished  me  to  wait 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  183 

upon  him,  not  as  from  them,  but  as  postmaster-general, 
under  the  guise  of  proposing  to  settle  with  him  the 
mode  of  conducting  with  most  celerity  and  certainty 
the  despatches  between  him  and  the  governors  of  the 
several  provinces,  with  whom  he  must  necessarily  have 
continual  correspondence ;  and  of  which  they  proposed 
to  pay  the  expense.  My  son  accompanied  me  on  this 
journey. 

We  found  the  General  at  Frederictown,  waiting  im- 
patiently for  the  return  of  those  he  had  sent  through 
the  back  parts  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  to  collect 
wagons.  I  stayed  with  him  several  days,  dined  with 
him  daily,  and  had  full  opportunities  of  removing  his 
prejudices,  by  the  information  of  what  the  Assembly 
had  before  his  arrival  actually  done,  and  were  still 
willing  to  do,  to  facilitate  his  operations.  When  I  was 
about  to  depart,  the  returns  of  wagons  to  be  obtained 
were  brought  in,  by  which  it  appeared,  that  they 
amounted  only  to  twenty-five,  and  not  all  of  those  were 
in  serviceable  condition.  The  General  and  all  the  of- 
ficers were  surprised,  declared  the  expedition  was  then 
at  an  end,  being  impossible ;  and  exclaimed  against  the 
ministers  for  ignorantly  sending  them  into  a  country 
destitute  of  the  means  of  conveying  their  stores,  bag- 
gage, &c.,  not  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons 
being  necessary. 

I  happened  to  say,  I  thought  it  was  a  pity  they  had 
not  been  landed  in  Pennsylvania,  as  in  that  country 
almost  every  farmer  had  his  wagon.  The  General 
eagerly  laid  hold  of  my  words,  and  said,  "Then  you, 
Sir,  who  are  a  man  of  interest  there,  can  probably  pro- 
cure them  for  us;  and  I  beg  you  will  undertake  it." 
I  asked  what  terms  were  to  be  offered  the  owners 
of  the  wagons;  and  I  was  desired  to  put  on  paper 
the  terms  that  appeared  to  me  necessary.  This  I  did, 


184  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1755. 

and  they  were  agreed  to,  and  a  commission  and  in- 
structions accordingly  prepared  immediately.  What 
those  terms  were  will  appear  in  the  advertisement  I 
published  as  soon  as  I  arrived  at  Lancaster;  which 
being,  from  the  great  and  sudden  effect  it  produced, 
a  piece  of  some  curiosity,  I  shall  insert  it  at  length  as 
follows. 

"  ADVERTISEMENT. 

"Lancaster,  April  2Cth,  1755. 

"Whereas,  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  with  four 
horses  to  each  wagon,  and  fifteen  hundred  saddle  or 
pack  horses,  are  wanted  for  the  service  of  his  Majesty's 
forces,  now  about  to  rendezvous  at  Will's  Creek ;  and 
his  Excellency  General  Braddock  having  been  pleased 
to  empower  me  to  contract  for  the  hire  of  the  same ; 
I  hereby  give  notice,  that  I  shall  attend  for  that  pur- 
pose at  Lancaster  from  this  day  to  next  Wednesday 
evening;  and  at  York  from  next  Thursday  morning, 
till  Friday  evening;  where  I  shall  be  ready  to  agree 
for  wagons  and  teams,  or  single  horses,  on  the  follow- 
ing terms;  viz.  1.  That  there  shall  be'  paid  for  each 
wagon,  with  four  good  horses  and  a  driver,  fifteen 
shillings  per  diem;  and  for  each  able  horse  with  a 
pack-saddle,  or  other  saddle  and  furniture,  two  shillings 
per  diem;  and  for  each  able  horse  without  a  saddle, 
eighteen  pence  per  diem.  2.  That  the  pay  commence 
from  the  time  of  their  joining  the  forces  at  Will's  Creek, 
which  must  be  on  or  before  the  20th  of  May  ensu- 
ing, and  that  a  reasonable  allowance  be  paid  over  and 
above  for  the  time  necessary  for  their  travelling  to 
Will's  Creek  and  home  again  after  their  discharge. 
3.  Each  wagon  and  team,  and  every  saddle  or  pack- 
horse  is  to  be  valued  by  indifferent  persons  chosen 
between  me  and  the  owner;  and,  in  case  of  the  loss 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  185 

of  any  wagon,  team,  or  other  horse  in  the  service,  the 
price  according  to  such  valuation  is  to  be  allowed  and 
paid.  4.  Seven  days'  pay  is  to  be  advanced  and  paid 
in  hand  by  me  to  the  owner  of  each  wagon  and  team, 
or  horse,  at  the  time  of  contracting,  if  required;  and 
the  remainder  to  be  paid  by  General  Braddock,  or  by 
the  paymaster  of  the  army,  at  the  time  of  their  dis- 
charge ;  or  from  time  to  time,  as  it  shall  be  demanded. 
5.  No  drivers  of  wagons,  or  persons  taking  care  of  the 
hired  horses,  are  on  any  account  to  be  called  upon  to 
do  the  duty  of  soldiers,  or  be  otherwise  employed 
than  in  conducting  or  taking  care  of  their  carriages  or 
horses.  6.  All  oats,  Indian  corn,  or  other  forage  that 
wagons  or  horses  bring  to  the  camp,  more  than  is 
necessary  for  the  subsistence  of  the  horses,  is  to  be 
taken  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  a  reasonable  price 
paid  for  the  same. 

"  Note.  —  My  son,  William  Franklin,  is  empowered 
to  enter  into  like  contracts  with  any  person  in  Cum- 
berland County.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Counties  of  Lancaster,  York, 
and  Cumberland. 

"Friends  and  Countrymen, 

"  Being  occasionally  at  the  camp  at  Frederic  a  few 
days  since,  I  found  the  general  and  officers  extremely 
exasperated  on  account  of  their  not  being  supplied 
with  horses  and  carriages,  which  had  been  expected 
from  this  province,  as  most  able  to  furnish  them:  but, 
through  the  dissensions  between  our  Governor  and 
Assembly,  money  had  not  been  provided,  nor  any  steps 
taken  for  that  purpose. 

"It  was  proposed  to  send  an  armed  force  immedi- 
ately into  these  counties,  to  seize  as  many  of  the  best 

VOL.  i.  24  p  * 


186  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1755. 

carriages  and  horses  as  should  be  wanted,  and  compel 
as  many  persons  into  the  service  as  would  be  neces- 
sary to  drive  and  take  care  of  them, 

"  I  apprehended,  that  the  progress  of  British  soldiers 
through  these  counties  on  such  an  occasion,  especially 
considering  the  temper  they  are  in,  and  their  resent- 
ment against  us,  would  be  attended  with  many  and 
great  inconveniences  to  the  inhabitants,  and  therefore 
more  willingly  took  the  trouble  of  trying  first  what 
might  be  done  by  fair  and  equitable  means.  The  peo- 
ple of  these  back  counties  have  lately  complained  to  the 
Assembly,  that  a  sufficient  currency  was  wanting ;  you 
have  an  opportunity  of  receiving  and  dividing  among 
you  a  very  considerable  sum;  for,  if  the  service  of  this 
expedition  should  continue,  as  it  is  more  than  probable 
it  will  for  one  hundred  and  twenty  days,  the  hire  of 
these  wagons  and  horses  will  amount  to  upwards  of 
thirty  thousand  pounds ;  which  will  be  paid  you  in 
silver  and  golc£  of  the  King's  money. 

"The  service  will  be  light  and  easy,  for  the  army 
will  scarce  march  above  twelve  miles  per  day,  and 
the  wagons  and  baggage  horses,  as  they  carry  those 
things  that  are  absolutely  necessary  to  the  welfare  of 
the  army,  must  march  with  the  army,  and  no  faster; 
and  are,  for  the  army's  sake,  always  placed  where  they 
can  be  most  secure,  whether  in  a  march  or  in  a  camp. 

"If  you  are  really,  as  I  believe  you  are,  good  and 
byal  subjects  to  his  Majesty,  you  may  now  do  a  most 
acceptable  service,  and  make  it  easy  to  yourselves; 
for  three  or  four  of  such  as  cannot  separately  spare 
from  the  business  of  their  plantations,  a  wagon  and 
four  horses  and  a  driver,  may  do  it  together ;  one 
furnishing  the  wagon,  another  one  or  two  horses,  and 
another  the  driver,  and  divide  the  pay  proportionably 


^ET.  49.]  LIFL    OF    FRANKLIN.  187 

between  you.  But,  if  you  do  not  this  service  to  your 
King  and  country  voluntarily,  when  such  good  pay 
and  reasonable  terms  are  offered  to  you,  your  loyalty 
will  be  strongly  suspected.  The  King's  business  must 
be  done ;  so  many  brave  troops,  come  so  far  for  your 
defence,  must  not  stand  idle  through  your  backward- 
ness to  do  what  may  be  reasonably  expected  from 
you ;  wagons  and  horses  must  be  had ;  violent  meas- 
ures will  probably  be  used ;  and  you  will  be  left  to  seek 
for  a  recompense  where  you  can  find  it,  and  your 
case  perhaps  be  little  pitied  or  regarded. 

"  I  have  no  particular  interest  in  this  affair,  as,  except 
the  satisfaction  of  endeavouring  to  do  good,  I  shall 
have  only  my  labor  for  my  pains.  If  this  method  of 
obtaining  the  wagons  and  horses  is  not  likely  to  suc- 
ceed, I  am  obliged  to  send  word  to  the  general  in 
fourteen  days ;  and  I  suppose  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  the 
hussar,  with  a  body  of  soldiers,  will  immediately  enter 
the  province  for  the  purpose;  which  I  shall  be  sorry 
to  hear,  because  I  am  very  sincerely  and  truly  your 
friend  and  well-wisher, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

I  received  of  the  General  about  eight  hundred  pounds, 
to  be  disbursed  in  advance  money  to  the  wagon 
owners ;  but,  that  sum  being  insufficient,  I  advanced 
upwards  of  two  hundred  pounds  more;  and  in  two 
weeks  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  with  two 
hundred  and  fifty-nine  carrying-horses  were  on  their 
march  for  the  camp.  The  advertisement  promised 
payment  according  to  the  valuation,  in  case  any  wagons 
or  horses  should  be  lost.  The  owners,  however,  al- 
leging they  did  not  know  General  Braddock,  or  what 
dependence  might  be  had  on  his  promise,  insisted  on 


188  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1755 

my  bond   for  the  performance;  which   I   accordingly 
gave  them. 

While  I  was  at  the  camp,  supping  one  evening 
with  the  officers  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  regiment,  he  rep- 
resented to  me  his  concern  for  the  subalterns,  who,  he 
said,  were  generally  not  in  affluence,  and  could  ill 
afford  in  this  dear  country  to  lay  in  the  stores  that 
might  be  necessary  in  so  long  a  march  through  a 
wilderness,  where  nothing  was  to  be  purchased.  I 
commiserated  their  case,  and  resolved  to  endeavour 
procuring  them  some  relief.  I  said  nothing,  however, 
to  him  of  my  intention,  but  wrote  the  next  morning 
to  the  Committee  of  the  Assembly,  who  had  the  dis- 
position of  some  public  money,  warmly  recommending 
the  case  of  these  officers  to  their  consideration,  and 
proposing  that  a  present  should  be  sent  them  of  neces- 
saries and  refreshments.  My  son,  who  had  some  ex- 
perience of  a  camp  life,  and  of  its  wants,  drew  up  a 
list  for  me,  which  I  enclosed  in  my  letter.  The  com- 
mittee approved,  and  used  such  diligence,  that,  con- 
ducted by  my  son,  the  stores  arrived  at  the  camp  as 
soon  as  the  wagons.  They  consisted  of  twenty  par- 
cels, each  containing 

61bs.  loaf  sugar.  1  Gloucester  cheese. 

6  do.  Muscovado  do.  1  keg  containing  SOIbs.  good  butter. 

1  do.  green  tea.  2  dozen  old  Madeira  wine. 

1  do.  bohea  do.  2  gallons  Jamaica  spirits. 

6  do.  ground  coffee.  1  bottle  flour  of  mustard. 

6  do.  chocolate.  2  well-cured  hams. 

$  chest  best  white  biscuit  £  dozen  dried  tongues. 

ilb.  pepper.  61bs.  rice. 

1  quart  white  vinegar.  Gibs,  raisins. 

These  parcels,  well  packed,  were  placed  on  as  many 
horses,  each  parcel,  with  the  horse,  being  intended  as 
a  present  for  one  officer.  They  were  very  thankfully 


jE-r.49.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  189 

received,  and  the  kindness  acknowledged  by  letters  to 
me,  from  the  colonels  of  both  regiments,  in  the  most 
grateful  terms.  The  General  too  was  highly  satisfied 
with  my  conduct  in  procuring  him  the  wagons,  and 
readily  paid  my  account  of  disbursements ;  thanking  me 
repeatedly,  and  requesting  my  further  assistance  in 
sending  provisions  after  him.  I  undertook  this  also, 
and  was  busily  employed  in  it  till  we  heard  of  his 
defeat;  advancing  for  the  service,  of  my  own  money, 
upwards  of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling ;  of  which  I 
sent  him  an  account.  It  came  to  his  hands,  luckily 
for  me,  a  few  days  before  the  battle,  and  he  returned  me 
immediately  an  order  on  the  paymaster  for  the  round 
sum  of  one  thousand  pounds,  leaving  the  remainder  to 
the  next  account.  I  consider  this  payment  as  good 
luck,  having  never  been  able  to  obtain  that  remainder; 
of  which  more  hereafter. 

This  General  was,  I  think,  a  brave  man,  and  might 
probably  have  made  a  figure  as  a  good  officer  in 
some  European  war.  But  he  had  too  much  self- 
confidence,  too  high  an  opinion  of  the  validity  of  regu- 
lar troops,  and  too  mean  a  one  of  both  Americans  and 
Indians.  George  Croghan,  our  Indian  interpreter,  joined 
him  on  his  march  with  one  hundred  of  those  people, 
who  might  have  been  of  great  use  to  his  army  as 
guides  and  scouts,  if  he  had  treated  them  kindly; 
but  he  slighted  and  neglected  them,  and  they  gradually 
left  him. 

In  conversation  with  him  one  day,  he  was  giving 
me  some  account  of  his  intended  progress.  "After 
taking  Fort  Duquesne,"  said  he,  "I  am  to  proceed  to 
Niagara ;  and,  having  taken  that,  to  Frontenac,  if  the 
season  will  allow  time,  and  I  suppose  it  will;  for 
Duquesne  can  hardly  detain  me  above  three  or  four 


188  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1755 

my  bond   for  the  performance;  which   I   accordingly 
gave  them. 

While  I  was  at  the  camp,  supping  one  evening 
with  the  officers  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  regiment,  he  rep- 
resented to  me  his  concern  for  the  subalterns,  who,  he 
said,  were  generally  not  in  affluence,  and  could  ill 
afford  in  this  dear  country  to  lay  in  the  stores  that 
might  be  necessary  in  so  long  a  march  through  a 
wilderness,  where  nothing  was  to  be  purchased.  I 
commiserated  their  case,  and  resolved  to  endeavour 
procuring  them  some  relief.  I  said  nothing,  however, 
to  him  of  my  intention,  but  wrote  the  next  morning 
to  the  Committee  of  the  Assembly,  who  had  the  dis- 
position of  some  public  money,  warmly  recommending 
the  case  of  these  officers  to  their  consideration,  and 
proposing  that  a  present  should  be  sent  them  of  neces- 
saries and  refreshments.  My  son,  who  had  some  ex- 
perience of  a  camp  life,  and  of  its  wants,  drew  up  a 
list  for  me,  which  I  enclosed  in  my  letter.  The  com- 
mittee approved,  and  used  such  diligence,  that,  con- 
ducted by  my  son,  the  stores  arrived  at  the  camp  as 
soon  as  the  wagons.  They  consisted  of  twenty  par- 
cels, each  containing 

61bs.  loaf  sugar.  1  Gloucester  cheese. 

6  do.  Muscovado  do.  1  keg  containing  201bs.  good  butter. 

1  do.  green  tea.  2  dozen  old  Madeira  wine. 

1  do.  bohea  do.  2  gallons  Jamaica  spirits. 

6  do.  ground  coffee.  1  bottle  flour  of  mustard. 

6  do.  chocolate.  2  well-cured  hams. 

i  chest  best  white  biscuit  &  dozen  dried  tongues. 

£lb.  pepper.  61bs.  rice. 

1  quart  white  vinegar.  61bs.  raisins. 

These  parcels,  well  packed,  were  placed  on  as  many 
horses,  each  parcel,  with  the  horse,  being  intended  as 
a  present  for  one  officer.  They  were  very  thankfully 


jET.  49.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  189 

received,  and  the  kindness  acknowledged  by  letters  to 
me,  from  the  colonels  of  both  regiments,  in  the  most 
grateful  terms.  The  General  too  was  highly  satisfied 
with  my  conduct  in  procuring  him  the  wagons,  and 
readily  paid  my  account  of  disbursements ;  thanking  me 
repeatedly,  and  requesting  my  further  assistance  in 
sending  provisions  after  him.  I  undertook  this  also, 
and  was  busily  employed  in  it  till  we  heard  of  his 
defeat ;  advancing  for  the  service,  of  my  own  money, 
upwards  of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling ;  of  which  I 
sent  him  an  account.  It  came  to  his  hands,  luckily 
for  me,  a  few  days  before  the  battle,  and  he  returned  me 
immediately  an  order  on  the  paymaster  for  the  round 
sum  of  one  thousand  pounds,  leaving  the  remainder  to 
the  next  account.  I  consider  this  payment  as  good 
luck,  having  never  been  able  to  obtain  that  remainder; 
of  which  more  hereafter. 

This  General  was,  I  think,  a  brave  man,  and  might 
probably  have  made  a  figure  as  a  good  officer  in 
some  European  war.  But  he  had  too  much  self- 
confidence,  too  high  an  opinion  of  the  validity  of  regu- 
lar troops,  and  too  mean  a  one  of  both  Americans  and 
Indians.  George  Croghan,  our  Indian  interpreter,  joined 
him  on  his  march  with  one  hundred  of  those  people, 
who  might  have  been  of  great  use  to  his  army  as 
guides  and  scouts,  if  he  had  treated  them  kindly; 
but  he  slighted  and  neglected  them,  and  they  gradually 
left  him. 

In  conversation  with  him  one  day,  he  was  giving 
me  some  account  of  his  intended  progress.  "After 
taking  Fort  Duquesne,"  said  he,  "I  am  to  proceed  to 
Niagara;  and,  having  taken  that,  to  Frontenac,  if  the 
season  will  allow  time,  and  I  suppose  it  will;  for 
Duquesne  can  hardly  detain  me  above  three  or  four 


192  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1755 

to  be  destroyed,  that  he  might  have  more  horses  to 
assist  his  flight  towards  the  settlements,  and  less  lum- 
ber to  remove.  He  was  there  met  with  requests  from 
the  governors  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania, 
that  he  would  post  his  troops  on  the  frontiers,  so  as 
to  afford  some  protection  to  the  inhabitants ;  but  he 
continued  his  hasty  march  through  all  the  country, 
not  thinking  himself  safe  till  he  arrived  at  Philadelphia, 
where  the  inhabitants  could  protect  him.  This  whole 
transaction  gave  us  Americans  the  first  suspicion,  that 
our  exalted  ideas  of  the  prowess  of  British  regular 
troops  had  not  been  well  founded.* 

In  their  first  march,  too,  from  their  landing  till  they 
got  beyond  the  settlements,  they  had  plundered  and 
stripped  the  inhabitants,  totally  ruining  some  poor  fam- 
ilies, besides  insulting,  abusing,  and  confining  the  peo- 
ple, if  they  remonstrated.  This  was  enough  to  put  us 
out  of  conceit  of  such  defenders,  if  we  had  really 
wanted  any.  How  different  was  the  conduct  of.  our 
French  friends  in  1781,  who,  during  a  march  through 
the  most  inhabited  part  of  our  country,  from  Rhode 
Island  to  Virginia,  near  seven  hundred  miles,  occa- 
sioned not  the  smallest  complaint  for  the  loss  of  a 
pig,  a  chicken,  or  even  an  apple. 

Captain  Orme,  who  was  one  of  the  General's  aids- 
de-camp,  and,  being  grievously  wounded,  was  brought 
off  with  him,  and  continued  with  him  to  his  death, 
which  happened  in  a  few  days,  told  me,  that  he  was 
totally  silent  all  the  first  day,  and  at  night  only  said, 
"Who  would  have  thought  it?"  That  he  was  silent 
again  the  following  day,  saying  only  at  last,  "  We  shall 

*  There  are  some  errors  in  this  account  of  Braddock's  defeat  A  full 
description  of  that  event  may  be  seen  in  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  II. 
p.  4G8.  —  EDITOR. 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  193 

better  know  how  to  deal  with  them  another  time ;" 
and  died  in  a  few  minutes  after. 

The  secretary's  papers,  with  all  the  General's  orders, 
instructions,  and  correspondence,  falling  into  the  ene- 
my's hands,  they  selected  and  translated  into  French  a 
number  of  the  articles,  which  they  printed,  to  prove,  the 
hostile  intentions  of  the  British  court  before  the  decla- 
ration of  war.  Among  these  I  saw  some  letters  of  the 
General  to  the  ministry,  speaking  highly  of  the  great 
service  I  had  rendered  the  army,  and  recommending 
me  to  their  notice.*  David  Hume,  who  was  some 
years  after  secretary  to  Lord  Hertford,  when  minister 
in  France,  and  afterwards  to  General  Conway,  when 
secretary  of  state,  told  me,  he  had  seen  among  the  pa- 
pers in  that  office  letters  from  Braddock,  highly  recom- 
mending me.  But,  the  expedition  having  been  unfor- 
tunate, my  service,  it  seems,  was  not  thought  of  much 
value,  for  those  recommendations  were  never  of  any 
use  to  me. 

As  to  rewards  from  himself,  I  asked  only  one,  which 
was,  that  he  would  give  orders  to  his  officers  not  to 
enlist  any  more  of  our  bought  servants,  and  that  he 
would  discharge  such  as  had  been  already  enlisted. 
This  he  readily  granted,  and  several  were  accordingly 
returned  to  their  masters,  on  my  application.  Dunbar, 
when  the  command  devolved  on  him,  was  not  so  gen- 
erous. He  being  at  Philadelphia,  on  his  retreat,  or 
rather  flight,  I  applied  to  him  for  the  discharge  of 
the  servants  of  three  poor  farmers  of  Lancaster  County, 
that  he  had  enlisted,  reminding  him  of  the  late  gen- 
eral's orders  on  that  head.  He  promised  me,  that,  if 
the  masters  would  come  to  him  at  Trenton,  where  he 

*  See  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  II.  p.  78. 

VOL.  i.  25  Q 


194  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1755 

should  be  in  a  few  days  on  his  march  to  New  York, 
he  would  there  deliver  their  men  to  them.  They  ac- 
cordingly were  at  the  expense  and  trouble  of  going 
to  Trenton,  and  there  he  refused  to  perform  his  prom- 
ise, to  their  great  loss  and  disappointment. 

£s  soon  as  the  loss  of  the  wagons  and  horses  was 
generally  known,  all  the  owners  came  upon  me  for 
the  valuation  which  I  had  given  bond  to  pay.  Their 
demands  gave  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  I  acquaint- 
ed them,  that  the  money  was  ready  in  the  paymas- 
ter's hands,  but  the  order  for  paying  it  must  first  be 
obtained  from  General  Shirley,  and  that  I  had  applied 
for  it;  but,  he  being  at  a  distance,  an  answer  could 
not  soon  be  received,  and  they  must  have  patience. 
All  this,  however,  was  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  them, 
and  some  began  to  sue  me.  General  Shirley  at  length 
relieved  me  from  this  terrible  situation,  by  appointing 
commissioners  to  examine  the  claims,  and  ordering  pay- 
ment. They  amounted  to  near  twenty  thousand  pounds, 
which  to  pay  would  have  ruined  me.* 

Before  we  had  the  news  of  this  defeat,  the  two 
doctors  Bond  came  to  me  with  a  subscription  paper 
for  raising  money  to  defray  the  expense  of  a  grand 
firework,  which  it  was  intended  to  exhibit  at  a  re- 
joicing on  receiving  the  news  of  our  taking  Fort  Du- 
quesne.  I  looked  grave,  and  said,  it  would,  I  thought, 
be  time  enough  to  prepare  the  rejoicing  when  we 
knew  we  should  have  occasion  to  rejoice.  They 
seemed  surprised  that  I  did  not  immediately  comply 
with  their  proposal.  "Why  the  d — 1!"  said  one  of 
them,  "you  surely  don't  suppose  that  the  fort  will 
not  be  taken  ? "  "I  don't  know  that  it  will  not  be 

*  See  General  Shirley's  letter,  Vol.  VII.  p.  94.    Also,  p.  96. 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  195 

taken ;  but  I  know  that  the  events  of  war  are  subject 
to  great  uncertainty."  I  gave  them  the  reasons  of  my 
doubting;  the  subscription  was  dropped,  and  the  pro- 
jectors thereby  missed  the  mortification  they  would 
have  undergone,  if  the  firework  had  been  prepared. 
Dr.  Bond,  on  some  other  occasion  afterwards,  said,  that 
he  did  not  like  Franklin's  forebodings.* 

*  At  this  time,  in  conjunction  with  several  other  gentlemen,  Franklin 
was  actively  engaged  in  carrying  into  effect  a  benevolent  plan  for  im- 
proving the  condition  of  the  German  population  in  America.  At  his 
press  was  printed  a  tract  entitled,  "  A  Brief  History  of  the  Rise  and 
Progress  of  the  Charitable  Scheme,  carrying  on  by  a  Society  of  Noble- 
men and  Gentlemen  in  London,  for  the  Relief  and  Instruction  of  poor 
Germans  and  their  Descendants  in  Pennsylvania  and  the  adjacent  Col- 
onies in  North  America.  Published  by  Order  of  the  Trustees  appointed 
for  the  Management  of  the  said  Charitable  Scheme.  Philadelphia; 
1755."  The  Trustees  were  James  Hamilton,  William  Allen,  Richard 
Peters,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Conrad  Weiser,  and  William  Smith.  The 
objects  in  view  were  to  provide  missionaries  and  teachers  of  schools,  and 
to  render  such  relief  as  particular  cases  might  require.  For  an  interest- 
ing letter  on  the  condition  of  the  Germans  in  Pennsylvania,  eee  Vol. 
VII.  p.  66.  — EDITOR. 


196  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1755. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Appointed  One  of  the  Commissioners  for  appropriating  the  public  Money 
for  military  Defence.  —  Proposes  a  Militia  Bill,  which  passes  the  Assem- 
bly. —  Commissioned  to  take  Charge  of  the  Frontier,  and  build  a  Line 
of  Forts.  —  Marches  at  the  Head  of  a  Body  of  Troops.  —  Account  of 
the  March.  —  Operations  at  Gnadenhutten.  —  Indian  Massacres.  —  Mo- 
ravians at  Bethlehem.  —  Returns  to  Philadelphia.  —  Chosen  Colonel  of 
a  Regiment.  —  Journey  to  Virginia.  —  Declines  accepting  the  Gover- 
nor's Proposal  to  lead  an  Expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne.  —  Ac- 
count of  his  Electrical  Discoveries.  —  Chosen  a  Member  of  the  Royal 
Society.  —  Receives  the  Copley  Medal. 

GOVERNOR  MORRIS,  who  had  continually  worried 
the  Assembly  with  message  after  message  before  the 
defeat  of  Braddock,  to  beat  them  into  the  making  of 
acts  to  raise  money  for  the  defence  of  the  province, 
without  taxing  among  others  the  proprietary  estates, 
and  had  rejected  all  their  bills  for  not  having  such  an 
exempting  clause,  now  redoubled  his  attacks  with  more 
hope  of  success,  the  danger  and  necessity  being  greater. 
The  Assembly  however  continued  firm,  believing  they 
had  justice  on  their  side,  and  that  it  would  be  giving 
up  an  essential  right,  if  they  suffered  the  Governor  to 
amend  their  money  bills.  In  one  of  the  last,  indeed, 
which  was  for  granting  fifty  thousand  pounds,  his  pro- 
posed amendment  was  only  of  a  single  word.  The 
bill  expressed,  "  that  all  estates  real  and  personal  were 
to  be  taxed ;  those  of  the  proprietaries  not  excepted." 
His  amendment  was ;  for  not  read  only.  A  small,  but 
very  material  alteration.  However,  when  the  news  of 
the  disaster  reached  England,  our  friends  there,  whom 
we  had  taken  care  to  furnish  with  all  the  Assembly's 
answers  to  the  Governor's  messages,  raised  a  clamor 
against  the  Proprietaries  for  their  meanness  and  injus- 
tice in  giving  their  governor  such  instructions ;  some 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  197 

going  so  far  as  to  say,  that,  by  obstructing  the  defence 
of  their  province,  they  forfeited  their  right  to  it.  They 
were  intimidated  by  this;  and  sent  orders  to  their 
receiver-general  to  add  five  thousand  pounds  of  their 
money  to  whatever  sum  might  be  given  by  the  As- 
sembly for  such  purpose. 

This,  being  testified  to  the  House,  was  accepted  in 
lieu  of  their  share  of  a  general  tax,  and  a  new  bill 
was  formed  with  an  exempting  clause,  which  passed 
accordingly.  By  this  act  I  was  appointed  one  of  the 
commissioners  for  disposing  of  the  money,  sixty  thou- 
sand pounds.  I  had  been  active  in  modelling  the  bill, 
and  procuring  its  passage;  and  had  at  the  same  time 
drawn  one  for  establishing  and  disciplining  a  voluntary 
militia;  which  I  carried  through  the  House  without 
much  difficulty,  as  care  was  taken  in  it  to  leave  the 
Quakers  at  liberty.  To  promote  the  association  neces- 
sary to  form  the  militia,  I  wrote  a  Dialogue  stating  and 
answering  all  the  objections  I  could  think  of  to  such 
a  militia;  which  was  printed,  and  had,  as  I  thought, 
great  effect.* 

While  the  several  companies  in  the  city  and  country 
were  forming,  and  learning  their  exercise,  the  Governor 
prevailed  with  me  to  take  charge  of  our  North-western 
frontier,  which  was  infested  by  the  enemy,  and  provide 
for  the  defence  of  the  inhabitants  by  raising  troops 
and  building  a  line  of  forts.  I  undertook  this  military 
Business,  though  I  did  not  conceive  myself  well  qual- 
ified for  it.  He  gave  me  a  commission  with  full  pow- 
ers, and  a  parcel  of  blank  commissions  for  officers,  to 
be  given  to  whom  I  thought  fit.  I  had  but  little  dif- 
ficulty in  raising  men,  having  soon  five  hundred  and 
sixty  under  my  command.  My  son,  who  had  in  the 


*  See  Vol.  III.  pp.  78,  84. 

Q* 


198  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1755. 

preceding  war  been  an  officer  in  the  army  raised 
against  Canada,  was  my  aid-de-camp,  and  of  great  use 
to  me.  The  Indians  had  burned  Gnadenhutten,  a  vil- 
lage settled  by  the  Moravians,  and  massacred  the  in- 
habitants ;  but  the  place  was  thought  a  good  situation 
for  one  of  the  forts. 

In  order  to  march  thither,  I  assembled  the  compa- 
nies at  Bethlehem,  the  chief  establishment  of  these  peo- 
ple. I  was  surprised  to  find  it  in  so  good  a  posture 
of  defence ;  the  destruction  of  Gnadenhutten  had  made 
them  apprehend  danger.  The  principal  buildings  were 
defended  by  a  stockade ;  they  had  purchased  a  quan- 
tity of  arms  and  ammunition  from  New  York,  and  had 
even  placed  quantities  of  small  paving  stones  between 
the  windows  of  their  high  stone  houses,  for  their  women 
to  throw  them  down  upon  the  heads  of  any  Indians, 
that  should  attempt  to  force  into  them.  The  armed 
brethren  too  kept  watch,  and  relieved  each  other  on 
guard,  as  methodically  as  in  any  garrison  town.  In 
conversation  with  the  Bishop,  Spangenberg,  I  mention- 
ed my  surprise ;  for,  knowing  they  had  obtained  an  act 
of  Parliament  exempting  them  from  military  duties  in 
the  colonies,  I  had  supposed  they  were  conscientiously 
scrupulous  of  bearing  arms.  He  answered  me,  that  it 
was  not  one  of  their  established  principles;  but  that, 
at  the  time  of  their  obtaining  that  act,  it  was  thought 
to  be  a  principle  with  many  of  their  people.  On  this 
occasion,  however,  they  to  their  surprise  found  it  adopt- 
ed by  but  a  few.  It  seems  they  were  either  deceived 
in  themselves,  or  deceived  the  Parliament ;  but  com- 
mon sense,  aided  by  present  danger,  will  sometimes  be 
too  strong  for  whimsical  opinions. 

It  was  the  beginning  of  January  when  we  set  out 
upon  this  business  of  building  forts.  I  sent  one  de- 
tachment towards  the  Minisink,  with  instructions  to 


^Er.  50.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  199 

erect  one  for  the  security  of  that  upper  part  of  the 
country  ;  and  another  to  the  lower  part,  with  similar  in- 
structions ;  and  I  concluded  to  go  myself  with  the  rest 
of  my  force  to  Gnadenhutten,  where  a  fort  was  thought 
more  immediately  necessary.  The  Moravians  procured 
me  five  wagons  for  our  tools,  stores,  and  baggage. 

Just  before  we  left  Bethlehem,  eleven  farmers,  who 
had  been  driven  from  their  plantations  by  the  Indians, 
came  to  me  requesting  a  supply  of  firearms,  that  they 
might  go  back  and  bring  off  their  cattle.  I  gave  them 
each  a  gun  with  suitable  ammunition.  We  had  not 
marched  many  miles,  before  it  began  to  rain,  and  it 
continued  raining  all  day ;  there  were  no  habitations 
on  the  road  to  shelter  us,  till  we  arrived  near  night 
at  the  house  of  a  German,  where,  and  in  his  barn,  we 
were  all  huddled  together  as  wet  as  water  could  make 
us.  It  was  well  we  were  not  attacked  in  our  march, 
for  our  arms  were  of  the  most  ordinary  sort,  and  our 
men  could  not  keep  the  locks  of  their  guns  dry. 
The  Indians  are  dexterous  in  contrivances  for  that 
purpose,  which  we  had  not.  They  met  that  day  the 
eleven  poor  farmers  above  mentioned,  and  killed  ten 
of  them.  The  one  that  escaped  informed  us,  that  his 
and  his  companions'  guns  would  not  go  off,  the  priming 
being  wet  with  the  rain. 

The  next  day  being  fair,  we  continued  our  march, 
and  arrived  at  the  desolated  Gnadenhutten.  There 
was  a  mill  near,  round  which  were  left  several  pine 
boards,  with  which  we  soon  hutted  ourselves ;  an  op- 
eration the  more  necessary  at  that  inclement  season,  as 
we  had  no  tents.  Our  first  work  was  to  bury  more 
effectually  the  dead  we  found  there,  who  had  been  half- 
interred  by  the  country  people. 

The  next  morning  our  fort  was  planned  and  marked 
out,  the  circumference  measuring  four  hundred  and 


200  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1756. 

fifty-five  feet,  which  would  require  as  many  palisades  to 
be  made,  one  with  another,  of  a  foot  diameter  each. 
Our  axes,  of  which  we  had  seventy,  were  immediately 
set  to  work  to  cut  down  trees ;  and,  our  men  being 
dexterous  in  the  use  of  them,  great  despatch  was  made. 
Seeing  the  trees  fall  so  fast,  I  had  the  curiosity  to 
look  at  my  watch  when  two  men  began  to  cut  at  a 
pine;  in  six  minutes  they  had  it  upon  the  ground, 
and  I  found  it  of  fourteen  inches  diameter.  Each  pine 
made  three  palisades  of  eighteen  feet  long,  pointed  at 
one  end.  While  these  were  preparing,  our  other  men 
dug  a  trench  all  round,  of  three  feet  deep,  in  which 
the  palisades  were  to  be  planted ;  and,  the  bodies  be- 
ing taken  off  our  wagons,  and.  the  fore  and  hind  wheels 
separated  by  taking  out  the  pin  which  united  the  two 
parts  of  the  perch,  we  had  ten  carriages,  with  two 
horses  each,  to  bring  the  palisades  from  the  woods  to 
the  spot.  When  they  were  set  up,  our  carpenters 
built  a  platform  of  boards  all  round  within,  about  six 
feet  high,  for  the  men  to  stand  on  when  to  fire  through 
the  loopholes.  We  had  one  swivel  gun,  which  we 
mounted  on  one  of  the  angles,  and  fired  it  as  soon  as 
fixed,  to  let  the  Indians  know,  if  any  were  within 
hearing,  that  we  had  such  pieces;  and  thus  our  fort, 
if  that  name  may  be  given  to  so  miserable  a  stockade, 
was  finished  in  a  week,  though  it  rained  so  hard  every 
other  day,  that  the  men  could  not  work. 

This  gave  me  occasion  to  observe,  that,  when  men 
are  employed,  they  are  best  contented ;  for  on  the  days 
they  worked  they  were  good-natured  and  cheerful, 
and,  with  the  consciousness  of  having  done  a  good 
day's  work,  they  spent  the  evening  jollily ;  but  on  our 
idle  days  they  were  mutinous  and  quarrelsome,  finding 
fault  with  the  pork,  the  bread,  &c.,  and  were  continu- 
ally in  bad  humor;  which  put  me  in  mind  of  a  sea 


/E-r.50.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  201 

captain,  whose  rule  it  was  to  keep  his  men  constantly 
at  work ;  and,  when  his  mate  once  told  him,  that  they 
had  done  every  thing,  and  there  was  nothing  further  to 
employ  them  about :  "  O,"  said  he,  "  make  them  scour 
the  anchor." 

This  kind  of  fort,  however  contemptible,  is  a  suf- 
ficient defence  against  Indians,  who  have  no  cannon. 
Finding  ourselves  now  posted  securely,  and  having  a 
place  to  retreat  to  on  occasion,  we  ventured  out  in 
parties  to  scour  the  adjacent  country.  We  met  with 
no  Indians,  but  we  found  the  places  on  the  neighbour- 
ing hills,  where  they  had  lain  to  watch  our  proceed- 
ings. There  was  an  art  in  their  contrivance  of  those 
places,  that  seems  worth  mentioning.  It  being  winter, 
a  fire  was  necessary  for  them ;  but  a  common  fire  on 
the  surface  of  the  ground  would  by  its  light  have  dis- 
covered their  position  at  a  distance.  They  had  there- 
fore dug  holes  in  the  ground  about  three  feet  diam- 
eter, and  somewhat  deeper ;  we  found  where  they  had 
with  their  hatchets  cut  off  the  charcoal  from  the  sides 
of  burnt  logs  lyin°:  in  the  woods.  With  these  coals 

<_?          •*         ^J 

they  had  made  small  fires  in  the  bottom  of  the  holes, 
and  we  observed  among  the  weeds  and  grass  the  prints 
of  their  bodies,  made  by  their  lying  all  round  .with  their 
legs  hanging  down  in  the  holes  to  keep  their  feet 
warm ;  which  with  them  is  an  essential  point.  This 
kind  of  fire  so  managed  could  not  discover  them  either 
by  its  light,  flame,  sparks,  or  even  smoke ;  it  appeared 
that  the  number  was  not  great,  and  it  seems  they  saw 
we  were  too  many  to  be  attacked  by  them  with  prospect 
of  advantage. 

We  had  for  our  chaplain  a  zealous  Presbyterian 
minister,  Mr.  Beatty,  who  complained  to  me,  that  the 
men  did  not  generally  attend  his  prayers  and  exhorta- 
tions. When  they  enlisted  they  were  promised,  besides 

VOL.  i.  26 


202  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1756. 

pay  and  provisions,  a  gill  of  rum  a  day,  which  was 
punctually  served  out  to  them,  half  in  the  morning,  and 
the  other  half  in  the  evening;  and  I  observed  they 
were  punctual  in  attending  to  receive  it ;  upon  which 
I  said  to  Mr.  Beatty,  "  It  is  perhaps  below  the  dignity 
of  your  profession  to  act  as  steward  of  the  rum ;  but 
if  you  were  only  to  distribute  it  out  after  prayers,  you 
would  have  them  all  about  you."  He  liked  the  thought, 
undertook  the  task,  and,  with  the  help  of  a  few  hands 
to  measure  out  the  liquor,  executed  it  to  satisfaction ; 
and  never  were  prayers  more  generally  and  more  punc- 
tually attended.  So  that  I  think  this  method  prefer- 
able to  the  punishment  inflicted  by  some  military  laws 
for  non-attendance  on  divine  service.* 

I  had  hardly  finished  this  business,  and  got  my  fort 
well  stored  with  provisions,  when  I  received  a  letter 
from  the  Governor,  acquainting  me,  that  he  had  called 
the  Assembly,  and  wished  my  attendance  there,  if  the 
posture  of  affairs  on  the  frontiers  was  such  that  my 
remaining  there  was  no  longer  necessary.  My  friends 
too  of  the  Assembly  pressing  me  by  their  letters  to 
be,  if  possible,  at  the  meeting ;  and,  my  three  intended 
forts  being  now  completed,  and  the  inhabitants  con- 
tented to  remain  on  their  farms  under  that  protection, 
I  resolved  to  return ;  the  more  willingly,  as  a  New 
England  officer,  Colonel  Clapham,  experienced  in  In- 
dian war,  being  on  a  visit  to  our  establishment,  con- 
sented to  accept  the  command.  I  gave  him  a  commis- 
sion, and,  parading  the  garrison,  had  it  read  before  them ; 
and  introduced  him  to  them  as  an  officer,  who,  from 
his  skill  in  military  affairs,  was  much  more  fit  to  com- 
mand them  than  myself;  and,  giving  them  a  little  ex- 


*  For  other  particulars  respecting  these  military  transactions,  see  Vol. 
VII.  pp.  101-112. 


jET   50.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  203 

hortation,  took  my  leave.  I  was  escorted  as  far  as 
Bethlehem,  where  I  rested  a  few  days  to  recover  from 
the  fatigue  I  had  undergone.  The  first  night,  lying  in 
a  good  bed,  I  could  hardly  sleep,  it  was  so  different 
from  my  hard  lodging  on  the  floor  of  a  hut  at  Gnaden- 
hutten,  with  only  a  blanket  or  two. 

While  at  Bethlehem,  I  inquired  a  little  into  the  prac- 
tices of  the  Moravians ;  some  of  them  had  accompanied 
me,  and  all  were  very  kind  to  me.  I  found  they 
worked  for  a  common  stock,  ate  at  common  tables, 
and  slept  in  common  dormitories,  great  numbers  to- 
gether. In  the  dormitories  I  observed  loopholes,  at 
certain  distances  all  along  just  under  the  ceiling,  which 
I  thought  judiciously  placed  for  change  of  air.  I  went 
to  their  church,  where  I  was  entertained  with  good 
music,  the  organ  being  accompanied  with  violins,  haut- 
boys, flutes,  clarinets,  &,c.  I  understood  their  sermons 
were  not  usually  preached  to  mixed  congregations  of 
men,  women,  and  children,  as  is  our  common  practice; 
but  that  they  assembled  sometimes  the  married  men, 
at  other  times  their  wives,  then  the  young  men,  the 
young  women,  and  the  little  children ;  each  division  by 
itself.  The  sermon  I  heard  was  to  the  latter,  who 
came  in  and  were  placed  in  rows  on  benches ;  the 
boys  under  the  conduct  of  a  young  man,  their  tutor, 
and  the  girls  conducted  by  a  young  woman.  The 
discourse  seemed  well  adapted  to  their  capacities,  and 
was  delivered  in  a  pleasing,  familiar  manner,  coaxing 
them,  as  it  were,  to  be  good.  They  behaved  very 
orderly,  but  looked  pale  and  unhealthy;  which  made 
me  suspect  they  were  kept  too  much  within  doors,  or 
not  allowed  sufficient  exercise. 

I  inquired  concerning  the  Moravian  marriages,  wheth- 
er the  report  was  true,  that  they  were  by  lot.  I  was 
told,  that  lots  were  used  only  in  particular  cases ;  that 


204  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1756. 

generally,  when  a  young  man  found  himself  disposed 
to  marry,  he  informed  the  elders  of  his  class,  who 
consulted  the  elder  ladies,  that  governed  the  young 
women.  As  these  elders  of  the  different  sexes  were 
well  acquainted  with  the  tempers  and  dispositions  of 
their  respective  pupils,  they  could  best  judge  what 
matches  were  suitable,  and  their  judgments  were  gen- 
erally acquiesced  in.  But  if,  for  example,  it  should  hap- 
pen, that  two  or  three  young  women  were  found  to 
be  equally  proper  for  the  young  man,  the  lot  was 
then  recurred  to.  I  objected,  if  the  matches  are  not 
made  by  the  mutual  choice  of  the  parties,  some  of 
them  may  chance  to  be  very  unhappy.  "  And  so  they 
may,"  answered  my  informer,  "if  you  let  the  parties 
choose  for  themselves."  Which  indeed  I  could  not 
deny. 

Being  returned  to  Philadelphia,  I  found  the  Associa- 
tion went  on  with  great  success.  The  inhabitants  that 
were  not  Quakers,  having  pretty  generally  come  into 
it,  formed  themselves  into  companies,  and  chose  their 
captains,  lieutenants,  and  ensigns,  according  to  the  new 
law.  Dr.  Bond  visited  me,  and  gave  me  an  account 
of  the  pains  he  had  taken  to  spread  a  general  good 
liking  to  the  law,  and  ascribed  much  to  those  en- 
deavours. I  had  the  vanity  to  ascribe  all  to  my  Di- 
alogue ;  however,  not  knowing  but  that  he  might  be 
in  the  right,  I  let  him  enjoy  his  opinion ;  which  I  take 
to  be  generally  the  best  way  in  such  cases.  The 
officers,  meeting,  chose  me  to  be  colonel  of  the  regi- 
ment, which  I  this  time  accepted.  I  forget  how  many 
companies  we  had,  but  we  paraded  about  twelve  hun- 
dred well-looking  men,  with  a  company  of  artillery, 
who  had  been  furnished  with  six  brass  fieldpieces, 
which  they  had  become  so  expert  in  the  use  of,  as  to 
fire  twelve  times  in  a  minute.  The  first  time  I  re- 


jE-r.  50.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  205 

viewed  my  regiment,  they  accompanied  me  to  my 
house,  and  would  salute  me  with  some  rounds  fired 
before  my  door,  which  shook  down  and  broke  several 
glasses  of  my  electrical  apparatus.  And  my  new  hon- 
or proved  not  much  less  brittle ;  for  all  our  commis- 
sions were  soon  after  broken,  by  a  repeal  of  the  law 
in  England.* 

During  this  short  time  of  my  colonelship,  being  about 
to  set  out  on  a  journey  to  Virginia,  the  officers  of  my 
regiment  took  it  into  their  heads,  that  it  would  be 


*  The  following1  account  of  these  transactions  was  published  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette,  March  25th,  175G. 

"  On  Thursday  last  the  Philadelphia  regiment,  consisting  of  upwards 
of  one  thousand  able-bodied,  effective  men,  besides  officers,  was  drawn 
up  under  arms,  on  Society  Hill,  and  reviewed  by  the  Colonel.  Each 
company  met  in  the  morning  at  the  houses  of  their  respective  captains, 
and  marched  down  Second  Street  till  they  came  near  the  New  Market ; 
where  the  first  company  halted,  drew  up  in  platoons,  and  waited  till  the 
second  company  came  up ;  and  then  each  platoon  of  the  first  company 
fired  retreating,  according  to  the  manner  of  street-firing ;  and  the  second 
company  at  the  same  time  advanced,  and  fired  in  like  manner,  till  they 
got  possession  of  the  other's  ground.  The  third  company  then  advanced, 
disputed  and  took  the  ground  from  the  second ;  and  so  on,  each  com- 
pany advancing  and  retreating  in  their  turns  ;  the  artillery  company,  con- 
sisting of  upwards  of  one  hundred  men,  with  four  neatly  painted  cannon, 
drawn  by  some  of  the  largest  and  most  stately  horses  in  the  Province, 
being  the  company  that  last  took  possession  of  the  ground.  The  whole 
were  then  drawn  up  in  battalion,  according  to  seniority  ;  and,  after  being 
reviewed,  and  performing  the  manual  exercise,  marched  through  the 
town  in  three  grand  divisions. 

"  When  the  regiment  came  opposite  to  the  Colonel's  door,  they  were 
again  drawn  up  in  battalion,  and  made  one  general  discharge  of  small 
arms,  and  several  discharges  of  cannon.  Then  the  several  companies 
marched  off  to  their  respective  places  of  rendezvous,  and  saluted  their 
captains,  on  being  dismissed,  with  a  discharge  of  their  firearms.  The 
whole  was  conducted  with  the  greatest  order  and  regularity,  and,  not- 
withstanding the  vast  concourse  of  people,  not  the  least  accident  hap- 
pened to  any  one.  It  is  allowed,  on  all  hands,  that  most  of  the  platoon 
firings,  the  general  fire  of  the  regiment,  and  the  discharge  of  the  artillery, 
were  nearly  as  well  performed  as  they  could  be  by  any  troops  whatever. 
And  it  is  likewise  agreed,  that  so  grand  an  appearance  was  never  be- 
fore seen  in  Pennsylvania."  —  EDITOR. 

VOL,   I.  R 


206  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  [1756. 

proper  for  them  to  escort  me  out  of  town,  as  far  as 
the  Lower  Ferry.  Just  as  I  was  getting  on  horse- 
back they  came  to  my  door,  between  thirty  and  forty, 
mounted,  and  all  in  their  uniforms.  I  had  not  been 
previously  acquainted  with  their  project,  or  I  should 
have  prevented  it,  being  naturally  averse  to  the  assum- 
ing of  state  on  any  occasion ;  and  I  was  a  good  deal 
chagrined  at  their  appearance,  as  I  could  not  avoid 
their  accompanying  me.  What  made  it  worse  was, 
that,  as  soon  as  we  began  to  move,  they  drew  their 
swords  and  rode  with  them  naked  all  the  way.  Some- 
body wrote  an  account  of  this  to  the  Proprietor,  and 
it  gave  him  great  offence.  No  such  honor  had  been 
paid  to  him,  when  in  the  province ;  nor  to  any  of  his 
governors ;  and  he  said,  it  was  only  proper  to  princes 
of  the  blood  royal ;  which  may  be  true  for  aught  I 
know,  who  was,  and  still  am,  ignorant  of  the  etiquette 
in  such  cases. 

This  silly  affair,  however,  greatly  increased  his  rancor 
against  me,  which  was  before  considerable  on  account 
of  my  conduct  in  the  Assembly  respecting  the  ex- 
emption of  his  estate  from  taxation,  which  I  had  always 
opposed  very  warmly,  and  not  without  severe  reflec- 
tions on  the  meanness  and  injustice  of  contending  for 
it.  He  accused  me  to  the  ministry,  as  being  the  great 
obstacle  to  the  King's  service,  preventing  by  my  in- 
fluence in  the  House  the  proper  form  of  the  bills  for 
raising  money;  and  he  instanced  the  parade  with  my 
officers,  as  a  proof  of  my  having  an  intention  to  take 
the  government  of  the  province  out  of  his  hands  by 
force.  He  also  applied  to  Sir  Everard  Fawkener,  the 
Postmaster-general,  to  deprive  me  of  my  office.  But 
it  had  no  other  effect  than  to  procure  from  Sir  Ever- 
ard a  gentle  admonition. 

Notwithstanding  the  continual  wrangle  between  the 


^Ex.  50.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  207 

Governor  and  the  House,  in  which  I  as  a  member  had 
so  large  a  share,  there  still  subsisted  a  civil  intercourse 
between  that  gentleman  and  myself,  and  we  never 
had  any  personal  difference.  I  have  sometimes  since 
thought,  that  his  little  or  no  resentment  against  me,  for 
the -answers  it  was  known  I  drew  up  to  his  messages, 
might  be  the  effect  of  professional  habit,  and  that,  be- 
ing bred  a  lawyer,  he  might  consider  us  both  as  mere- 
ly advocates  for  contending  clients  in  a  suit ;  he  for 
the  Proprietaries,  and  I  for  the  Assembly.  He  would 
therefore  sometimes  call  in  a  friendly  way  to  advise 
with  me  on  difficult  points ;  and  sometimes,  though  not 
often,  take  my  advice. 

We  acted  in  concert  to  supply  Braddock's  army 
with  provisions ;  and,  when  the  shocking  news  arrived 
of  his  defeat,  the  Governor  sent  in  haste  for  me,  to 
consult  with  him  on  measures  for  preventing  the  de- 
sertion of  the  back  counties.  I  forget  now  the  advice 
I  gave;  but  I  think  it  was,  that  Dunbar  should  be 
written  to,  and  prevailed  with,  if  possible,  to  post  his 
troops  on  the  frontiers  for  their  protection,  until,  by 
reinforcements  from  the  colonies,  he  might  be  able  to 
proceed  in  the  expedition.  And,  after  my  return  from 
the  frontier,  he  would  have  had  me  undertake  the 
conduct  of  such  an  expedition  with  provincial  troops, 
for  the  reduction  of  Fort  Duquesne,  Dunbar  and  his 
men  being  otherwise  employed ;  and  he  proposed  to 
commission  me  as  general.  I  had  not  so  good  an 
opinion  of  my  military  abilities  as  he  professed  to  have, 
and  I  believe  his  professions  must  have  exceeded  his 
real  sentiments ;  but  probably  he  might  think,  that  my 
popularity  would  facilitate  the  business  with  the  men, 
and  influence  in  the  Assembly  the  grant  of  money  to 
pay  for  it ;  and  that  perhaps  without  taxing  the  Pro- 
prietary. Finding  me  not  so  forward  to  engage  as  he 


208  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

expected,  the  project  was  dropped ;  and  he  soon  after 
left  the  government,  being  superseded  by  Captain 
Denny. 

Before  I  proceed  in  relating  the  part  I  had  in  pub- 
lic affairs  under  thif  new  governor's  administration,  it 
may  not  be  amiss  to  give  here  some  account  of  the 
rise  and  progress  of  my  philosophical  reputation. 

In  1746,  being  in  Boston,  I  met  there  with  a  Dr. 
Spence,  who  was  lately  arrived  from  Scotland,  and 
showed  me  some  electric  experiments.  They  were 
imperfectly  performed,  as  he  was  not  very  expert ;  but, 
being  on  a  subject  quite  new  to  me,  they  equally 
surprised  and  pleased  me.  Soon  after  my  return  to 
Philadelphia,  our  library  company  received  from  Mr. 
Peter  Collinson,  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Lon- 
don, a  present  of  a  glass  tube,  with  some  account  of 
the  use  of  it  in  making  such  experiments.  I  eagerly 
seized  the  opportunity  of  repeating  what  I  had  seen 
at  Boston ;  and,  by  much  practice,  acquired  great  readi- 
ness in  performing  those  also,  which  we  had  an  ac- 
count of  from  England,  adding  a  number  of  new  ones. 
I  say  much  practice,  for  my  house  was  continually 
full,  for  some  time,  with  persons  who  came  to  see  these 
new  wonders. 

To  divide  a  little  this  incumbrance  among  my  friends, 
I  caused  a  number  of  similar  tubes  to  be  blown  in  our 
glasshouse,  with  which  they  furnished  themselves,  so 
that  we  had  at  length  several  performers.  Among 
these  the  principal  was  Mr.  Kinnersley,  an  ingenious 
neighbour,  who  being  out  of  business,  I  encouraged 
him  to  undertake  showing  the  experiments  for  money, 
and  drew  up  for  him  two  lectures,  in  which  the  ex- 
periments were  ranged  in  such  order,  and  accom- 
panied with  explanations  jn  such  method,  as  that  the 
foregoing  should  assist  in  comprehending  the  follow- 


LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  209 

ing.  He  procured  an  elegant  apparatus  for  the  purpose, 
in  which  all  the  little  machines  that  I  had  roughly  made 
for  myself  were  neatly  formed  by  instrument  makers. 
His  lectures  were  well  attended,  and  gave  great  satis- 
faction ;  and  after  some  time  he  went  through  the  col- 
onies, exhibiting  them  in  every  capital  town,  and  picked 
up  some  money.  In  the  West  India  Islands,  indeed, 
it  was  with  difficulty  the  experiments  could  be  made, 
from  the  general  moisture  of  the  air. 

Obliged  as  we  were  to  Mr.  Collinson  for  the  present 
of  the  tube,  &,c.,  I  thought  it  right  he  should  be  in- 
formed of  our  success  in  using  it,  and  wrote  him  sev- 
eral letters  containing  accounts  of  our  experiments.* 
He  got  them  read  in  the  Royal  Society,  where  they 
were  not  at  first  thought  worth  so  much  notice  as  to 
be  printed  in  their  Transactions.  One  paper,  which  I 
wrote  for  Mr.  Kinnersley,  on  the  sameness  of  lightning 
with  electricity,  I  sent  to  Mr.  Mitchel,  an  acquaintance 
of  mine,  and  one  of  the  members  also  of  that  Society ; 
who  wrote  me  word,  that  it  had  been  read,  but  was 
laughed  at  by  the  connoisseurs.  The  papers,  however, 
being  shown  to  Dr.  Fothergill,  he  thought  them  of  too 
much  value  to  be  stifled,  and  advised  the  printing 
of  them.  Mr.  Collinson  then  gave  them  to  Cave  for 
publication  in  his  Gentleman's  Magazine  ;  but  he  chose 
to  print  them  separately  in  a  pamphlet,  and  Dr.  Foth- 
ergill wrote  the  preface.  .  Cave,  it  seems,  judged  rightly 
for  his  profession,  for  by  the  additions,  that  arrived  af- 
terwards, they  swelled  to  a  quarto  volume ;  which  has 
had  five  editions,  and  cost  him  nothing  for  copy-money. 

It  was  however  some  time  before  those  papers  were 
much  taken  notice  of  in  England.  A  copy  of  them 
happening  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Count  de  Buf- 

*  See  Vol.  V.  p.  180. 

VOL.  i.    No.  5.      27  R  * 


210  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

fon,  a  philosopher  deservedly  of  great  reputation  in 
France,  and  indeed  all  over  Europe,  he  prevailed  with 
M.  Dubourg  to  translate  them  into  French ;  and  they 
were  printed  at  Paris.  The  publication  offended  the 
Abbe  Nollet,  Preceptor  in  Natural  Philosophy  to  the 
Royal  Family,  and  an  able  experimenter,  who  had 
formed  and  published  a  theory  of  electricity,  which 
then  had  the  general  vogue.  He  could  not  at  first 
believe,  that  such  a  work  came  from  America,  and  said 
it  must  have  been  fabricated  by  his  enemies  at  Paris, 
to  oppose  his  system.  Afterwards,  having  been  assured, 
that  there  really  existed  such  a  person  as  Franklin  at 
Philadelphia,  which  he  had  doubted,  he  wrote  and  pub- 
lished a  volume  of  Letters,  chiefly  addressed  to  me,  de- 
fending his  theory,  and  denying  the  verity  of  my  ex- 
periments, and  of  the  positions  deduced  from  them. 

I  once  purposed  answering  the  Abbe,  and  actually 
began  the  answer;  but,  on  consideration  that  my  writ- 
ings contained  a  description  of  experiments,  which  any 
one  might  repeat  and  verify,  and,  if  not  to  be  verified, 
could  not  be  defended ;  or  of  observations  offered  as 
conjectures,  and  not  delivered  dogmatically,  therefore 
not  laying  me  under  any  obligation  to  defend  them ; 
and  reflecting,  that  a  dispute  between  two  persons, 
written  in  different  languages,  might  be  lengthened 
greatly  by  mistranslations,  and  thence  misconceptions 
of  one  another's  meaning,  much  of  one  of  the  Abbe's 
letters  being  founded  on  an  error  in  the  translation, 
I  concluded  to  let  my  papers  shift  for  themselves ;  be- 
lieving it  was  better  to  spend  what  time  I  could  spare 
from  public  business  in  making  new  experiments,  than 
in  disputing  about  those  already  made.  I  therefore 
never  answered  M.  Nollet ;  and  the  event  gave  me  no 
cause  to  repent  my  silence ;  for  my  friend  M.  Le  Roy, 
of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences,  took  up  my  cause 


LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  211 

and  refuted  him;  my  book  was  translated  into  the 
Italian,  German,  and  Latin  languages ;  and  the  doctrine 
it  contained  was  by  degrees  generally  adopted  by  the 
philosophers  of  Europe,  in  preference  to  that  of  the 
Abbe ;  so  that  he  lived  to  see  himself  the  last  of  his 

sect,  except  Monsieur  B ,  of  Paris,  his  eleve  and 

immediate  disciple. 

What  gave  my  book  the  more  sudden  and  general 
celebrity,  was  the  success  of  one  of  its  proposed  ex- 
periments, made  by  Messieurs  Dalibard  and  De  Lor  at 
Marly,  for  drawing  lightning  from  the  clouds.  This 
engaged  the  public  attention  everywhere.  M.  De  Lor, 
who  had  an  apparatus  for  experimental  philosophy,  and 
lectured  in  that  branch  of  science,  undertook  to  repeat 
what  he  called  the  Philadelphia  Experiments ;  and,  after 
they  were  performed  before  the  King  and  court,  all  the 
curious  of  Paris  flocked  to  see  them.  I  will  not  swell 
this  narrative  with  an  account  of  that  capital  experi- 
ment, nor  of  the  infinite  pleasure  I  received  in  the  suc- 
cess of  a  similar  one  I  made  soon  after  with  a  kite  at 
Philadelphia,  as  both  are  to  be  found  in  the  histories 
of  electricity. 

Dr.  Wright,  an  English  physician,  when  at  Paris, 
wrote  to  a  friend,  who  was  of  the  Royal  Society,  an 
account  of  the  high  esteem  my  experiments  were  in 
among  the  learned  abroad,  and  of  their  wonder,  that 
my  writings  had  been  so  little  noticed  in  England. 
The  Society  on  this  resumed  the  consideration  of  the 
letters  that  had  been  read  to  them;  and  the  celebrated 
Dr.  Watson  drew  up  a  summary  account  of  them,  and 
of  all  I  had  afterwards  sent  to  England  on  the  sub- 
ject; which  he  accompanied  with  some  praise  of  the 
writer.*  This  summary  was  then  printed  in  their  Trans- 

*  See  Vol.  V.  p.  487. 


212  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

actions ;  and,  some  members  of  the  Society  in  London, 
particularly  the  very  ingenious  Mr.  Canton,  having  veri- 
fied the  experiment  of  procuring  lightning  from  the 
clouds  by  a  pointed  rod,  and  acquainted  them  with  the 
success,  they  soon  made  me  more  than  amends  for 
the  slight  with  which  they  had  before  treated  me. 
Without  my  having  made  any  application  for  that  honor, 
they  chose  me  a  member ;  and  voted,  that  I  should  be 
excused  the  customary  payments,  which  would  have 
amounted  to  twenty-five  guineas ;  and  ever  since  have 
given  me  their  Transactions  gratis.*  They  also  pre- 


*  Dr.  Franklin  gives  a  further  account  of  his  election,  in  a  letter  to 
his  son,  Governor  Franklin,  from  which  the  following  is  an  extract 

"  London,  19  December,  1767. 

"  We  have  had  an  ugly  affair  at  the  Royal  Society  lately.  One  Da- 
costa,  a  Jew,  who,  as  our  clerk,  was  intrusted  with  collecting  our 
moneys,  has  been  so  unfaithful  as  to  embezzle  near  thirteen  hundred 
pounds  in  four  years.  Being  one  of  the  Council  this  year,  as  well  as 
the  last,  I  have  been  employed  all  the  last  week  in  attending  the  in- 
quiry into,  and  unravelling,  his  accounts,  in  order  to  come  at  a  full  knowl- 
edge of  his  frauds.  His  securities  are  bound  in  one  thousand  pounds 
to  the  Society,  which  they  will  pay,  but  we  shall  probably  lose  the  rest 
He  had  this  year  received  twenty-six  admission  payments  of  twenty-five 
guineas  each,  which  he  did  not  bring  to  account. 

"  While  attending  to  this  affair,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  looking  over 
the  old  council-books  and  journals  of  the  society,  and,  having  a  curiosity 
to  see  how  I  came  in,  of  which  I  had  never  been  informed,  I  looked 
oack  for  the  minutes  relating  to  it.  You  must  know,  it  is  not  usual  to 
admit  persons  that  have  not  requested  to  be  admitted ;  and  a  recom- 
mendatory certificate  in  favor  of  the  candidate,  signed  by  at  least  three 
of  the  members,  is  by  our  rule  to  be  presented  to  the  Society,  expressing 
that  he  is  desirous  of  that  honor,  and  is  so  and  so  qualified.  As  I 
never  had  asked  or  expected  the  honor,  I  was,  as  I  said  before,  curious 
to  see  how  the  business  was  managed,  I  found  that  the  certificate, 
worded  very  advantageously  for  me,  was  signed  by  Lord  Macclesfield, 
then  President,  Lord  Parker,  and  Lord  Willoughby;  that  the  election 
was  by  a  unanimous  vote ;  and,  the  honor  being  voluntarily  conferred  by 
the  Society,  unsolicited  by  me,  it  was  thought  wrong  to  demand  or  re- 
ceive the  usual  fees  or  composition ;  so  that  my  name  was  entered  on 
the  list  with  a  vote  of  council,  that  I  icas  not  to  pay  any  thing.  And 
accordingly  nothing  has  ever  been  demanded  of  me.  Those,  who  are 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  213 

sented  me  with  the  gold  medal  of  Sir  Godfrey  Copley, 
for  the  year  1 753,  the  delivery  of  which  was  accom- 
panied by  a  very  handsome  speech  of  the  president, 
Lord  Macclesfield,  wherein  I  was  highly  honored.* 

admitted  in   the  common  way,  pay  five   guineas  admission  fees,   and 
two  guineas    and    a  half  yearly    contribution,  or  twenty-five   guineas 
down,  in  lieu  of  it.    In  my  case  a  substantial  favor  accompanied  the 
honor."  —  W.  T.  F. 
*  See  this  Speech,  Vol.  V  p.  499 


214  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1757 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Conversations  with  Governor  Denny.  —  Disputes  between  the  Governor 
and  Assembly.  —  Deputed  by  the  Assembly  to  present  a  Petition  to 
the  King,  and  lo  act  in  England  as  an  Agent  for  Pennsylvania.  — 
Meets  Lord  Loudoun  in  New  York.  —  Anecdotes  illustrating  his  Char- 
acter.—  Sails  from  New  York.  —  Incidents  of  the  Voyage.  —  Arrives 
in  England. 

OUR  new  governor,  Captain  Denny,  brought  over 
for  me  the  beforementioned  medal  from  the  Royal  So- 
ciety, which  he  presented  to  me  at  an  entertainment 
given  him  by  the  city.  He  accompanied  it  with  very 
polite  expressions  of  his  esteem  for  me,  having,  as  he 
said,  been  long  acquainted  with  my  character.  After 
dinner,  when  the  company,  as  was  customary  at  that 
time,  were  engaged  in  drinking,  he  took  me  aside  into 
another  room,  and  acquainted  me,  that  he  had  been 
advised  by  his  friends  in  England  to  cultivate  a  friend- 
ship with  me,  as  one  who  was  capable  of  giving  him 
the  best  advice,  and  of  contributing  most  effectually 
to  the  making  his  administration  easy.  That  he  there- 
fore desired  of  all  things  to  have  a  good  understand- 
ing with  me,  and  he  begged  me  to  be  assured  of  his 
readiness  on  all  occasions  to  render  me  every  service 
that  might  be  in  his  power.  He  said  much  to  me 
also  of  the  Proprietor's  good  disposition  towards  the 
province,  and  of  the  advantage  it  would  be  to  us  all, 
and  to  me  in  particular,  if  the  opposition  that  had 
been  so  long  continued  to  his  measures  was  dropped, 
and  harmony  restored  between  him  and  the  peo- 
ple; in  effecting  which  it  was  thought  no  one  could 
be  more  serviceable  than  myself;  and  I  might  de- 
pend on  adequate  acknowledgments  and  recompenses. 
The  drinkers,  finding  we  did  not  return  immediately 


^Er.  51.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  215 

to  the  table,  sent  us  a  decanter  of  madeira,  which  the 
Governor  made  a  liberal  use  of,  and  in  proportion  be- 
came more  profuse  of  his  solicitations  and  promises. 

My  answers  were  to  this  purpose ;  that  my  circum- 
stances, thanks  to  God,  were  such  as  to  make  propri- 
etary favors  unnecessary  to  me;  and  that,  being  a 
member  of  the  Assembly,  I  could  not  possibly  accept 
of  any ;  that,  however,  I  had  no  personal  enmity  to  the 
Proprietary,  and  that,  whenever  the  public  measures  he 
proposed  should  appear  to  be  for  the  good  of  the 
people,  no  one  would  espouse  and  forward  them  more 
zealously  than  myself;  my  past  opposition  having  been 
founded  on  this,  that  the  measures  which  had  been 
urged  were  evidently  intended  to  serve  the  proprieta- 
ry interest,  with  great  prejudice  to  that  of  the  people. 
That  I  was  much  obliged  to  him  (the  Governor)  for  his 
profession  of  regard  to  me,  and  that  he  might  rely 
on  every  thing  in  my  power  to  render  his  administra- 
tion as  easy  to  him  as  possible,  hoping  at  the  same 
time  that  he  had  not  brought  with  him  the  same  un- 
fortunate instructions  his  predecessors  had  been  ham- 
pered with. 

On  this  he  did  not  then  explain  himself;  but,  when 
he  afterwards  came  to  do  business  with  the  Assembly, 
they  appeared  again,  the  disputes  were  renewed,  and 
I  was  as  active  as  ever  in  the  opposition,  being  the 
penman,  first  of  the  request  to  have  a  communication 
of  the  instructions,  and  then  of  the  remarks  upon  them, 
which  may  be  found  in  the  Votes  of  the  times,  and 
in  the  Historical  Review  I  afterwards  published.*  But 
between  us  personally  no  enmity  arose ;  we  were  often 
together ;  he  was  a  man  of  letters,  had  seen  much  of 
the  world,  and  was  entertaining  and  pleasing  in  con- 


*  See  Vol.  III.  p.  107  ;  VII.  p.  208. 


216  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1757. 

versation.  He  gave  me  information,  that  my  old  friend 
Ralph  was  still  alive;  that  he  was  esteemed  one  of 
the  best  political  writers  in  England ;  had  been  em- 
ployed in  the  dispute  between  Prince  Frederic  and  the 
King,  and  had  obtained  a  pension  of  three  hundred 
pounds  a  year;  that  his  reputation  was  indeed  small 
as  a  poet,  Pope  having  damned  his  poetry  in  the  Dun- 
ciad ;  but  his  prose  was  thought  as  good  as  any  man's. 

The  Assembly  finally  finding  the  Proprietary  obsti- 
nately persisted  in  shackling  the  deputies  with  instruc- 
tions inconsistent  not  only  with  the  privileges  of  the 
people,  but  with  the  service  of  the  crown,  resolved  to 
petition  the  King  against  them,  and  appointed  me  their 
agent  to  go  over  to  England,  to  present  and  support 
the  petition.  The  House  had  sent  up  a  bill  to  the 
Governor,  granting  a  sum  of  sixty  thousand  pounds  for 
the  King's  use,  (ten  thousand  pounds  of  which  was 
subjected  to  the  orders  of  the  then  general,  Lord  Lou- 
doun,)  which  the  Governor,  in  compliance  with  his  in- 
structions, absolutely  refused  to  pass. 

I  had  agreed  with  Captain  Morris,  of  the  packet  at 
New  York,  for  my  passage,  and  my  stores  were  put  on 
board ;  when  Lord  Loudoun  arrived  at  Philadelphia, 
expressly  as  he  told  me,  to  endeavour  an  accommoda- 
tion between  the  Governor  and  Assembly,  that  his 
Majesty's  service  might  not  be  obstructed  by  their  dis- 
sensions. Accordingly  he  desired  the  Governor  and 
myself  to  meet  him,  that  he  might  hear  what  was  to 
be  said  on  both  sides.  We  met  and  discussed  the 
business.  In  behalf  of  the  Assembly,  I  urged  the  va- 
rious arguments,  that  may  be  found  in  the  public  pa- 
pers of  that  time,  which  were  of  my  writing,  and  are 
printed  with  the  minutes  of  the  Assembly;  and  the 
Governor  pleaded  his  instructions,  the  bond  he  had 
given  to  observe  them,  and  his  ruin  if  he  disobeyed; 


MT.  51.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  217 

yet  seemed  not  unwilling  to  hazard  himself,  if  Lord 
Loudoun  would  advise  it.  This  his  Lordship  did  not 
choose  to  do,  though  I  once  thought  I  had  nearly  pre- 
vailed with  him  to  do  it;  but  finally  he  rather  chose 
to  urge  the  compliance  of  the  Assembly ;  and  he  en- 
treated me  to  use  my  endeavours  with  them  for  that 
purpose,  declaring  that  he  would  spare  none  of  the 
King's  troops  for  the  defence  of  our  frontiers,  and  that, 
if  we  did  not  continue  to  provide  for  that  defence  our- 
selves, they  must  remain  exposed  to  the  enemy. 

I  acquainted  the  House  with  what  had  passed,  and, 
presenting  them  with  a  set  of  resolutions  I  had  drawn 
up,  declaring  our  rights,  that  we  did  not  relinquish  our 
claim  to  those  rights,  but  only  suspended  the  exercise 
of  them  on  this  occasion,  through  force,  against  which 
we  protested,  they  at  length  agreed  to  drop  that  bill, 
and  frame  another  conformable  to  the  proprietary  in- 
structions. This  of  course  the  Governor  passed,  and  I 
was  then  at  liberty  to  proceed  on  my  voyage.  But 
in  the  mean  time  the  packet  had  sailed  with  my  sea- 
stores,  which  was  some  loss  to  me,  and  my  only  recom- 
pense was  his  Lordship's  thanks  for  my  service;  all 
the  credit  of  obtaining  the  accommodation  falling  to  his 
share. 

He  set  out  for  New  York  before  me ;  and,  as  the 
time  for  despatching  the  packetboats  was  at  his  dis- 
position, and  there  were  two  then  remaining  there,  one 
of  which,  he  said,  was  to  sail  very  soon,  I  requested 
to  know  the  precise  time,  that  I  might  not  miss  her 
by  any  delay  of  mine.  The  answer  was;  "I  have 
given  out  that  she  is  to  sail  on  Saturday  next;  but  I 
may  let  you  know,  entre  nous,  that  if  you  are  there  by 
Monday  morning,  you  will  be  in  time,  but  do  not  de- 
lay longer."  By  some  accidental  hindrance  at  a  ferry, 
it  was  Monday  noon  before  I  arrived,  and  I  was  much 

VOL.  i.  28  s 


218  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1757. 

afraid  she  might  have  sailed,  as  the  wind  was  fair; 
but  I  was  soon  made  easy  by  the  information,  that  she 
was  still  in  the  harbour,  and  would  not  move  till  the 
next  day.  One  would  imagine,  that  I  was  now  on 
the  very  point  of  departing  for  Europe.  I  thought  so ; 
but  I  was  not  then  so  well  acquainted  with  his  Lord- 
ship's character,  of  which  indecision  was  one  of  the 
strongest  features.  I  shall  give  some  instances.  It  was 
about  the  beginning  of  April,  that  I  came  to  New  York, 
and  I  think  it  was  near  the  end  of  June  before  we 
sailed.  There  were  then  two  of  the  packetboats,  which 
had  been  long  in  readiness,  but  were  detained  for  the 
general's  letters,  which  were  always  to  be  ready  to- 
morrow. Another  packet  arrived ;  she  too  was  de- 
tained ;  and,  before  we  sailed,  a  fourth  was  expected. 
Ours  was  the  first  to  be  despatched,  as  having  been 
there  longest.  Passengers  were  engaged  for  all,  and 
some  extremely  impatient  to  be  gone,  and  the  mer- 
chants uneasy  about  their  letters,  and  for  the  orders 
they  had  given  for  insurance,  (it  being  war  time,)  and 
for  autumnal  goods ;  but  their  anxiety  availed  nothing ; 
his  Lordship's  letters  were  not  ready;  and  yet  who- 
ever waited  on  him  found  him  always  at  his  desk, 
pen  in  hand,  and  concluded  he  must  needs  write 
abundantly. 

Going  myself  one  morning  to  pay  my  respects,  I 
found  in  his  antechamber  one  Innis,  a  messenger  of 
Philadelphia,  who  had  come  thence  express,  with  a 
packet  from  Governor  Denny,  for  the  general.  He  de 
livered  to  me  some  letters  from  my  friends  there,  which 
occasioned  my  inquiring,  when  he  was  to  return,  and 
where  he  lodged,  that  I  might  send  some  letters  by 
him.  He  told  me,  he  was  ordered  to  call  to-morrow 
at  nine  for  the  general's  answer  to  the  Governor,  and 
should  set  off  immediately.  I  put  my  letters  into  his 


jEr.51.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  219 

hands  the  same  day.  A  fortnight  after  I  met  him 
again  in  the  same  place.  "  So,  you  are  soon  returned, 
Innis?"  "Returned!  no,  I  am  not  gone  yet."  "How 
so?"  "I  have  called  here  this  and  every  morning 
these  two  weeks  past  for  his  Lordship's  letters,  and 
they  are  not  yet  ready."  "  Is  it  possible,  when  he  is 
so  great  a  writer ;  for  I  see  him  constantly  at  his  escri- 
toire?" "Yes,"  said  Innis,  "but  he  is  like  St.  George, 
on  the  signs,  always  on  horseback,  and  never  rides  071" 
This  observation  of  the  messenger  was,  it  seems,  well 
founded ;  for,  when  in  England,  I  understood  that  Mr. 
Pitt,  afterwards  Lord  Chatham,  gave  it  as  one  reason 
for  removing  this  general,  and  sending  Generals  Am- 
herst  and  Wolfe,  that  the  minister  never  heard  from 
him,  and  could  not  know  what  he  was  doing. 

In  this  daily  expectation  of  sailing,  and  all  the  three 
packets  going  down  to  Sandy  Hook,  to  join  the  fleet 
there,  the  passengers  thought  it  best  to  be  on  board, 
lest  by  a  sudden  order  the  ships  should  sail,  and  they 
be  left  behind.  There,  if  I  remember,  we  were  about 
six  weeks,  consuming  our  sea-stores,  and  obliged  to 
procure  more.  At  length  the  fleet  sailed,  the  general 
and  all  his  army  on  board,  bound  to  Louisburg,  with 
intent  to  besiege  and  take  that  fortress;  and  all  the 
packetboats  in  company  were  ordered  to  attend  the 
general's  ship  ready  to  receive  his  despatches,  when 
they  should  be  ready.  We  were  out  five  days  before 
we  got  a  letter  with  leave  to  part ;  and  then  our  ship 
quitted  the  fleet  and  steered  for  England.  The  other 
two  packets  he  still  detained,  carried  them  with  him 
to  Halifax,  where  he  stayed  some  time  to  exercise  the 
men  in  sham  attacks  upon  sham  forts,  then  altered  his 
mind  as  to  besieging  Louisburg,  and  returned  to  New 
York,  with  all  his  troops,  together  with  the  two  packets 
above  mentioned,  and  all  their  passengers!  During 


220  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1757. 

his  absence  the  French  and  savages  had  taken  Fort 
George,  on  the  frontier  of  that  province,  and  the  In- 
dians had  massacred  many  of  the  garrison  after  capit- 
ulation. 

I  saw  afterwards  in  London,  Captain  Bound,  who 
commanded  one  of  those  packets.  He  told  me,  that, 
when  he  had  been  detained  a  month,  he  acquainted 
his  Lordship,  that  his  ship  was  grown  foul,  to  a  degree 
that  must  necessarily  hinder  her  fast  sailing,  a  point  of 
consequence  for  a  packetboat,  and  requested  an  allow- 
ance of  time  to  heave  her  down  and  clean  her  bottom. 
His  Lordship  asked  how  long  time  that  would  require. 
He  answered,  three  days.  The  General  replied,  "If 
you  can  do  it  in  one  day,  I  give  leave ;  otherwise  not ; 
for  you  must  certainly  sail  the  day  after  to-morrow." 
So  he  never  obtained  leave,  though  detained  afterwards 
from  day  to  day  during  full  three  months. 

I  saw  also  in  London  one  of  Bonell's  passengers, 
who  was  so  enraged  against  his  Lordship  for  deceiv- 
ing and  detaining  him  so  long  at  New  York,  and  then 
carrying  him  to  Halifax  and  back  again,  that  he  swore 
he  would  sue  him  for  damages.  Whether  he  did  or 
not,  I  never  heard ;  but,  as  he  represented  it,  the  injury 
to  his  affairs  was  very  considerable. 

On  the  whole,  I  wondered  much  how  such  a  man 
came  to  be  intrusted  with  so  important  a  business,  as 
the  conduct  of  a  great  army;  but,  having  since  seen 
more  of  the  great  world,  and  the  means  of  obtaining, 
and  motives  for  giving,  places  and  employments,  my 
wonder  is  diminished.  General  Shirley,  on  whom  the 
command  of  the  army  devolved,  upon  the  death  of 
Braddock,  would,  in  my  opinion,  if  continued  in  place, 
have  made  a  much  better  campaign  than  that  of  Lou- 
doun,  in  1756,  which  was  frivolous,  expensive,  and  dis- 
graceful to  our  nation  beyond  conception.  For,  though 


^ET.  51.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  221 

Shirley  was  not  bred  a  soldier,  he  was  sensible  and 
sagacious  in  himself,  and  attentive  to  good  advice 
from  others,  capable  of  forming  judicious  plans,  and 
quick  and  active  in  carrying  them  into  execution,  Lou- 
doun,  instead  of  defending  the  colonies  with  his  great 
army,  left  them  totally  exposed,  while  he  paraded  idly 
at  Halifax,  by  which  means  Fort  George  was  lost ;  be- 
sides, he  deranged  all  our  mercantile  operations,  and, 
distressed  our  trade,  by  a  long  embargo  on  the  ex- 
portation of  provisions,  on  pretence  of  keeping  supplies 
from  being  obtained  by  the  enemy,  but  in  reality  for 
beating  down  their  price  in  favor  of  the  contractors,  in 
whose  profits,  it  was  said,  perhaps  from  suspicion  only, 
he  had  a  share ;  and,  when  at  length  the  embargo 
was  taken  off,  neglecting  to  send  notice  of  it  to  Charles- 
ton, where  the  Carolina  fleet  was  detained  near  three 
months ;  and  whereby  their  bottoms  were  so  much 
damaged  by  the  worm,  that  a  great  part  of  them 
foundered  in  their  passage  home. 

Shirley  was,  I  believe,  sincerely  glad  of  being  relieved 
from  so  burdensome  a  charge,  as  the  conduct  of  an 
army  must  be  to  a  man  unacquainted  with  military 
business.  I  was  at  the  entertainment  given  by  the 
city  of  New  York  to  Lord  Loudoun,  on  his  taking 
upon  him  the  command.  Shirley,  though  thereby  su- 
perseded, was  present  also.  There  was  a  great  com- 
pany of  officers,  citizens,  and  strangers,  and,  some  chairs 
having  been  borrowed  in  the  neighbourhood,  there  was 
one  among  them  very  low,  which  fell  to  the  lot  of 
Mr.  Shirley.  I  sat  by  him,  and  perceiving  it,  I  said, 
"  They  have  given  you  a  very  low  seat."  "  No  matter, 
Mr.  Franklin,"  said  he,  "  I  find  a  low  seat  the  easiest." 

While  I  was,  as  before  mentioned,  detained  at  New 
York,  I  received  all  the  accounts  of  the  provisions, 
&c.,  that  I  had  furnished  to  Braddock,  some  of  which 


222  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1757 

accounts  could  not  sooner  be  obtained  from  the  dif- 
ferent persons  I  had  employed  to  assist  in  the  busi- 
ness. I  presented  them  to  Lord  Loudoun,  desiring  to 
be  paid  the  balance.  He  caused  them  to  be  exam- 
ined by  the  proper  officer,  who,  after  comparing  every 
article  with  its  voucher,  certified  them  to  be  right ;  and 
his  Lordship  promised  to  give  me  an  order  on  the 
paymaster  for  the  balance  due  to  me.  This  was,  how- 
ever, put  off  from  time  to  time;  and,  though  I  called 
often  for  it  by  appointment,  I  did  not  get  it.  At  length, 
just  before  my  departure,  he  told  me  he  had,  on  bet- 
ter consideration,  concluded  not  to  mix  his  accounts 
with  those  of  his  predecessors.  "And  you,"  said  he, 
"  when  in  England,  have  only  to  exhibit  your  accounts 
to  the  treasury,  and  you  will  be  paid  immediately." 

I  mentioned,  but  without  effect,  a  great  and  unex- 
pected expense  I  had  been  put  to  by  being  detained 
so  long  at  New  York,  as  a  reason  for  my  desiring  to 
be  presently  paid ;  and,  on  my  observing,  that  it  was 
not  right  I  should  be  put  to  any  further  trouble  or 
delay  in  obtaining  the  money  I  had  advanced,  as  I 
charged  no  commission  for  my  service,  "0,"  said  he, 
"you  must  not  think  of  persuading  us,  that  you  are 
no  gainer;  we  understand  better  those  matters,  and 
know,  that  every  one  concerned  in  supplying  the  army 
finds  means,  in  the  doing  it,  to  fill  his  own  pockets." 
I  assured  him,  that  was  not  my  case,  and  that  I  had 
not  pocketed  a  farthing ;  but  he  appeared  clearly  not 
to  believe  me ;  and  indeed  I  afterwards  learned,  that 
immense  fortunes  are  often  made  in  such  employments. 
As  to  my  balance,  I  am  not  paid  it  to  this  day ;  of 
which  more  hereafter. 

Our  captain  of  the  packet  boasted  much,  before  we 
sailed  of  the  swiftness  of  his  ship  ;  unfortunately,  when 
we  came  to  sea,  she  proved  the  dullest  of  ninety-six 


^Ex.  51.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  223 

sail,  to  his  no  small  mortification.  After  many  conjec- 
tures respecting  the  cause,  when  we  were  near  another 
ship  almost  as  dull  as  ours,  which,  however,  gained  upon 
us,  the  captain  ordered  all  hands  to  come  aft  and  stand 
as  near  the  ensign  staff  as  possible.  We  were,  pas- 
sengers included,  about  forty  persons.  While  we  stood 
there,  the  ship  mended  her  pace,  and  soon  left  her 
neighbour  far  behind,  which  proved  clearly  what  our 
captain  suspected,  that  she  was  loaded  too  much  by 
the  head.  The  casks  of  water,  it  seems,  had  been  all 
placed  forward ;  these  he  therefore  ordered  to  be  moved 
further  aft,  on  which  the  ship  recovered  her  character, 
and  proved  the  best  sailer  in  the  fleet. 

The  captain  said,  she  had  once  gone  at  the  rate  of 
thirteen  knots,  which  is  accounted  thirteen  miles  per 
hour.  We  had  on  board,  as  a  passenger,  Captain 
Archibald  Kennedy,  of  the  Royal  Navy,  who  contended 
that  it  was  impossible,  and  that  no  ship  ever  sailed 
so  fast,  and  that  there  must  have  been  some  error  in 
the  division  of  the  log-line,  or  some  mistake  in  heav- 
ing the  log.  A  wager  ensued  between  the  two  cap- 
tains, to  be  decided  when  there  should  be  sufficient 
wind.  Kennedy  therefore  examined  the  log-line,  and 
being  satisfied  with  it,  he  determined  to  throw  the 
log  himself.  Some  days  after,  when  the  wind  was 
very  fair  and  fresh,  and  the  captain  of  the  packet,  Lut- 
widge,  said  he  believed  she  then  went  at  the  rate  of 
thirteen  knots,  Kennedy  made  the  experiment,  and 
owned  his  wager  lost. 

The  foregoing  fact  I  give  for  the  sake  of  the  fol- 
lowing observation.  It  has  been  remarked,  as  an  im- 
perfection in  the  art  of  ship-building,  that  it  can  never 
be  known  till  she  is  tried,  whether  a  new  ship  will, 
or  will  not,  be  a  good  sailer ;  for  that  the  model  of  a 
good-sailing  ship  has  been  exactly  followed  in  a  new 


224  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1757. 

one,  which  has  been  proved  on  the  contrary  remark- 
ably dull.  I  apprehend,  that  this  may  partly  be  occa- 
sioned by  the  different  opinions  of  seamen  respecting 
the  modes  of  loading,  rigging,  and  sailing  of  a  ship ; 
each  has  his  method;  and  the  same  vessel,  laden  by 
the  method  and  orders  of  one  captain,  shall  sail  worse 
than  when  by  the  orders  of  another.  Besides,  it  scarce 
ever  happens,  that  a  ship  is  formed,  fitted  for  the  sea, 
and  sailed  by  the  same  person.  One  man  builds  the 
hull,  another  rigs  her,  a  third  loads  and  sails  her.  No 
one  of  these  has  the  advantage  of  knowing  all  the 
ideas  and  experience  of  the  others,  and  therefore  can- 
not draw  just  conclusions  from  a  combination  of  the 
whole. 

Even  in  the  simple  operation  of  sailing  when  at  sea, 
I  have  often  observed  different  judgments  in  the  of- 
ficers, who  commanded  the  successive  watches,  the 
wind  being  the  same.  One  would  have  the  sails  trim- 
med sharper  or  flatter  than  another,  so  that  they  seem- 
ed to  have  no  certain  rule  to  govern  by.  Yet  I  think 
a  set  of  experiments  might  be  instituted,  first  to  de- 
termine the  most  proper  form  of  the  hull  for  swift 
sailing ;  next  the  best  dimensions  and  most  proper  place 
for  the  masts ;  then  the  form  and  quantity  of  sails,  and 
their  position,  as  the  winds  may  be ;  and  lastly,  the 
disposition  of  the  lading.  This  is  an  age  of  experi- 
ments, and  I  think  a  set  accurately  made  and  com- 
bined would  be  of  great  use. 

We  were  several  times  chased  in  our  passage,  but 
outsailed  every  thing;  and  in  thirty  days  had  sound- 
ings. We  had  a  good  observation,  and  the  captain 
judged  himself  so  near  our  port,  Falmouth,  that,  if  we 
made  a  good  run  in  the  night,  we  might  be  off  the 
mouth  of  that  harbour  in  the  morning ;  and  by  running 
in  the  night  might  escape  the  notice  of  the  enemy's 


^x.  51.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  225 

privateers,  who  often  cruised  near  the  entrance  of  the 
Channel.  Accordingly  all  the  sail  was  set  that  we  could 
possibly  carry,  and  the  wind  being  very  fresh  and 
fair,  we  stood  right  before  it,  and  made  great  way. 
The  captain,  after  his  observation,  shaped  his  course, 
as  he  thought,  so  as  to  pass  wide  of  the  Scilly  Rocks; 
but  it  seems  there  is  sometimes  a  strong  current  set- 
ting up  St.  George's  Channel,  which  formerly  caused 
the  loss  of  Sir  Cloudesley  Shovel's  squadron,  in  1707. 
This  was  probably  also  the  cause  of  what  happened 
to  us. 

We  had  a  watchman  placed  in  the  bow,  to  whom 
they  often  called,  "Look  well  out  before  there;"  and  he 
as  often  answered,  "Jly,  ay;"  but  perhaps  had  his 
eyes  shut,  and  was  half  asleep,  at  the  time ;  they  some- 
times answering,  as  is  said,  mechanically ;  for  he  did 
not  see  a  light  just  before  us,  which  had  been  hid  by 
the  studding-sails  from  the  man  at  the  helm,  and  from 
the  rest  of  the  watch,  but  by  an  accidental  yaw  of  the 
ship  was  discovered,  and  occasioned  a  great  alarm,  we 
being  very  near  it ;  the  light  appearing  to  me  as  large 
as  a  cart-wheel.  It  was  midnight,  and  our  captain 
fast  asleep ;  but  Captain  Kennedy,  jumping  upon  deck, 
and  seeing  the  danger,  ordered  the  ship  to  wear  round, 
all  sails  standing ;  an  operation  dangerous  to  the  masts, 
but  it  carried  us  clear,  and  we  avoided  shipwreck,  for 
we  were  running  fast  on  the  rocks  on  which  the  light 
was  erected.  This  deliverance  impressed  me  strongly 
with  the  utility  of  lighthouses,  and  made  me  resolve 
to  encourage  the  building  some  of  them  in  America,  if 
I  should  live  to  return  thither. 

In  the  morning  it  was  found  by  the  soundings,  that 
we  were  near  our  port,  but  a  thick  fog  hid  the  land 
from  our  sight.  About  nine  o'clock  the  fog  began  to 
rise,  and  seemed  to  be  lifted  up  from  the  water  like 

VOL.  i.  29 


226  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1757. 

the  curtain  of  a  theatre,  discovering  underneath  the 
town  of  Falmouth,  the  vessels  in  the  harbour,  and  the 
fields  that  surround  it.  This  was  a  pleasing  spectacle 
to  those,  who  had  been  long  without  any  other  pros- 
pect than  the  uniform  view  of  a  vacant  ocean,  and  it 
gave  us  the  more  pleasure,  as  we  were  now  free  from 
the  anxieties  which  had  arisen.* 

I  set  out  immediately,  with  my  son,  for  London, 
and  we  only  stopped  a  little  by  the  way  to  view  Stone- 
henge  on  Salisbury  Plain,  and  Lord  Pembroke's  house 
and  gardens,  with  the  very  curious  antiquities  at  Wil- 
ton. We  arrived  in  London,  the  27th  of  July,  1757.f 

*  In  a  letter  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  his  wife,  dated  at  Falmouth,  the  17th 
of  July,  1757,  after  giving  her  a  similar  account  of  his  voyage,  escape, 
and  landing,  he  adds ;  "  The  bell  ringing  for  church,  we  went  thither 
immediately,  and,  with  hearts  full  of  gratitude,  returned  sincere  thanks 
to  God  for  the  mercies  we  had  received.  Were  I  a  Roman  Catholic, 
perhaps  I  should  on  this  occasion  vow  to  build  a  chapel  to  some  saint ; 
but  as  I  am  not,  if  I  were  to  vow  at  all,  it  should  be  to  build  a  light- 
house."— W.  T.F. 

f  Here  close  Dr.  Franklin's  Memoirs,  as  written  by  himself.  From 
several  passages  in  his  letters  it  would  seem,  that  it  was  his  intention 
to  continue  them  further,  and  perhaps  to  the  end  of  his  life; but  public 
business  for  some  time,  and  afterwards  his  declining  health,  prevented 
him  from  executing  his  purpose.  —  EDITOR. 


\ 


LIFE 


OF 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 


PART    SECOND; 


CONTINUATION, 


BY    JARED     SPARKS 


LIFE 

OF 

BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN 


CONTINUATION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

State  of  Affairs  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Defects  of  the  Government  —  Legis- 
lation. —  Conduct  of  the  Proprietaries.  —  Object  of  Franklin's  Agency 
in  England.  —  Collinson,  Miss  Stevenson,  Strahan,  Governor  Shirley. 
Beccaria,  Musschenbroek.  —  Franklin's  Interview  with  the  Proprietaries. 
—  He  causes  a  Letter  to  be  published  respecting  Pennsylvania. — 
Delays  in  his  public  Business. — He  travels  in  various  Parts  of  Eng- 
land.—  Visits  the  Place  in  which  his  Ancestors  were  born.  —  Forms 
an  Acquaintance  with  Baskerville. —  Publishes  the  "Historical  Re- 
view of  Pennsylvania."  —  Authorship  of  that  Work. 

THE  dissensions,  which  had  long  existed  and  con- 
tinually increased,  between  the  governors  and  assem- 
blies of  Pennsylvania,  had  their  origin  in  the  peculiar 
structure  of  the  government,  and  the  manner  of  its 
administration.  The  system,  possessing  in  itself  many 
excellent  principles,  became  vicious,  and  almost  im- 
practicable, in  its  operation.  William  Penn,  the  foun- 
der and  first  Proprietor,  while  he  was  careful  of  his 
own  interest,  made  to  the  original  settlers  some  valuable 
concessions.  The  royal  charter  obtained  by  him  was 
such,  as  to  secure  political  rights  on  the  broad  basis 
of  English  freedom;  and  the  charter  of  privileges, 
which  he  granted  to  the  people,  established  unlimited 
toleration  in  religion,  and  gave  them  so  large  a  share 

VOL.   I  T 


230  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1757 

in  the  making  of  the  laws,  as  to  place  civil  liberty, 
and  the  protection  of  property,  almost  entirely  in  their 
own  keeping.  These  were  substantial  benefits;  and 
the  liberal  and  benevolent  motives  of  Penn  in  confer- 
ring them,  and  his  enlightened  views  on  the  subject 
of  legislation,  cannot  be  questioned.  It  was  a  maxim 
with  him,  that  freedom  can  exist  only  where  the 
laws  rule,  and  the  people  are  parties  in  making  those 
laws. 

Theoretically  considered,  his  frame  of  government 
promised  all  that  could  be  desired  by  a  free  people  in 
a  state  of  colonial  dependence.  But  it  was  marred 
with  defects,  which  admitted  of  no  remedy,  and  which 
in  practice  often  defeated  the  best  aims  for  the  gen- 
eral welfare.  In  the  first  place,  there  was  a  charter 
from  the  King,  imposing  restraints  and  conditions  by 
which  he  and  the  inhabitants  were  equally  bound.  In 
the  next  place,  as  Proprietor,  he  retained  for  himself 
and  his  descendants  certain  rights  of  property  and  a 
political  control,  which  conflicted  with  the  public  in- 
terests and  abridged  the  freedom  of  legislation.  Dur- 
ing his  lifetime  these  evils  were  so  manifest,  and  per- 
plexed him  so  much,  that  he  was  on  the  point  of  sur- 
rendering the  jurisdiction  of  the  province  to  the  crown, 
reserving  to  himself  and  family  the  right  of  property 
only  in  the  territory,  which  had  been  confirmed  to 
him  by  the  royal  charter.  And  afterwards,  when  his 
sons  became  Proprietaries  as  successors  to  their  fa- 
ther, the  difficulties  were  constantly  increased  by  their 
mode  of  administering  the  government.  They  sent  out 
deputy-governors,  armed  with  instructions  so  imperative 
and  pointed,  as  to  leave  them  neither  discretion  nor 
power  to  conform  to  circumstances  by  yielding  to  the 
will  or  wishes  of  the  representatives  of  the  people. 
Hence  these  governors  refused  their  assent  to  laws, 


/Er.  51.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  231 

which  the  Assemblies  regarded  as  of  vital  importance 
both  to  the  safety  and  prosperity  of  the  common- 
wealth. 

Again,  the  King  added  his  instructions,  forbidding 
laws  of  a  particular  description  to  be  passed  by  the 
governors,  without  a  clause  suspending  their  operation 
till  they  had  received  the  royal  sanction.  This  was 
a  violation  of  the  charter.  By  that  instrument,  all  laws 
were  permitted  to  take  effect  as  soon  as  they  were 
passed,  although  they  were  to  be  sent  to  England 
within  five  years,  and,  if  disapproved  by  the  King,  they 
were  then  to  be  null  and  void.  And  even  this  pro- 
cess was  slow,  vexatious,  and  expensive.  When  a 
law  had  gone  through  all  the  forms  in  Pennsylvania, 
it  was  transmitted  to  an  agent  in  London,  by  whom 
it  was  laid  before  the  Board  of  Trade.  It  was  next 
referred  to  the  King's  solicitor  for  his  opinion,  after 
which  it  came  back  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  where  it 
was  considered  and  acted  upon.  Thence  it  made  its 
way  to  the  King's  Council,  and  here  it  was  at  last  con- 
firmed or  rejected.  If  the  Proprietaries  took  excep- 
tions to  an  act,  they  employed  counsel  to  argue  against 
it  before  the  Board,  and  it  was  necessary  for  the  agent 
of  the  Assembly  to  do  the  same  on  the  other  side. 
Meantime  the  business  was  attended  with  endless  de- 
lays and  heavy  expenses.  Harassed  in  this  way  from 
year  to  year,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  patience  of  the 
Assembly  was  gradually  worn  out,  and  that  they  re- 
solved to  seek  redress. 

The  conduct  of  the  Proprietaries  was  censured  chief- 
ly on  the  ground  of  attempts  to  strengthen  their  pecu- 
niary interests,  though,  in  some  instances,  they  also 
sought  to  extend  their  political  powers.  They  owned 
large  tracts  of  land  in  various  parts  of  the  province, 
which  had  been  selected  and  surveyed  for  them  where 


232  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  [1757. 

ever  a  new  purchase  was  made  of  the  Indians.  This 
land  was  of  the  choicest  quality,  and  it  rose  rapidly 
in  value  as  the  country  around  it  became  settled.  The 
Proprietaries  set  up  a  pretension,  that  their  lands  ought 
not  to  be  taxed  for  the  public  service,  and  they  instruct- 
ed their  governors  not  to  pass  any  bill  in  which  such 
a  tax  was  imposed.  For  many  years  this  was  not 
necessary,  as  the  revenue  for  defraying  the  expenses 
of  government  was  derived  from  an  excise,  and  from 
the  interest  on  bills  of  credit  lent  out  to  landholders. 

In  times  of  war,  however,  extraordinary  contributions 
were  required  for  the  defence  of  the  province,  and 
for  the  King's  use  in  prosecuting  the  war.  A  land 
tax  was  then  resorted  to ;  and  the  Assembly,  consider- 
ing it  just  that  the  Proprietaries  should  bear  their  pro- 
portion in  providing  the  means  for  defending  their  own 
property,  included  their  lands  in  the  laws  for  raising 
money.  The  governors,  bound  by  their  instructions, 
uniformly  rejected  these  laws,  and  insisted,  that  the 
proprietary  estates  should  in  no  case  be  taxed.  Fre- 
quent altercations  ensued.  Franklin  was  the  champion 
of  the  Assembly,  being  well  qualified  for  this  task,  not 
more  by  his  talents  and  skill  as  a  writer,  than  by  his 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  subjects  in  dispute.  The 
able  and  elaborate  replies,  which  from  time  to  time 
were  made  to  the  objections  and  arguments  of  the 
governors,  were  nearly  all  from  his  pen. 

When  it  was  determined,  therefore,  to  send  an  agent 
to  England  with  a  remonstrance  to  the  Proprietaries, 
and,  should  this  prove  ineffectual,  with  a  petition  to 
the  King,  Franklin  was  selected  as  the  most  competent 
person  for  this  important  mission.  His  instructions  em- 
braced several  objects,  tending  to  a  removal  of  the 
obstacles  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  province ; 
but  the  principal  one  was  the  complaint  against  the 


JEr.  51.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  233 

Proprietaries  for  refusing  to  bear  their  just  share  of  the 
public  burdens  for  defence,  in  common  with  the  in- 
habitants, and  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  their  estates 
in  Pennsylvania.  He  was,  in  general,  to  make  such 
representations,  and  demand  such  redress,  as  would 
restore  the  violated  rights  of  the  people,  and  establish 
them  on  the  fundamental  principles  of  charter  privi- 
leges and  English  liberty. 

Franklin's  fame  as  a  philosopher,  and  as  a  political 
writer,  had  preceded  him  in  England.  His  brilliant 
discoveries  in  electricity  had  been  made  known  to  the 
world  ten  years  before.  He  was  already  a  member 
of  the  Royal  Society,  that  body  having  rendered  ample 
justice  to  his  merits  as  an  original  discoverer,  though 
tardily,  and  not  till  these  merits  had  elicited  the  ap- 
plause of  the  learned  in  France  and  other  countries. 
When  he  arrived  in  England,  therefore,  he  did  not 
find  himself  a  stranger  or  without  friends. 

His  letters  on  electricity  had  been  written  to  Peter 
Collinson,  a  member  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  a  be- 
nevolent and  worthy  man,  who  had  raised  himself  to 
usefulness  and  some  degree  of  celebrity  by  his  zeal 
and  exertions  in  promoting  the  researches  of  others 
in  various  branches  of  science,  and  collecting  the  re- 
sults of  their  labors.  Mr.  Collinson  kindly  invited  him 
to  his  house,  where  he  stayed  till  he  took  lodgings  at 
Mrs.  Stevenson's,  in  Craven  Street,  a  few  doors  from 
the  Strand.  Mrs.  Stevenson's  house  had  been  recom- 
mended to  him  by  some  of  his  Pennsylvania  friends, 
who  had  lodged  there ;  and,  so  well  was  he  pleased 
with  the  accommodations,  and  the  amiable  character 
of  the  family,  that  he  remained  in  the  same  place  dur- 
ing the  whole  of  his  residence  in  England,  a  period  of 
fifteen  years.  This  circumstance  is  the  more  worthy 
of  being  mentioned,  as  he  often  alludes  to  the  family 

VOL.  i.  30  T* 


234  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1757. 

in  his  letters.  Mrs.  Stevenson  had  an  only  daughter, 
Miss  Mary  Stevenson,  an  accomplished  young  lady, 
whose  fondness  for  study  and  acuteness  of  mind  early 
attracted  his  notice;  and  some  of  his  best  papers  on 
philosophical  subjects  were  written  for  her  instruction, 
or  in  answer  to  her  inquiries. 

Mr.  Strahan,  afterwards  the  King's  printer  and  a 
member  of  Parliament,  who  acquired  wealth  by  his 
occupation  and  eminence  by  his  talents,  had  long  been 
one  of  Franklin's  correspondents,  and  he  now  extend- 
ed to  him  the  welcome  and  the  substantial  kindnesses 
of  a  cordial  friendship.  In  London  he  also  met  Gov- 
ernor Shirley,  with  whom  he  had  been  much  acquaint- 
ed in  America,  and  who  had  consulted  him  confiden- 
tially on  several  important  subjects  relating  to  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  colonies.*  They  visited  each  other 
frequently.  But  his  chief  associates  were  men  of  sci- 
ence, who  sought  his  society,  and  whose  conversation 
he  relished ;  for,  although  he  had  recently  been  much 
devoted  to  politics,  yet  his  taste  for  philosophical  in- 
vestigations, originally  strong  and  confirmed  by  suc- 
cess, had  not  abated;  and  he  seemed  at  all  times  to 
derive  from  it  more  real  satisfaction  than  from  the 
bustle  of  political  life,  into  which  he  had  first  been 
drawn  rather  by  circumstances  and  accident  than  by 
inclination.  His  arrival  in  England  was  likewise  soon 
known  on  the  continent,  and  he  received  congratulatory 
letters  from  some  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
time,  expressing  admiration  of  his  scientific  achieve- 
ments and  respect  for  his  character.f 

*  See  the  Letters  to  Governor  Shirley,  Vol.  III.  p.  56. 

t  Beccaria,  the  celebrated  Italian  electrician,  who  had  corresponded 
with  him  before  he  left  America,  sent  to  him  a  long  communication, 
containing  an  account  of  some  new  experiments  in  electricity  illustra- 
tive of  the  Franklinian  hypothesis.  It  begins  as  follows.  "Sospitem 


^T.  51.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  235 

The  business  of  his  mission,  however,  was  his  first 
and  principal  care.  But  this  was  retarded  by  a  se- 
vere illness,  which  confined  him  to  his  rooms  for  nearly 
eight  weeks.  A  violent  cold  terminated  in  an  inter- 
mitting fever,  during  which  he  suffered  extremely  from 
pain  in  the  head,  accompanied  with  occasional  delirium. 
By  cupping,  a  copious  use  of  Peruvian  bark,  and  other 
remedies,  Dr.  Fothergill  succeeded  in  removing  the 
disease,  but  not  till  it  had  reduced  his  patient  to  a 
very  low  and  feeble  state.  As  soon  as  his  strength  en- 
abled him  to  go  abroad,  he  applied  himself  again  to  his 
public  duties. 

His  instructions  required,  that,  as  a  preliminary  step, 
he  should  see  the  Proprietaries,  present  to  them  the 
remonstrance  with  which  he  had  been  furnished  by 
the  Assembly,  and  endeavour  to  bring  about  an  ami- 
cable arrangement,  which  might  render  further  pro- 
ceedings unnecessary.  He  accordingly  had  an  inter- 
view with  them,  and  explained  the  tenor  of  his  instruc- 
tions, the  embarrassments  under  which  public  affairs  la- 
bored in  Pennsylvania,  and  the  claims  and  wishes  of 
the  Assembly. 

The  Proprietaries  were  not  in  a  humor  to  listen 
to  these  representations,  or  to  yield  any  thing  to  the 
complaints  of  the  people.  They  insisted  on  their  right 
to  instruct  the  governors  according  to  their  own  inter- 
pretation of  the  charters,  defended  what  had  been 

ex  America  Londinum  te  appulisse  gaudeo,  vir  prseclarissime."  And 
at  the  conclusion  he  says;  "  Tu  vero  cura,  ut  valeas;  servari  enira  te 
decet  quam  diutissime  utilissime  scientia?  perficiendce  amplificandseque, 
quam  certissimam  instituisti."  Musschenbroek,  at  the  request  of  a  mu- 
tual friend,  drew  up  for  him  a  list  of  the  principal  writers  on  electricity, 
and  forwarded  it  with  a  letter  in  which  he  said;  "Votis  tuis  lubenter 
annul ;  ita  addisces  quid  alii  in  Europa  prsestiterunt  eruditi,  sed  simul 
videbis  neminem  magis  recondita  mysteria  Electricitatis  detexisse  Frank- 
lino."  — See  Vol.  V.  p.  505;  Vol.  VII.  p.  18G. 


236  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1757 

done,  and  complained  of  the  encroachments  of  the  As- 
sembly upon  their  prerogatives.  They  agreed,  how- 
ever, to  consider  the  matter,  and  to  give  an  answer 
to  the  remonstrance.  From  the  temper  in  which  they 
discussed  the  subject,  Franklin  foresaw  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  bring  them  to  any  change  of  sentiments  or 
of  conduct  on  the  points  at  issue,  and  that  he  should 
be  obliged  in  the  end  to  appeal  to  the  higher  tribu- 
nals. The  Proprietaries  at  this  time  were  Thomas  and 
Richard  Penn,  sons  of  William  Penn,  the  founder  of 
the  colony. 

He  soon  discovered,  that  many  obstacles  were  to 
be  encountered  even  in  preparing  the  way  for  his  ul- 
terior proceedings.  In  the  first  place,  he  had  to  meet 
and  baffle  the  opposition  of  the  Proprietaries,  who  were 
resolved  to  resist  his  efforts  step  by  step  with  all  the 
means  and  influence  they  could  command.  Again,  the 
great  officers  of  the  crown,  by  whom  the  cause  must 
be  decided,  were  naturally  inclined  to  favor  the  royal 
prerogative,  and  looked  with  a  jealous  eye  upon  every 
movement  of  the  people,  which  aimed  at  liberty  or 
privilege.  And,  lastly,  a  prejudice  existed  against  the 
Pennsylvanians,  on  account  of  their  apparent  back- 
wardness in  supporting  the  war,  and  the  reluctance  of 
the  Quakers  to  bear  arms,  or  even  to  aid  any  scheme 
for  military  defence.  This  prejudice  had  been  raised 
and  kept  alive  by  the  Proprietaries  and  their  agents, 
who  represented  the  opposition  to  the  governors  as 
originating  in  the  obstinacy  and  factious  spirit  of  the 
people,  equally  hostile  to  the  proprietary  rights  and 
the  King's  prerogative. 

The  newspapers  and  other  journals  teemed  with 
falsehoods  of  this  kind,  censuring  alike  the  conduct 
and  the  motives  of  the  Pennsylvanians.  Franklin  felt 
bound,  not  more  by  a  regard  for  truth,  than  by  a 


JEr.  51.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  237 

sense  of  justice  to  his  countrymen,  and  in  return  for 
the  confidence  they  had  placed  in  him,  to  counteract 
these  artifices,  and  disabuse  the  public  mind  of  the 
mischievous  errors  into  which  it  had  been  deceived. 
Indeed,  there  was  little  hope  of  success  to  his  further 
endeavours,  till  this  should  be  done.  An  opportunity 
soon  presented  itself.  A  piece  of  intelligence  was  pub- 
lished, said  to  be  the  substance  of  letters  from  Phila- 
delphia, in  which  the  members  of  the  Assembly  were 
accused  of  wasting  their  time  in  idle  disputes  with  the 
governor,  whilst  the  frontiers  were  ravaged  by  the  In- 
dians, and  of  refusing  to  raise  money  for  the  public 
service,  ^except  by  laws  clogged  with  such  conditions 
that  the  governor  could  not  assent  to  them.  The  ob- 
stinacy of  the  Quakers  in  the  Assembly  was  assigned 
as  the  principal  cause  of  the  dissensions. 

These  charges  were  refuted  in  a  letter,  which  was 
published  in  the  name  of  Franklin's  son,  and  addressed 
to  the  printer  of  the  paper  in  which  the  pretended  in- 
telligence had  first  appeared.  And  here  he  had  a 
proof,  that  neither  justice,  nor  a  fair  hearing,  was  to 
be  obtained  on  easy  terms.  He  was  obliged  to  pay 
the  printer  for  allowing  the  article  a  place  in  his  pa- 
per, although  this  same  paper  was  the  vehicle  in  which 
the  false  reports  had  originally  been  circulated. 

In  this  letter  the  actual  condition  of  the  province 
was  briefly  stated  and  explained.  It  was  shown,  that 
the  frontiers  were  no  more  exposed  than  those  of  oth- 
er colonies ;  that  the  inhabitants  had  arms  in  their 
hands  and  used  them ;  that  the  Quakers  made  but 
a  small  part  of  the  whole  population,  and,  though  they 
had  conscientious  scruples  as  to  bearing  arms,  yet 
they  had  never,  as  a  body,  opposed  the  measures 
for  military  defence ;  on  the  contrary,  some  of  them 
had  withdrawn  from  the  Assembly  because  their  re- 


238  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1758, 

ligious  principles  would  not  suffer  them  to  join  in  such 
measures,  and  others  had  refused  to  be  elected  for 
the  same  reason  ;  that,  so  far  from  neglecting  to  pro- 
vide the  means  of  defence,  the  Assembly  had  already 
granted  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  for 
the  King's  use  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  besides 
the  heavy  contingent  expenses  of  government ;  that 
numerous  forts  had  been  built,  supplied,  and  garri- 
soned, soldiers  raised,  armed,  and  accoutred,  a  ship 
of  war  fitted  out  and  sent  to  cruise  on  the  coast,  an 
expedition  against  the  Indians  undertaken  and  suc- 
cessfully executed  ;  and  that,  in  short,  the  arbitrary 
and  unjust  instructions  from  the  Proprietaries  to  the 
governors  were  the  real  and  only  sources  of  the  troubles 
in  Pennsylvania,  the  only  obstacles  to  the  harmony  and 
energetic  action  of  the  government,  to  the  prosperity 
and  happiness  of  the  people. 

This  paper  was  skilfully  drawn  up,  and  with  such 
fairness  and  so  clear  a  statement  of  facts,  that  it  could 
not  fail  to  awaken  the  attention  of  thinking  men,  and 
to  diminish  the  effect  of  the  illiberal  aspersions,  which 
had  called  it  forth.  No  attempt  was  made  to  refute 
it.  The  Proprietaries,  however,  remained  firm,  pro- 
ceeding slowly  or  not  at  all  in  their  reply  to  the  re- 
monstrance, and  showing  no  disposition  to  enter  into 
a  compromise  by  a  private  arrangement.  Even  after 
a  year  had  elapsed,  they  had  done  nothing ;  and  they 
gave  as  a  reason,  that  they  could  not  obtain  the  pa- 
pers they  wanted  from  their  legal  advisers.  Mean- 
time he  thought  it  necessary  to  go  forward  with  his 
business.  The  forms  required,  that  the  case  should 
first  be  brought  before  the  Board  of  Trade,  who  were 
to  report  their  opinion  to  the  Privy  Council,  where  a 
final  decision  was  to  be  obtained.  If  justice  could  not 


^T.  52.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  239 

be  reached  through  this  channel,  it  was  intended,  as 
a  last  resort,  to  seek  redress  from  Parliament. 

The  delays  necessarily  attending  all  affairs  of  this 
kind,  left  no  room  to  hope  for  a  speedy  termination. 
The  public  mind  was  so  much  occupied  with  Euro- 
pean politics  and  the  war  on  the  continent,  and  the 
attention  of  the  ministers  and  other  officers  of  the 
government  was  so  deeply  engaged  with  these  great 
concerns,  that  there  was  as  little  leisure  as  inclination 
to  meddle  with  the  colonial  disputes,  and  least  of  all 
to  go  through  a  laborious  investigation  of  facts,  and  a 
discussion  of  the  complex  difficulties  in  which  the  sub- 
ject was  involved. 

In  a  letter  to  his  wife,  dated  January  21st,  1758, 
Franklin  says  ;  "  I  begin  to  think  I  shall  hardly  be 
able  to  return  before  this  time  twelve  months.  I  am 
for  doing  effectually  what  I  came  about;  and  I  find 
it  requires  both  time  and  patience.  You  may  think, 
perhaps,  that  I  can  find  many  amusements  here  to 
pass  the  time  agreeably.  It  is  true,  the  regard  and 
friendship  I  meet  with  from  persons  of  worth,  and 
the  conversation  of  ingenious  men,  give  me  no  small 
pleasure ;  but,  at  this  time  of  life,  domestic  comforts 
afford  the  most  solid  satisfaction,  and  my  uneasiness 
at  being  absent  from  my  family,  and  longing  desire 
to  be  with  them,  make  me  often  sigh  in  the  midst 
of  cheerful  company."  He  could  do  no  more  than  to 
put  the  business  in  train,  by  furnishing  the  lawyers, 
employed  on  the  part  of  his  constituents,  with  the 
materials  and  facts  for  enabling  them  to  appear  in  be- 
half of  the  province,  whenever  the  Board  of  Trade 
should  take  the  case  into  consideration. 

For  more  than  a  year  afterwards  scarcely  any  pro- 
gress seems  to  have  been  made.  He  spent  the  sum- 
mer in  journeying  through  various  parts  of  England. 


240  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1758 

He  visited  the  University  of  Cambridge  twice,  and 
was  present  by  invitation  at  the  Commencement.  He 
expresses  himself  as  having  been  particularly  gratified 
with  the  civilities  and  regard  shown  to  him  by  the 
Chancellor  and  the  heads  of  Colleges.  Curiosity  led 
him  also  to  the  town  where  his  father  was  born,  and 
where  his  ancestors  had  lived ;  and  he  sought  out  with 
a  lively  interest  such  traditions  concerning  them,  as 
could  be  gathered  from  the  memory  of  ancient  persons, 
from  parish  registers,  and  inscriptions  on  their  tomb- 
stones. At  Wellingborough  he  found  a  Mrs.  Fisher,  the 
only  daughter  of  Thomas  Franklin,  his  father's  eldest 
brother,  advanced  in  years,  but  in  good  circumstances. 
"  From  Wellingborough,"  he  says,  "  we  went  to  Ec- 
ton,  about  three  or  four  miles,  being  the  village  where 
my  father  was  born,  and  where  his  father,  grandfather, 
and  great-grandfather  had  lived,  and  how  many  of  the 
family  before  them  we  know  not.  We  went  first  to 
see  the  old  house  and  grounds  ;  they  came  to  Mr. 
Fisher  with  his  wife,  and,  after  letting  them  for  some 
years,  finding  his  rent  something  ill  paid,  he  sold  them. 
The  land  is  now  added  to  another  farm,  and  a  school 
kept  in  the  house.  It  is  a  decayed  old  stone  build- 
ing, but  still  known  by  the  name  of  Franklin  House. 
Thence  we  went  to  visit  the  rector  of  the  parish,  who 
lives  close  by  the  church,  a  very  ancient  building. 
He  entertained  us  very  kindly,  and  showed  us  the  old 
church  register,  in  which  were  the  births,  marriages, 
and  burials  of  our  ancestors  for  two  hundred  years,  as 
early  as  his  book  began.  His  wife,  a  goodnatured, 
chatty  old  lady,  (granddaughter  of  the  famous  Arch- 
deacon Palmer,  who  formerly  had  that  parish  and  lived 
there,)  remembered  a  great,  deal  about  the  family;  car- 
ried us  out  into  the  churchyard,  and  showed  us  sev- 
eral of  their  gravestones,  which  were  so  covered  with 


^Ex.  52.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  241 

moss,  that  we  could  not  read  the  letters,  till  she.  or- 
dered a  hard  brush  and  basin  of  water,  with  which 
Peter  scoured  them  clean,  and  then  Billy  copied  them. 
She  entertained  and  diverted  us  highly  with  stories  of 
Thomas  Franklin,  Mrs.  Fisher's  father,  who  was  a  con- 
veyancer, something  of  a  lawyer,  clerk  of  the  county 
courts,  and  clerk  to  the  Archdeacon  in  his  visitations ; 
a  very  leading  man  -in  all  county  affairs,  and  much 
employed  in  public  business." 

He  was  alike  successful  at  Birmingham.  "  Here, 
upon  inquiry,"  he  adds,  in  writing  to  his  wife,  "we 
soon  found  out  yours,  and  cousin  Wilkinson's,  and 
cousin  Cash's  relations.  First,  we  found  out  one  of 
the  Cashes,  and  he  went  with  us  to  Rebecca  Flint's, 
where  we  saw  her  and  her  husband.  She  is  a  tur- 
ner and  he  a  buttonmaker  ;  they  have  no  children  ; 
were  very  glad  to  see  any  person  that  knew  their 
sister  Wilkinson  ;  told  us  what  letters  they  had  re- 
ceived, and  showed  us  some  of  them ;  and  even  show- 
ed us  that  they  had,  out  of  respect,  preserved  a  keg, 
in  which  they  had  received  a  present  of  some  stur- 
geon. They  sent  for  their  brother,  Joshua  North,  who 
came  with  his  wife  immediately  to  see  us  ;  he  is  a 
turner  also,  and  has  six  children,  a  lively,  active  man. 
Mrs.  Flint  desired  me  to  tell  her  sister,  that  they  live 
still  in  the  old  house  she  left  them  in,  which  I  think 
she  says  was  their  father's."  On  his  return  to  Lon- 
don he  pursued  his  inquiries  still  further,  and  "  found 
out  a  daughter  of  his  father's  only  sister,  very  old  and 
never  married  ;  a  good,  clever  woman,  but  poor,  though 
vastly  contented  with  her  situation,  and  very  cheerful." 

He  mentions  other  relations,  of  whom  he  heard  in  his 
journey,  but,  being  out  of  the  range  of  his  tour,  he  in- 
tended visiting  them  at  another  time.  His  manner  of 
speaking  on  this  subject,  in  both  his  autobiography  and 

VOL.  I.  31  U 


242  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1758 

his  letters,  shows  that  he  took  much  delight  in  seeking 
out  and  rendering  kindness  to  the  members  of  his  fam- 
ily, even  where  the  relationship  was  remote,  although 
they  were  all  in  humble  life,  and  many  of  them  poor; 
and  there  are  evidences  of  his  substantial  and  con- 
tinued bounty  to  such  as  were  in  a  needy  condition. 

At  Birmingham  he  became  acquainted  with  the  cel- 
ebrated type-founder  and  printer,  Baskerville,  one  of 
those  men,  the  results  of  whose  labors  prove  how  much 
can  be  achieved  in  the  arts  by  resolution,  persever- 
ance, and  an  energetic  devotion  to  a  favorite  object. 
Franklin  always  loved  the  profession  by  which  he  had 
first  gained  a  livelihood  and  afterwards  a  liberal  com- 
petency; and,  even  when  he  had  risen  to  eminence, 
and  whilst  he  associated  with  statesmen  and  courtiers, 
he  was  fond  of  talking  with  printers,  entering  into  their 
schemes,  and  suggesting  or  aiding  improvements  in 
their  art.  So  far  was  he  from  being  reserved  on  the 
subject  of  his  early  condition  and  pursuits,  that  he  often 
alluded  to  them  as  giving  value  to  his  experience,  and 
as  furnishing  incidents  illustrative  of  his  maxims  of  life. 
One  day  at  his  dinner-table  in  Passy,  surrounded  by 
men  of  rank  and  fashion,  a  young  gentleman  was  pres- 
ent who  had  just  arrived  from  Philadelphia.  He  show- 
ed a  marked  kindness  to  the  young  stranger,  convers- 
ed with  him  about  the  friends  he  had  left  at  home, 
and  then  said,  "I  have  been  under  obligation  to  your 
family;  when  I  set  up  business  in  Philadelphia,  being 
in  debt  for  my  printing  materials  and  wanting  employ- 
ment, the  first  job  I  had  was  a  pamphlet  written  by 
your  grandfather;  it  gave  me  encouragement  and  was 
the  beginning  of  my  success."  A  similarity  of  taste 
was  the  foundation  of  an  intimate  and  lasting  friend- 
ship between  him  and  Baskerville. 

Aftef   passing   a  few  days  at  Tunbridge  Wells,  his 


jET.53.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  243 

health  being  much  improved  by  travel  and  recreation, 
he  went  back  to  London  and  established  himself  again 
at  his  lodgings.  Nor  was  he  neglectful  of  his  public 
duties.  It  was  not  possible  to  advance  in  the  busi- 
ness of  his  mission,  till  the  government  should  be  ready 
to  give  it  a  hearing;  but  the  press,  which  had  been 
freely  employed  to  calumniate  the  Pennsylvanians,  was 
open  to  his  use.  His  friends,  who  understood  the  state 
of  opinion  in  England,  advised  him  to  resort  to  it,  as 
affording  the  best  means  of  counteracting  the  errors 
that  were  abroad,  and  defeating  the  arts  by  which  they 
were  disseminated. 

Speaking  of  Mr.  Charles,  an  eminent  lawyer  em- 
ployed as  counsel  on  the  part  of  the  Assembly,  he 
says  in  an  official  letter,  "One  thing,  that  he  recom- 
mends to  be  done  before  we  push  our  point  in  Par- 
liament, is,  removing  the  prejudices,  that  art  and  acci- 
dent have  spread  among  the  people  of  this  country 
against  us,  and  obtaining  for  us  the  good  opinion  of  the 
bulk  of  mankind  without  doors.  This  I  hope  we  have 
it  in  our  power  to  do,  by  means  of  a  work  now  nearly 
ready  for  the  press,  calculated  to  engage  the  attention 
of  many  readers,  and  at  the  same  time  to  efface  the  bad 
impression  received  of  us ;  but  it  is  thought  best  not  to 
publish  it,  till  a  little  before  the  next  session  of  Parlia- 
ment." 

The  work,  here  alluded  to,  was  the  Historical  Re- 
view of  Pennsylvania,  rendered  famous  not  more  on 
account  of  the  ability  with  which  it  is  written  and  the 
matter  it  contains,  than  of  the  abuse  it  brought  up- 
on Franklin  as  its  supposed  author.  It  was  pub- 
lished anonymously  near  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1759.  It  is  the  professed  object  of  the  writer  to  sup- 
port the  cause  of  the  Assembly  and  people  of  Penn- 
sylvania against  the  encroachments  and  arbitrary  de- 


244  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1759 

signs  of  the  Proprietaries.  With  this  aim,  he  sketches 
the  political  history  of  the  province  from  its  first  set- 
tlement ;  and,  in  executing  his  task,  he  is  led  occasion- 
ally to  touch  with  considerable  severity  upon  the  trans- 
actions both  of  William  Penn  and  of  his  descendants. 
As  a  composition,  the  treatise  possesses  merits  of  a 
high  order.  The  style  is  vigorous  and  clear,  always 
well  sustained,  and  rising  sometimes  to  eloquence. 
The  Dedication  and  Introduction,  especially,  are  finish- 
ed specimens  of  their  kind.  The  tone  and  sentiments 
of  the  work  may  be  inferred  from  the  motto;  "Those, 
who  would  give  up  essential  liberty  to  purchase  a  little 
temporary  safety,  deserve  neither  liberty  nor  safety." 
As  a  history,  however,  it  wants  the  essential  requi- 
sites of  completeness  and  impartiality.  Yet  there  is  no 
disguise  about  it.  From  the  first  page  to  the  last  the 
reader  is  made  to  see  and  understand  the  writer's  drift 
and  purpose,  which  are,  to  describe  in  strong  language 
the  oppressions  under  which  the  people  have  struggled, 
and  to  vindicate  them  from  the  censures  of  their  ene- 
mies. This  is  done,  in  the  first  place,  by  copious  ab- 
stracts and  selections  from  public  records  and  docu- 
ments, and,  next,  by  such  deductions  and  arguments 
as  seem  naturally  to  flow  from  them.  As  to  the  facts, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  of  their  accuracy,  since  they 
are  all  drawn  from  authentic  sources.  The  reader  is 
left  to  judge  how  well  they  bear  out  the  inferences  and 
arguments.  In  short,  the  writer's  statements,  as  far 
as  they  go,  cannot  be  charged  with  misrepresenta- 
tion or  with  essential  errors  in  point  of  fact.  Their 
chief  fault  is,  that  they  exhibit  only  one  side  of  the 
subject.  The  evils  of  the  proprietary  system,  eman- 
ating from  its  inherent  defects  and  a  vicious  adminis- 
tration, are  represented  in  glowing  colors,  while  the  ad- 
vantages derived  from  it,  such  as  they  were,  have  no 
place  in  his  picture. 


^T.  53.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.      •  245 

The  partisans  of  the  Proprietaries,  in  England  and 
Pennsylvania,  eagerly  ascribed  this  performance  to  the 
pen  of  Franklin,  the  leader  of  the  popular  party,  whose 
influence  and  talents  they  most  dreaded.  The  style, 
and  other  circumstances,  gave  countenance  to  such  a 
suspicion.  As  he  never  publicly  affirmed  the  contrary, 
it  has  generally  been  supposed  that  the  suspicion 
was  well  founded. 

Very  recently,  however,  an  original  letter  has  been 
obtained,  which  was  written  by  him  to  David  Hume 
soon  after  the  work  was  published,  and  in  which  he 
explicitly  disavows  the  authorship.  "I  am  obliged  to 
you,"  he  says  in  that  letter,  "for  the  favorable  senti- 
ments you  express  of  the  pieces  sent  to  you ;  though 
the  volume  relating  to  our  Pennsylvania  affairs  was  not 
written  by  me,  nor  any  part  of  it,  except  the  remarks 
on  the  Proprietor's  estimate  of  his  estate,  and  some 
of  the  inserted  messages  and  reports  of  the  Assem- 
bly, which  I  wrote  when  at  home,  as  a  member  of 
committees  appointed  by  the  House  for  that  purpose. 
The  rest  was  by  another  hand."*  This  declaration, 
made  for  no  other  end  than  to  correct  an  erroneous 
impression  on  the  mind  of  Mr.  Hume,  puts  to  rest 
the  question  of  authorship.  It  is  certain,  however, 
that  the  book  was  written  under  his  direction,  and  he 
may  fairly  be  considered  responsible  for  its  contents. 
Nor  does  it  appear,  that  he  was  disposed  to  shrink 
from  this  responsibility,  since,  if  he  had  been,  nothing 
more  was  necessary  than  to  avow  publicly  what  he 
wrote  to  Mr.  Hume.  In  fact,  he  was  really  the  author 
of  a  large  portion  of  the  work,  which  consists  of  the 
messages  and  reports  mentioned  above.  The  reason 
for  withholding  the  author's  name  at  the  time  was, 

*  See  Vol.  VII.  p.  208. 

TT# 


246  •       LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1759. 

that,  if  this  were  known,  it  would  weaken  the  effect 
intended  to  be  produced,  by  fixing  the  public  atten- 
tion upon  an  individual,  rather  than  upon  the  book 
itself.  Those,  who  have  doubted  Franklin's  author- 
ship, have  attributed  it  to  Ralph,  one  of  his  early 
associates,  an  able  political  writer,  and  an  historian  of 
some  celebrity.  Ralph  was  then  in  London,  and  this 
conjecture,  to  say  the  least,  is  not  improbable. 


.  53.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Franklin  advises  the  Conquest  of  Canada.  —  His  Scheme  adopted  by  the 
Ministry.  —  Journey  to  Scotland.  —  Lord  Kames,  Robertson,  Hume.— 
"  Parable  against  Persecution."  —  First  published  by  Lord  Kames.  — 
How  far  Franklin  claimed  to  be  its  Author.  —  His  Mission  brought 
to  a  favorable  Termination.  —  Lord  Mansfield's  Agency  in  the  Affair. 
—  Franklin's  Sentiments  in  Regard  to  Canada.  —  Writes  a  Pamph- 
let to  show  that  it  ought  to  be  retained  at  the  Peace.  —  Tour  to  the 
North  of  England.  —  Receives  Public  Money  for  Pennsylvania.  — 
Tour  in  Holland.  —  Experiments  to  prove  the  Electrical  Properties  of 
the  Tourmalin.  —  Cold  produced  by  Evaporation. —  Ingenious  Theory 
for  explaining  the  Causes  of  Northeast  Storms.  —  Invents  a  Musical 
Instrument,  called  the  Armonica.  —  His  Son  aooointed  Governor  of 
New  Jersey. —  Returns  to  America. 

ALTHOUGH  Franklin  devoted  himself  mainly  to  the 
affairs  of  his  agency,  yet  a  mind  like  his  could  not  be 
inattentive  to  the  great  events  that  were  taking  place 
around  him,  and  he  entered  warmly  into  the  general 
politics  of  the  nation.  Just  before  his  arrival  in  Eng- 
land, Mr.  Pitt  had  become  prime  minister.  In  the  hope 
of  drawing  the  attention  of  this  sagacious  statesman  to 
the  concerns  of  Pennsylvania,  he  made  several  attempts 
to  gain  an  introduction  to  him,  but  without  success. 
Alluding  to  this  circumstance  at  a  subsequent  date,  he 
said  of  Mr.  Pitt;  "He  was  then  too  great  a  man,  or 
too  much  occupied  in  affairs  of  greater  moment.  I  was 
therefore  obliged  to  content  myself  with  a  kind  of  non- 
apparent  and  unacknowledged  communication  through 
Mr.  Potter  and  Mr.  Wood,  his  secretaries,  who  seemed 
to  cultivate  an  acquaintance  with  me  by  their  civilities, 
and  drew  from  me  what  information  I  could  give  relative 
to  the  American  war,  with  my  sentiments  occasionally 
on  measures  that  were  proposed  or  advised  by  others, 
which  gave  me  the  opportunity  of  recommending  and 


248  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1759. 

enforcing  the  utility  of  conquering  Canada.  I  after- 
wards considered  Mr.  Pitt  as  an  inaccessible.  I  admired 
him  at  a  distance,  and  made  no  more  attempts  for  a 
nearer  acquaintance."  It  will  be  seen  hereafter,  when 
Mr.  Pitt  was  no  longer  minister,  that  his  reserve  had 
softened,  and  that  he  not  only  sought  the  acquaintance 
of  Franklin,  but  consulted  him  confidentially  on  im- 
portant national  affairs. 

It  is  known,  moreover,  that  his  advice  at  this  time 
was  both  received  and  followed.  It  has  been  said  on 
good  authority,  that  the  expedition  against  Canada, 
and  its  consequences  in  the  victory  of  Wolfe  at  Que- 
bec and  the  conquest  of  that  country,  may  be  chiefly 
ascribed  to  Franklin.  He  disapproved  the  policy,  by 
which  the  ministry  had  hitherto  been  guided,  of  carry- 
ing on  the  war  against  the  French  in  the  heart  of 
Germany,  where,  if  successful,  it  would  end  in  no 
real  gain  to  the  British  nation,  and  no  essential  loss 
to  the  enemy.  In  all  companies,  and  on  all  occasions, 
he  urged  the  reduction  of  Canada  as  an  object  of  the 
utmost  importance.  It  would  inflict  a  blow  upon  the 
French  power  in  America,  from  which  it  could  never 
recover,  and  which  would  have  a  lasting  influence 
in  advancing  the  prosperity  of  the  British  Colonies. 
These  sentiments  he  conveyed  to  the  minister's  friends, 
with  such  remarks  on  the  practicability  of  the  enter- 
prise, and  the  manner  of  conducting  it.  as  his  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  state  of  things  in  America  enabled 
him  to  communicate.  They  made  the  impression  he 
desired,  and  the  result  verified  his  prediction. 

During  the  year  1759,  little  progress,  if  any,  was 
made  in  the  Pennsylvania  affair.  The  Historical  Re- 
view was  silently  operating  on  public  opinion,  and  pre- 
paring the  minds  of  men  in  office  to  act  with  a  better 
understanding  of  the  subject,  than  they  had  heretofore 


JET.  53.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  249 

possessed.  The  Proprietaries  sent  out  a  new  govern- 
or to  take  the  place  of  Mr.  Denny,  with  whom  they 
became  dissatisfied  as  having  been  too  compliant  to 
the  Assembly.  His  successor  was  Mr.  Hamilton,  who 
had  formerly  held  the  office.  In  their  instructions  to 
him,  they  still  refused  to  have  their  estates  taxed, 
though  they  consented,  that,  in  case  the  exigency  of 
the  times  demanded  it,  a  tax  might  be  laid  on  their 
rents  and  quitrents  only,  provided  their  "  tenants  should 
be  obliged  to  pay  the  same,"  the  amount  being  de- 
ducted when  payments  were  made  by  the  tenants  to 
their  receiver  in  Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Hamilton  endeav- 
oured to  procure  better  terms,  and  told  them  plainly 
before  he  left  England,  that,  in  his  opinion,  "the  pro- 
prietary estates  ought  to  be  taxed  in  common  with  all 
the  other  estates  in  the  province."  His  efforts  to  carry 
this  point,  however,  were  unavailing. 

In  the  summer  of  this  year  Franklin  made  a  journey 
to  Scotland,  accompanied  by  his  son.  His  reputation 
as  a  philosopher  was  well  established  there,  and  he 
was  received  and  entertained  in  a  manner  that  evinced 
the  highest  respect  for  his  character.  The  University 
of  St.  Andrews  had  some  time  before  honored  him 
with  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws.  He  formed  an 
acquaintance  with  nearly  all  the  distinguished  men, 
who  then  adorned  Scotland  by  their  talents  and  learn- 
ing, particularly  Lord  Kames,  Dr.  Robertson,  and  Mr. 
Hume,  with  whom  he  kept  up  long  afterwards  a  friend- 
ly correspondence.  The  pleasure  he  derived  from  his 
visit  is  forcibly  expressed  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Kames. 
"On  the  whole,  I  must  say,  I  think  the  time  we  spent 
there  was  six  weeks  of  the  densest  happiness  I  have 
met  with  in  any  part  of  my  life ;  and  the  agreeable 
and  instructive  society  we  found  there  in  such  plenty 
has  left  so  pleasing  an  impression  on  my  memory, 

VOL.  i.  32 


250  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1759 

that,  did  not  strong  connexions  draw  me  elsewheie, 
I  believe  Scotland  would  be  the  country  I  should 
choose  to  spend  the  remainder  of  my  days  in."  Sim- 
ilar sentiments  are  repeated  at  a  later  date,  and  he 
often  resolved  to  renew  his  visit ;  but  this  he  was  not 
able  to  do,  till  several  years  afterwards,  being  prevented 
by  his  numerous  occupations,  and  by  the  increasing 
pressure  of  public  business.* 

He  passed  several  days  with  Lord  Kames  at  his 
mansion  in  the  country.  While  there,  he  read  or  recited 
from  memory  the  celebrated  Parable  against  Persecu- 
tion, which,  on  account  of  the  notoriety  it  has  gained, 
deserves  a  notice  in  this  place,  especially  as  some  wri- 
ters have  inconsiderately,  and  without  a  knowledge  of 
the  facts,  charged  him  with  plagiarism  for  allowing  it 
to  be  published  as  his  own.  The  particulars  are  these. 
Some  time  after  this  visit,  Lord  Kames  wrote  to  him 
for  a  copy  of  this  Parable,  which  he  accordingly  for- 
warded. No  more  was  heard  of  it  for  fourteen  years, 

*  The  University  of  St.  Andrews  had  conferred  upon  him  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Laws  in  the  month  of  February  preceding  his  visit  to 
Scotland.  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  diploma. 

"Nos  Universitatis  Stl.  Andreas  apud  Scotos  Rector,  Promoter,  Colle- 
giorum  Prafecti,  Facultatis  Artium  Decanus,  cceterique  Professorum  Or- 
dines,  Ledoribus  Salutem. 

"Quandoquidem  sequum  est  et  rationi  congruens,  ut  qui  magno  studio 
bonas  didicerunt  artes,  iidem  referant  premium  studiis  suis  dignum, 
ac  pro  inerti  hominum  vulgo  propriis  quibusdam  fulgeant  honoribus  et 
privilegiis,  unde  et  ipsis  bene  sit,  atque  aliorum  provocetur  industria ; 
Quando  etiam  eo  prEesertim  spectant  amplissima  ilia  jura  Universitati 
Andreanoe  antiquitus  concessa,  ut,  quoties  res  postulat,  idoneos  quosque 
in  quavis  facultate  viros,  vel  summis,  qui  ad  earn  facultatem  pertinent, 
honoribus  amplificare  queat;  Quumque  ingenuus  et  honestus  vir,  Ben- 
jaminus  Franklin,  Artium  Magister,  non  solum  jurisprudent®  cognitione, 
morum  integritate,  suavique  vitae  consuetudine  nobis  sit  commendatus, 
verum  etiam  acute  inventis  et  exitu  felici  factis  experimentis,  quibus 
Rerum  Naturalium,  et  imprimis  Rei  Electrics  parum  hactenus  explo- 
ratse,  scientiam  locupletavit,  tantam  sibi  conciliaverit  per  orbem  terrarum 
laudem,  ut  summos  in  Republica  Literaria  mereatur  honores ;  Hisce 
nos  adducti,  et  pnemia  virtuti  debita,  quantum  in  nobis  est,  tribuere 


JET.  53.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  251 

when  Lord  Kames  published  the  first  edition  of  his 
"Sketches  of  the  History  of  Man."  In  that  work  the 
Parable  was  inserted,  with  the  following  declaration  by 
the  author.  "It  was  communicated  to  me  by  Dr. 
Franklin  of  Philadelphia,  a  man  who  makes  a  great 
figure  in  the  learned  world,  and  who  would  still  make 
a  greater  figure  for  benevolence  and  candor,  were  virtue 
as  much  regarded  in  this  declining  age  as  knowledge." 

Lord  Kames  does  not  say,  that  Dr.  Franklin  wrote 
the  Parable,  yet  such  an  inference  is  fairly  deducible 
from  his  language,  and  in  this  light  it  was  understood 
by  the  public.  At  length  some  one  lit  upon  a  similar 
story  in  Jeremy  Taylor's  "Liberty  of  Prophesying," 
where  Taylor  says,  that  it  was  taken  from  the  "  Jews' 
books."  So  vague  a  reference  afforded  no  clue  to  its 
origin,  but  a  Latin  version  of  it  was  found  in  the  dedi- 
cation of  a  work  by  George  Gentius,  who  ascribes  it 
to  Saadi  the  Persian  poet;  and  Saadi  relates  it  as 
coming  from  another  person,  so  that  its  source  still  re- 
mains a  matter  for  curious  research. 

volentes,  Magistrum  Benjaminum  Franklin  supra  nominatum,  Utriusque 
Juris  Doctorem  creamus,  constituimus,  et  renunciamus,  eiunque  dein- 
ceps  ab  universis  pro  Doctore  dignissmo  haberi  volumus ;  adjicimusque 
ei,  plena  manu,  qucecunque,  uspiam  gentium,  Juris  Utriusque  Doctoribus 
competunt  privilegia  et  ornamenta.  In  cujus  rei  testimonium  hasce 
nostras  privilegii  Literas,  chirographis  singulorum  confirmatas,  et  corn- 
muni  Almse  Universitatis  sigillo  munitas,  dedimus  Andreapoli  duodeci- 
mo die  Mensis  Februarii,  Anno  Domini  millesimo  septingentesimo  quin- 
quagesimo  nono." 

This  diploma  was  signed  by  Andrew  Shaw,  Rector  of  the  University, 
David  Gregory,  Professor  of  Mathematics,  Robert  Watson,  the  historian, 
and  nine  other  officers  of  the  University. 

While  he  was  at  Edinburgh,  the  freedom  of  the  city  was  presented  to 
him.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  record,  dated  September, 
5th,  1759.  "  Benjamin  Franklin  of  Philadelphia  is  hereby  admitted  a  bur- 
gess and  guild-brother  of  this  city,  as  a  mark  of  the  affectionate  respect, 
which  the  Magistrates  and  Council  have  for  a  gentleman,  whose  amiable 
character,  greatly  distinguished  for  usefulness  to  the  society  which  he 
belongs  to,  and  love  to  all  mankind,  had  long  ago  reached  them  across 
the  Atlantic  Ocean."  On  the  2d  of  October  the  same  compliment 
was  paid  to  him  by  the  magistrates  of  St.  Andrew's. 


252  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1760. 

The  Parable  was  imperfectly  printed  from  Lord 
Kames's  copy.  The  last  four  verses  were  omitted,  and 
these  are  essential  to  its  completeness  and  beauty  as 
it  came  from  the  hands  of  Franklin.  Nor  are  there 
any  grounds  for  the  charge  of  plagiarism,  since  it  was 
published  without  his  knowledge,  and  without  any  pre- 
tence of  authorship  on  his  part.  In  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Vaughan,  written  a  short  time  before  his  death,  he 
says ;  "  The  truth  is,  that  I  never  published  the  Para- 
ble, and  never  claimed  more  credit  from  it,  than  what 
related  to  the  style,  and  the  addition  of  the  concluding 
threatening  and  promise.  The  publishing  of  it  by  Lord 
Kames,  without  my  consent,  deprived  me  of  a  good 
deal  of  amusement,  which  I  used  to  take  in  reading 
it  by  heart  out  of  any  Bible,  and  obtaining  the  remarks 
of  the  scripturians  upon  it,  which  were  sometimes  very 
diverting ;  not  but  that  it  is  in  itself,  on  account  of  the 
importance  of  its  moral,  well  worth  being  made  known 
to  all  mankind." 

A  principal  charm  of  this  apologue  is  the  felicity 
with  which  the  Scripture  style  is  imitated,  both  as 
to  the  thoughts  and  the  manner  of  expressing  them. 
For  this  charm,  as  well  as  for  the  closing  verses,  which 
give  additional  force  to  the  moral,  it  is  wholly  indebt- 
ed to  Franklin ;  and  it  should  moreover  be  observed, 
that  the  popular  favor  it  has  received,  and  the  curi- 
osity it  has  excited,  are  to  be  ascribed  to  the  dress  in 
which  he  clothed  it.  Till  it  appeared  in  this  dress,  it 
never  attracted  notice,  although  made  public,  long  be- 
fore, in  so  remarkable  a  work  as  the  one  into  which 
it  was  incorporated  by  Jeremy  Taylor.* 

After  a  delay  of  nearly  three  years,  Franklin  finally 
succeeded  in  bringing  his  public  business  to  a  termi- 

*  See  the  Parable,  and  other  particulars  concerning  it,  Vol.  II.  p.  118. 


^T.  54.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  253 

nation.  The  case  was  decided  in  June,  1760.  Gover- 
nor Denny  had  given  his  assent  to  several  acts  of  the 
Assembly,  which  displeased  the  Proprietaries,  and  on 
account  of  which  they  removed  him  from  office.  Among 
them  was  an  act  for  raising  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  by  a  tax,  in  which  the  proprietary  estates  were 
put  on  the  same  footing  as  the  estates  of  other  land- 
holders in  the  province.  These  laws  were  sent  over 
to  England,  as  usual,  to  be  approved  by  the  King ; 
but  the  Proprietaries  opposed  them,  and  exerted  their 
endeavours  to  procure  their  rejection. 

Able  lawyers  were  employed  on  both  sides  to  argue 
the  points  at  issue  before  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  in 
the  end  all  the  laws  were  repealed  except  the  one  for 
raising  money.  This  was  strenuously  resisted  by  the 
counsel  for  the  Proprietaries,  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
an  invasion  of  the  prerogative,  and  an  encroachment 
upon  the  proprietary  rights ;  but  the  equity  of  the  case 
was  too  plain  to  be  misunderstood  or  eluded.  The 
law  was  confirmed,  under  certain  conditions,  requiring 
that  the  Governor  should  have  a  voice  in  the  disposal 
of  the  money,  that  the  waste  lands  of  the  Proprietaries 
should  not  be  taxed,  and  that  their  unimproved  lands 
should  be  rated  as  low  as  those  of  any  of  the  in- 
habitants. The  agent  engaged,  on  the  part  of  the 
Assembly,  that  these  conditions  should  be  complied 
with.  In  fact,  they  did  not  materially  affect  the  origi- 
nal claim  of  the  Assembly,  as  the  great  principle,  so 
long  contended  for,  of  taxing  the  proprietary  estates, 
was  established. 

Thus,  after  much  embarrassment  and  vexatious  de- 
lay, Franklin  succeeded  in  accomplishing  the  main  ob- 
ject of  his  mission,  and  his  services  met  with  the 
entire  approbation  of  his  constituents.  It  was  obvious, 
however,  from  the  spirit  which  had  been  shown  in 

VOL.  I.  V 


254  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1760 

the  course  of  these  proceedings,  that  the  administra- 
tion were  not  disposed  to  favor  popular  rights  in  the 
colonies;  and  it  was  deemed  inexpedient  at  that  time 
to  press  further  upon  their  notice  the  grievances,  of 
which  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  complained.  The 
Proprietaries  submitted  to  their  defeat  with  as  good  a 
grace  as  they  could,  after  holding  out  so  long ;  but,  in 
writing  to  the  Governor,  they  expressed  themselves  not 
well  pleased,  that  the  Board  of  Trade  did  not  "pri- 
vately confer  with  them  in  drawing  up  their  report," 
which  they  say  had  formerly  been  the  usage. 

Lord  Mansfield  was  chiefly  concerned  in  that  part 
of  the  report,  which  recommended  the  approval  of  the 
act  for  taxing  the  proprietary  lands.  This  circumstance 
was  mentioned  in  one  of  Franklin's  letters  to  the  As- 
sembly, and  he  seemed  to  infer  from  it  a  good  inten- 
tion in  his  Lordship  towards  the  Pennsylvanians.  When 
this  was  told  to  the  Proprietaries,  they  expressed  sur- 
prise, that  he  should  be  so  much  deceived,  and  added ; 
"My  Lord  had  no  design  to  favor  the  Assembly,  but 
to  do  us  justice,  and  at  the  same  time  to  extend  the 
King's  prerogative  at  both  ours  and  the  people's  cost 
by  and  by."  This  may  be  true,  and  yet,  by  granting  to 
the  Assembly  all  they  asked,  it  settled  the  controversy 
in  their  favor ;  and  so  far  it  indicated  good  will  to  the 
Pennsylvanians,  whatever  may  have  been  the  ultimate 
design,  if  indeed  there  were  any  such. 

As  the  war  was  now  drawing  to  a  close,  there 
began  to  be  much  speculation  among  politicians  re- 
specting the  terms  of  peace.  Canada,  Guadaloupe,  and 
other  possessions  in  the  West  Indies,  East  Indies,  and 
Africa,  had  been  taken  from  the  French  during  the 
war.  Which  of  these  possessions  did  a  sound  policy 
and  the  interests  of  the  nation  require  to  be  retained  1 
The  discussion  of  this  question  was  entered  into  with 


^T.  54.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  255 

warmth  by  two  parties.  One  was  for  holding  Canada, 
the  other  Guadaloupe.  The  Earl  of  Bath  wrote  an 
able  pamphlet  to  prove  that  Canada,  as  the  most  im- 
portant acquisition,  should  by  all  means  be  retained  at 
the  peace.  Another  writer,  supposed  to  be  Mr.  Burke, 
replied  to  the  Earl  of  Bath,  and  vigorously  urged  the 
retention  of  Guadaloupe  in  preference  to  Canada.  The 
arguments  were  drawn  out  at  much  length  on  both 
sides,  and  public  opinion  was  divided. 

Strongly  impressed  with  the  importance  of  the  sub- 
ject in  its  relation  to  the  American  colonies,  Franklin 
now  engaged  in  the  controversy,  and  published  anony- 
mously a  tract,  entitled  The  Interest  of  Great  Britain 
Considered,  in  which  he  advanced  reasons  for  keeping 
Canada.  His  views  are  briefly  stated  in  a  letter  to 
Lord  Kames,  written  a  short  time  before.  "No  one 
can  more  sincerely  rejoice  than  I  do,  on  the  reduction 
of  Canada ;  and  this  is  not  merely  as  I  am  a  colonist, 
but  as  I  am  a  Briton.  I  have  long  been  of  opinion, 
that  the  foundations  of  the  future  grandeur  and  stability 
of  the  British  empire  lie  in  America;  and  though,  like 
other  foundations,  they  are  low  and  little  now,  they 
are,  nevertheless,  broad  and  strong  enough  to  support 
the  greatest  political  structure  that  human  wisdom  ever 
yet  erected.  I  am,  therefore,  by  no  means  for  restor- 
ing Canada.  If  we  keep  it,  all  the  country  from  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  the  Mississippi  will  in  another  century 
be  filled  with  British  people.  Britain  itself  will  become 
vastly  more  populous,  by  the  immense  increase  of  its 
commerce ;  the  Atlantic  sea  will  be  covered  with  your 
trading  ships ;  and  your  naval  power,  thence  continu- 
ally increasing,  will  extend  your  influence  round  the 
whole  globe,  and  awe  the  world!  If  the  French  re- 
main in  Canada,  they  will  continually  harass  our  col- 
onies by  the  Indians,  and  impede  if  not  prevent  their 


256  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1760. 

growth;  your  progress  to  greatness  will  at  best  be 
slow,  and  give  room  for  many  accidents  that  may  for 
ever  prevent  it.  But  I  refrain,  for  I  see  you  begin  to 
think  my  notions  extravagant,  and  look  upon  them 
as  the  ravings  of  a  mad  prophet."  The  same  senti- 
ments were  more  fully  explained  and  defended  in  the 
Canada  Pamphlet,  as  the  abovementioned  tract  has 
usually  been  called. 

He  argued,  that  the  possession  of  Canada  was  es- 
sential to  the  security  of  the  British  colonies  against 
the  Indians  on  the  frontiers,  whom  the  French  had 
always  continued  to  keep  in  their  interest,  and  who 
were  instigated  by  them  to  commit  depredations  and 
outrages  upon  the  inhabitants ;  and,  moreover,  that,  po- 
litically considered,  this  security  was  a  justifiable  ground 
for  retaining  a  territory,  which  had  been  acquired  in 
open  war  by  the  blood  and  treasure  of  the  nation.  It 
would,  likewise,  defeat  for  ever  the  ambitious  designs 
of  France  for  extending  her  power  in  America  by 
seizing  a  large  part  of  the  continent  and  confining  the 
British  settlements  to  a  narrow  line  along  the  coast, 
which  design  had  long  been  manifest,  and  was  indeed 
the  principal  cause  of  the  war.  Forts  and  military  posts 
would  afford  but  a  feeble  barrier,  as  experience  had 
proved.  He  repudiated  the  idea  advanced  by  some, 
that  this  was  an  affair  of  the  colonies  alone;  and  he 
showed,  that  the  whole  British  empire  was  as  much 
concerned  in  it  as  any  of  its  remote  parts ;  that  the 
wealth,  strength,  and  political  power  of  Great  Britain 
would  be  immensely  increased  by  the  growing  pros- 
perity of  the  colonies,  if  they  were  encouraged  and 
protected  by  a  wise  policy  and  a  due  regard  to  the 
ties  by  which  they  were  united  to  the  mother  country. 

These  points  were  illustrated  by  a  mass  of  facts,  in- 
dicating a  profound  knowledge  of  the  history  and  con- 


^T.  54.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  257 

dition  of  the  colonies,  and  of  the  commerce  and  po- 
litical interests  of  Great  Britain.  It  had  been  said, 
that  Canada  ought  to  be  left  to  the  French  as  a  check 
to  the  growth,  of  the  colonies,  which  might  in  process 
of  time  become  too  formidable  to  be  controlled  by  a 
distant  master.  To  which  he  replied,  "A  modest  word, 
this  check,  for  massacring  men,  women,  and  children ; " 
and  suggested  the  easier  method  adopted  by  Pharaoh 
for  preventing  the  increase  of  the  Israelites. 

The  success  of  this  pamphlet  was  as  great  as  the 
author  could  desire.  By  the  advocates  of  the  measure, 
which  he  supported,  it  was  held  up  as  irrefutable ;  and 
by  the  opposite  party,  who  attempted  an  answer,  it 
was  praised  as  spirited,  able,  and  ingenious,  and  as 
containing  every  thing  that  could  be  said  on  that  side 
of  the  question.  It  was  believed  to  have  produced  an 
influence  on  the  minds  of  the  ministry,  which  was  felt 
at  the  negotiation  for  peace.  At  any  rate,  Canada  was 
retained.  The  author  afterwards  acknowledged  his  ob- 
ligation to  his  friend,  Mr.  Richard  Jackson,  for  assist- 
ance in  preparing  the  pamphlet  for  the  press ;  but  it  is 
not  known  to  what  extent  or  in  what  manner  this  as- 
sistance was  rendered. 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  Franklin  was  thus  instru- 
mental in  annexing  Canada  to  the  British  dominions, 
which  was  in  reality  the  first  step  in  the  train  of 
events,  that  led  in  a  few  years  to  the  independence 
of  the  colonies ;  a  result,  which  he  afterwards  contrib- 
uted so  much  to  accomplish,  but  which  at  this  time 
was  as  little  anticipated  by  him,  as  by  any  member  of 
the  British  cabinet. 

Whilst  he  resided  in  England,  it  was  his  custom  to 
spend  several  weeks  of  each  summer  in  travelling. 
This  year  he  made  a  tour  to  the  north,  returning 
through  Cheshire  and  Wales  to  Bristol  and  Bath.  He 

VOL.  i.  33  v  * 


258  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN  [1760. 

at  first  proposed  going  over  to  Ireland,  and  thence  to 
Scotland,  but  he  relinquished  this  part  of  his  design. 

When  he  came  back  to  London,  he  found  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Norris,  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, informing  him,  that  he  had  been  appointed  by 
that  body  to  receive  the  proportion  of  the  Parliament- 
ary grant,  which  had  been  assigned  to  that  province. 
During  the  latter  years  of  the  war,  the  annual  sum  of 
two  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  was  allowed 
by  Parliament  to  the  colonies,  in  consideration  of  the 
heavy  charges  to  which  they  wrere  subjected  in  provid- 
ing an  army,  and  the  losses  they  sustained  from  the 
inroads  of  the  enemy  on  the  frontiers.  This  sum  was 
apportioned  to  each  colony  according  to  the  number  of 
effective  men  employed  in  the  field  under  the  British 
generals.  The  share  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Delaware 
Counties  for  the  first  year  was  about  thirty  thousand 
pounds.  This  amount  was  paid  into  the  hands  of 
Franklin,  by  whom  it  was  invested  in  the  stocks,  and 
otherwise  disposed  of,  as  directed  by  his  constituents. 
The  trust,  though  involving  a  high  responsibility,  and 
attended  with  embarrassments,  was  executed  to  the 
entire  satisfaction  of  the  Assembly. 

The  Governor  endeavoured  at  the  outset  to  prevent 
his  appointment,  and  then  he  insisted  that  he  had  a 
right  to  nominate  other  commissioners  to  act  with  the 
Assembly's  agent  in  receiving  the  money.  The  Propri- 
etaries used  their  influence,  also,  to  thwart  his  proceed- 
ings, alleging,  that  their  deputy  ought  to  have  a  voice 
in  the  disposal  of  this  money  after  it  reached  Penn- 
sylvania. This  pretence  was  not  tolerated  by  the  As- 
sembly. The  grant  was  meant  as  a  relief  to  the  peo- 
ple, a  just  remuneration  for  the  services  they  had 
rendered ;  and  it  was  maintained,  that  the  only  proper 
authority  for  disposing  of  it  rested  with  the  people's 


jET.  55.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  259 

representatives.  The  ministry  seemed  to  view  the  mat- 
ter in  the  same  light,  for  the  money  was  paid  to  the 
agent  of  the  Assembly. 

Having  now  finished  the  most  important  parts  of 
his  public  business,  he  had  leisure  for  other  employ- 
ments. In  the  summer  of  1761,  he  went  over  to  the 
continent,  and  travelled  through  Holland  and  Flanders, 
visiting  the  large  cities,  and  returning  in  time  to  be 
present  at  the  coronation  of  George  the  Third.  There 
is  no  record  of  the  incidents  of  this  tour,  except  a 
short  letter  to  his  wife  written  at  Utrecht,  in  which 
he  says,  he  "had  seen  almost  all  the  principal  places, 
and  the  things  worthy  of  notice,  in  those  two  countries, 
and  received  a  good  deal  of  information,  that  would 
be  useful  when  he  returned  to  America." 

His  philosophical  studies  had  been  in  a  measure  sus- 
pended for  some  time;  yet  he  had  recurred  to  them 
occasionally,  and  performed  experiments,  which  were 
attended  with  novel  or  useful  results.  There  was  a 
dispute  among  the  philosophers  about  the  properties  of 
tourmalin,  a  stone  which  JEpinus  had  discovered  to 
possess  the  singular  quality  of  being  at  the  same  time 
positively  electrified  on  one  side,  and  negatively  on  the 
opposite  side,  by  heat  alone,  without  the  aid  of  fric- 
tion. Others  denied  this  fact.  Franklin  made  a  se- 
ries of  experiments  with  two  specimens  of  tourmalin, 
given  to  him  by  Dr.  Heberden,  which  confirmed  Mpi- 
nus's  account.  He  found,  that  the  heat  of  boiling 
water  was  sufficient  to  excite  these  opposite  electrical 
properties,  and  he  supposed  that  others  had  failed  in 
the  experiment  by  using  imperfect  stones,  or  such  as 
had  not  their  faces  properly  cut. 

Before  he  left  America,  Professor  Simson,  of  Glas- 
gow, had  communicated  to  him  some  curious  experi- 
ments made  by  Dr.  Cullen,  showing  that  cold  could 


260  i-IFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

be  produced  by  evaporation.  This  fact,  so  well  estab- 
lished since,  was  then  little  known.  He  repeated  the 
experiment,  by  applying  spirits  of  wine  to  the  bulb 
of  a  thermometer,  and  thereby  caused  the  mercury  to 
fall  five  or  six  degrees.  On  his  first  visit  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge,  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Hadley, 
professor  of  chemistry  there,  he  performed  the  same 
process  with  ether,  when  the  mercury  fell  to  twenty- 
five  degrees  below  the  freezing  point,  and  ice  was 
formed  on  the  bulb  to  the  thickness  of  a  quarter  of 
an  inch.  "From  this  experiment,"  he  observes,  "one 
may  see  the  possibility  of  freezing  a  man  to  death  on 
a  warm  summer's  day,  if  he  were  to  stand  in  a  pas- 
sage through  which  the  wind  blew  briskly,  and  to  be 
wet  frequently  with  ether,  a  spirit  more  inflammable 
than  brandy  or  common  spirits  of  wine." 

This  principle  of  evaporation  he  applied  to  an  in- 
genious solution  of  several  phenomena,  hitherto  uncon- 
sidered  or  unexplained.  Among  others,  it  furnished 
him  with  a  reason  why  the  heat  of  the  human  body 
is  not  increased  above  its  natural  temperature,  or  ninety- 
six  degrees,  by  hot  air,  while  inanimate  substances 
will  receive  an  accumulation  of  heat.  He  had  himself 
known  the  thermometer  to  stand  at  one  hundred  de- 
grees in  the  shade  at  Philadelphia,  while  the  heat  of 
his  body  was  not  above  its  usual  temperature  of  ninety- 
six.  Being  at  the  same  time  in  a  profuse  perspi- 
ration, he  inferred,  that  the  heat  was  carried  off  by 
evaporation,  as  fast  as  it  came  in  contact  with  his  body 
from  the  surrounding  air.  Hence,  laborers  in  the  har- 
vest field,  under  a  burning  sun,  will  endure  excessive 
heat,  whilst  they  perspire  freely,  and  drink  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  water,  or  other  liquid,  to  supply  the  moist- 
ure that  is  exhausted  by  evaporation. 

His  mind  was  ever  busy  in  searching  for  the  causes 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  261 

not  only  of  remarkable  phenomena,  but  of  the  common 
operations  of  nature.  A  visit  to  the  salt-mines  in 
England  led  him  to  reflect  on  the  formation  of  those 
mines  and  on  the  saltness  of  the  sea.  "  It  has  been  the 
opinion  of  some  great  naturalists,"  he  observes,  "that 
the  sea  is  salt  only  from  the  dissolution  of  mineral  or 
rock  salt,  which  its  waters  happened  to  meet  with. 
But  this  opinion  takes  it  for  granted,  that  all  water 
was  originally  fresh,  of  which  we  can  have  no  proof. 
I  own  I  am  inclined  to  a  different  opinion,  and  rather 
think  all  the  water  on  this  globe  was  originally  salt, 
and  that  the  fresh  water  we  find  in  springs  and  rivers, 
is  the  produce  of  distillation.  The  sun  raises  the  va- 
pors from  the  sea,  which  form  clouds,  and  fall  in  rain 
upon  the  land,  and  springs  and  rivers  are  formed  of 
that  rain.  As  to  the  rock  salt  found  in  mines,  I  con- 
ceive, that,  instead  of  communicating  its  saltness  to  the 
sea,  it  is  itself  drawn  from  the  sea,  and  that  of  course 
the  sea  is  now  fresher  than  it  was  originally.  This 
is  only  another  effect  of  nature's  distillery,  and  might 
be  performed  various  ways."  One  of  these  ways  he 
thus  describes.  "As  we  know  from  their  effects,  that 
there  are  deep  fiery  caverns  under  the  earth,  and  even 
under  the  sea,  if  at  any  time  the  sea  leaks  into  any 
of  them,  the  fluid  parts  of  the  water  must  evaporate 
from  that  heat,  and  pass  off  through  some  volcano, 
while  the  salt  remains,  and  by  degrees,  and  continual 
accretion,  becomes  a  great  mass.  Thus  the  cavern 
may  at  length  be  filled,  and  the  volcano  connected 
with  it  cease  burning,  as  many,  it  is  said,  have  done; 
and  future  miners,  penetrating  such  cavern,  find  what 
we  call  a  salt-mine."  This  may  be  no  more  than  a 
theory,  but  perhaps  it  is  as  good  a  theory  as  any  oth- 
er that  has  been  advanced  on  the  subject. 

To  Mr.  Alexander  Small,  a   gentleman   in   London 
No.  6. 


262  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

fond  of  scientific  inquiries,  he  communicated  his  reason 
for  thinking  that  the  northeast  storms,  so  common  along 
the  Atlantic  coast  of  North  America,  extending  from 
Newfoundland  to  Florida,  begin  at  the  southeast.  In 
October,  1743,  there  was  to  be  an  eclipse  of  the  moon 
at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  which  he  prepared  to 
observe  at  Philadelphia.  But  when  the  time  came, 
the  heavens  were  overcast,  and  a  northeast  storm  had 
set  in.  He  was  surprised  to  learn,  therefore,  by  the 
Boston  newspapers,  that  the  eclipse  was  visible  in  a 
clear  sky  at  that  place,  as  he  supposed  a  storm,  attend- 
ed by  a  strong  wind  from  that  quarter,  would  naturally 
begin  there  first.  He  ascertained,  however,  that  it 
actually  began  in  Boston  nearly  four  hours  later  than 
in  Philadelphia,  and  that  along  the  southern  coast  it 
began  earlier  in  proportion  as  any  given  place  was  less 
distant  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  This  put  him  upon 
observing  these  storms  whenever  they  occurred;  and 
he  found  in  each  instance,  that  they  began  at  the 
southeast,  and  moved  northwestward,  against  the  cur- 
rent of  the  wind,  at  the  rate  of  about  one  hundred 
miles  an  hour. 

The  fact  being  established,  he  next  set  himself  to 
assign  a  reason.  Experience  shows,  that  cool  air  will 
flow  in  and  occupy  the  place  of  warmer  and  more  rare- 
fied air.  A  fire  in  a  chimney  is  made  to  burn,  and  the 
smoke  and  warm  air  to  ascend,  by  a  current  of  air 
flowing  into  it  from  the  room.  The  motion  begins  at 
the  chimney,  where  a  portion  of  air  is  first  displaced, 
and  thus  a  current  is  produced  from  all  parts  of  the 
room  towards  the  chimney.  For  several  days  pre- 
viously to  one  of  these  storms,  he  supposes  the  air  to 
become  heated  and  rarefied  by  the  rays  of  the  sun 
about  the  regions  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  Florida. 
The  cooler  and  moister  air  from  the  northeast  flows 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  263 

in  and  causes  the  rarefied  air  to  ascend;  clouds  and 
ram  are  formed  by  the  action  of  heat  upon  this  cooler 
and  moister  air;  and  thus  the  storm  begins,  with  a 
current  of  wind  setting  from  the  northeast.  The  denser 
air  presses  upon  the  lighter,  till  the  current  extends 
itself,  in  a  retrograde  direction,  along  the  whole  coast.* 

From  early  life  he  had  a  passion  for  music,  and  he 
both  studied  it  as  a  science,  and  practised  it  as  an  art. 
His  remarks  on  the  harmony  and  melody  of  the  old 
Scotch  songs  have  been  much  commended  Mr.  Tytler 
says,  "This  notion  of  Dr.  Franklin's,  respecting  what 
may  be  called  the  ideal  harmony  of  the  Scottish  melo- 
dies, is  extremely  acute,  and  is  marked  by  that  in- 
genious simplicity  of  thought,  which  is  the  character- 
istic of  a  truly  philosophical  mind."t  In  a  letter  to 
his  brother  he  explains  the  defects  of  modern  music, 
with  the  same  simplicity  and  acuteness,  illustrating  his 
idea  by  a  criticism  on  one  of  Handel's  admired  com- 
positions, t 

In  London  he  saw  for  the  first  time  an  instrument, 
consisting  of  musical  glasses,  upon  which  tunes  were 
played  by  passing  a  wet  finger  round  their  brims.  He 
was  charmed  with  the  sweetness  of  its  tones ;  but  the 
instrument  itself  seemed  to  him  an  imperfect  contri- 
vance, occupying  much  space  and  limited  in  the  num- 
ber of  its  tones.  The  glasses  were  arranged  on  a  ta- 
ble, and  tuned  by  putting  water  into  them  till  they  gave 
the  notes  required. 

After  many  trials  he  succeeded  in  constructing  an 
instrument  of  a  different  form,  more  commodious,  and 

*  The  facts  and  hypothesis,  respecting  northeast  storms,  are  likewise 
contained  in  a  letter  written  to  the  Reverend  Jared  Eliot,  ten  years 
before  they  were  communicated  to  Mr.  Small,  which  is  now  for  the  first 
time  published  in  this  work.  See  Vol.  VI.  p.  105. 

f  Life  of  Lord  Kames,  2d  ed.  Vol.  II.  p.  31. 

i  See  Vol.  VI.  p.  209. 


264  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [17G2. 

more  extended  in  the  compass  of  its  notes.  His 
glasses  were  made  in  the  shape  of  a  hemisphere,  with 
an  open  neck  or  socket  in  the  middle,  for  the  purpose 
of  being  fixed  on  an  iron  spindle.  They  were  then 
arranged  one  after  another,  on  this  spindle,  the  largest 
at  one  end  and  gradually  diminishing  in  size  to  the 
smallest  at  the  other  end.  The  tones  depended  on 
the  size  of  the  glasses.  The  spindle,  with  its  series  of 
glasses,  was  fixed  horizontally  in  a  case,  and  turned 
by  a  wheel  Cached  to  its  larger  end,  upon  the  princi- 
ple of  a  comn?  .a  spinning-wheel.  The  performer  sat 
in  front  of  the  instrument,  and  the  tones  were  brought 
out  by  applying  a  wet  finger  to  the  exterior  surface 
of  the  glasses  as  they  turned  round.  He  called  it  the 
Jlrmonica,  in  honor  of  the  musical  language  of  the 
Italians,  as  he  says  in  a  letter  to  Beccaria,  in  which  it  is 
minutely  described. 

For  some  time  the  Armonica  was  in  much  use.  A 
Miss  Davies  acquired  great  skill  in  playing  upon  it. 
She  performed  in  public,  and,  accompanied  by  her  sis- 
ter, who  was  a  singer,  she  exhibited  her  skill  in  the 
principal  cities  of  Europe,  where  she  attracted  large 
audiences,  and  the  notice  of  distinguished  individuals. 
The  instruments  were  manufactured  in  London,  and 
sold  at  the  price  of  forty  guineas  each.* 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1762,  Dr.  Franklin 
began  to  think  seriously  about  returning  to  his  native 
country,  and  to  prepare  for  his  departure.  His  friend, 
Mr.  Strahan,  had  endeavoured  to  prevail  on  him  to 
bring  over  his  family  and  settle  himself  in  London.  Mr. 
Strahan  wrote  to  Mrs.  Franklin  on  the  subject,  using 
much  persuasion  to  win  her  consent  to  this  project. 

*  Miss  Davies  performed  in  the  presence  of  the  Imperial  court  of 
Vienna,  at  the  celebration  of  the  nuptials  of  the  Duke  of  Parma  and  the 
Archduchess  of  Austria.  An  ode  was  composed  for  the  occasion  by  Met- 


^T.  56.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  265 

She  was  no  less  opposed  to  it  than  her  hi  sband,  whose 
opinion  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  account  of 
a  conversation  with  Mr.  Strahan,  contained  in  a  letter 
to  his  wife.  "He  was  very  urgent  with  me  to  stay  in 
England,  and  prevail  with  you  to  remove  hither  with 
Sally.  He  proposed  several  advantageous  schemes  to 
me,  which  appeared  reasonably  founded.  His  family  is 
a  very  agreeable  one ;  Mrs.  Strahan  a  sensible  and  good 
woman,  the  children  of  amiable  characters,  and  partic- 
ularly the  young  man,  who  is  sober,  ingenious,  and 
industrious,  and  a  desirable  person.  In  point  of  cir- 
cumstances there  can  be  no  objection;  Mr.  Strahan 

astasio,  expressly  designed  to  be  sung  by  her  sister  and  accompanied  by 
the  Armonica.  It  was  set  to  a  new  piece  of  music  adapted  to  the 
instrument  The  ode  is  here  printed  from  a  manuscript  copy  found 
among  Dr.  Franklin's  papers. 

"POES1A 

u  PER  L'  OCCASIONS  DELLE  NOZZE  DEL  REAL  INFANTE  DUCA  DI 
PARMA  CON  L'  ARCIDUCHESSA  D'  AUSTRIA,  CANTATA  IN  VIENNA 
DALLA  CECILIA  DAVIES,  DETTA  L'  INGLESINA,  SORELLA  DELL'  EC- 
CELLENTE  SoNATRICE  DEL  NUOVO  IsTRUMENTO  DI  MuSICA,  CHIA- 
MATO  L'  AHMONICA,  INVENTATO  DAL  CELEBRE  DOTTORE  FRANKLIN. 

u  AH  perchd  col  canto  mio 

Dolce  all'  alme  ordir  catena 
IVrche  mai  non  posso  anch'  io, 
Filomena,  al  par  di  te  ? 
S'  oggi  all'  aure  un  labbro  spande 
Rozzi  acccnti,  e  troppo  audace ; 
Ma,  se  tace  in  di  si  grande, 
Men  colpevole  non  6. 

"Ardir,  germana;  a  tuoi  sonori  adatta 
Volubili  cristalli 

L'  esperta  mano ;  e  ne  risvcglia  il  raro 
Concento  seduttor.     Col  canto  anch'  io 
Tenterd  d'  imitarne 
L'  amoroso  tenor.     D'  applausi  e  voti 
Or  che  la  Parma  e  1'  Istro 
D'  Amalia  e  di  Fernando 
Agli  augusti  imenei  tutto  risuona, 
VOL.  L  34  W 


266  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [17G2. 

being  in  such  a  way  as  to  lay  up  a  thousand  pounds 
every  year  from  the  profits  of  his  business,  after  main- 
taining his  family  and  paying  all  charges.  I  gave  him, 
however,  two  reasons  why  I  could  not  think  of  removing 
hither ;  one,  my  affection  to  Pennsylvania,  and  long  es- 
tablished friendships  and  other  connexions  there;  the 
other,  your  invincible  aversion  to  crossing  the  seas. 
And,  without  removing  hither,  1  could  not  think  of 
parting  with  my  daughter  to  such  a  distance.  I  thank- 
ed him  for  the  regard  shown  to  us  in  the  proposal,  but 
gave  him  no  expectation  that  I  should  forward  the 
letters.  So  you  are  at  liberty  to  answer  or  not,  just 
as  you  think  proper."  As  far  as  his  pecuniary  interests 

Saria  fallo  il  tacer.    Ne  te  del  nuovo 

Armonico  strumento 

Renda  dubbiosa  il  lento, 

II  tenue,  il  flebil  suono.    Abbiasi  Marte 

I  suoi  d'  ire  ministri 
Strepitosi  oricalchi ;  una  soave 
Armenia,  non  di  sdegni 

Ma  di  teneri  affetti  eccitatrice, 

Piu  conviene  ad  amor ;  meglio  accompagna 

Quel  che  dall'  alma  bella 

Si  trasfonde  sul  volto 

Alia  Sposa  Real  placido  lame, 

II  benigno  costume, 

La  dolce  maesta.    Bench£  sommesso 

Lo  stil  de'  nostri  accenti 

A  Lei  grato  sar£ ;  che  1'  umil  suono 

Non  e  colpa  o  difetto ; 

E  sempre  in  suono  umil  parla  il  rispetto. 

"  Alia  stagion  de'  fieri 
E  de'  novelli  amori 
E  grato  il  molle  fiato 
D'  un  zeffiro  leggier. 
O  gema  tra  le  fronde, 

O  lento  increspi  1'  onde ; 
Zeffiro  in  ogni  lato 
Compagno  e  del  piacer. 

"Questa   cantata  fik  scritta   dal   Abate   Pietro   Metastasio,  e  messa 
in  musica  da  Giovanni  Adolfo  Hasse.  detto  il  Sassone." 


^ET.  56.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  267 

were  concerned,  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  would 
have  been  essentially  advanced  by  complying  with  Mr. 
Strahan's  advice;  but  he  had  higher  motives,  and 
events  proved  that  he  judged  wisely. 

Before  he  left  England  he  received  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws  from  the  Universities  of  Edinburgh  and 
Oxford.*  Other  friends,  besides  Mr.  Strahan,  regretted 
his  departure.  Mr.  Hume  wrote;  "I  am  very  sorry, 
that  you  intend  soon  to  leave  our  hemisphere.  America 
has  sent  us  many  good  things,  gold,  silver,  sugar,  tobac- 
co, indigo,  &LC.  ;  but  you  are  the  first  philosopher,  and 
indeed  the  first  great  man  of  letters,  for  whom  we  are 
beholden  to  her.  It  is  our  own  fault,  that  we  have  not 
kept  him ;  whence  it  appears,  that  we  do  not  agree  with 
Solomon,  that  wisdom  is  above  gold ;  for  we  take  care 
never  to  send  back  an  ounce  of  the  latter,  which  we 
once  lay  our  fingers  upon."  Franklin  replied ;  "  Your 
compliment  of  gold  and  wisdom  is  very  obliging  to  me, 
but  a  little  injurious  to  your  country.  The  various 
value  of  every  thing  in  every  part  of  this  world  arises, 
you  know,  from  the  various  proportions  of  the  quantity 
to  the  demand.  We  are  told,  that  gold  and  silver  in 
Solomon's  time  were  so  plenty,  as  to  be  of  no  more 
value  in  his  country  than  the  stones  in  the  street.  You 
have  here  at  present  just  such  a  plenty  of  wisdom. 
Your  people  are,  therefore,  not  to  be  censured  for 
desiring  no  more  among  them  than  they  have ;  and,  if 

*  The  date  of  the  Oxford  degree  is  April  30th,  17G2.  The  following 
extract  from  the  University  records  is  found  among  Dr.  Franklin's 
papers. 

"  February,  22d,  1762.  Agreed,  nem.  con.  at  a  meeting  of  the  Heads 
of  Houses,  that  Mr.  Franklin,  whenever  he  shall  please  to  visit  the  Uni- 
versity, shall  be  offered  the  compliment  of  the  degree  of  D.  C.  L. 
honoris  causa.  "I.  BROWN,  Vice-Can? 

The  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  was  likewise  conferred  on  his  son, 
William  Franklin,  at  Oxford. 


268  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1762 

I  have  any,  I  should  certainly  carry  it  where,  from  its 
scarcity,  it  may  probably  come  to  a  better  market." 

A  few  days  before  he  sailed,  his  son  was  appointed 
governor  of  New  Jersey,  although  the  appointment  was 
not  publicly  announced  till  some  time  afterwards.  It 
is  evident  from  this  act  of  the  ministry,  that  they  had 
then  conceived  no  prejudice  against  the  father,  on  ac- 
count of  the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  Pennsylvania 
controversy ;  for  it  could  only  have  been  through  the 
influence  of  his  character,  and  the  interest  made  by  his 
friends  on  this  ground,  that  so  high  an  office  could 
have  been  obtained  for  the  son,  whose  personal  ser- 
vices had  given  him  no  adequate  claims  to  such  an 
elevation.  This  proof  of  confidence  from  the  ministry 
was  displeasing  to  the  Proprietaries.  They  drew  some 
consolation,  however,  even  from  so  unpropitious  a  cir- 
cumstance. Thomas  Penn  said,  in  a  letter  to  Gover- 
nor Hamilton,  "I  am  told  you  will  find  Mr.  Franklin 
more  tractable,  and  I  believe  we  shall,  in  matters  of 
prerogative ;  as  his  son  must  obey  instructions,  and 
what  he  is  ordered  to  do,  the  father  cannot  well  op- 
pose in  Pennsylvania."  This  hope  was  of  short  du- 
ration. The  father  continued  as  untractable  as  ever, 
zealous  in  the  people's  cause,  firm  in  its  support,  and 
active  in  every  measure  for  establishing  their  rights  on 
the  basis  of  liberty  and  a  just  administration  of  the 
government. 

The  Proprietaries,  suspicious  of  his  designs,  and 
dreading  his  influence,  kept  a  watchful  eye  on  him 
while  he  was  in  England ;  and  they  at  least  deserve  the 
credit  of  candor  for  acquitting  him  of  having  been  en- 
gaged in  any  practices,  wrhich  they  could  censure.  "  I 
do  not  find,"  said  Thomas  Penn,  in  another  letter  to 
Governor  Hamilton,  "that  he  has  done  me  any  prej- 
udice with  any  party,  having  had  conversations  with 


.Ex.  56.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  269 

all,  in  which  I  have  studied  to  talk  of  these  affairs; 
and  I  believe  he  has  spent  most  of  his  time  in  philo- 
sophical, and  especially  in  electrical  matters,  having 
generally  company  in  a  morning  to  see  those  experi- 
ments, and  musical  performances  on  glasses,  where 
any  one  that  knows  him  carries  his  friends."  This 
declaration  is  honorable  to  both  parties;  and  it  shows 
that  the  agent,  while  performing  his  duty  to  his  con- 
stituents, was  not  unmindful  of  a  proper  respect  for 
the  character  and  interests  of  his  opponents. 

Dr.  Franklin  sailed  from  England  about  the  end  of 
August,  having  resided  there  more  than  five  years.  In 
a  letter,  dated  at  Portsmouth  on  the  17th  of  that 
month,  bidding  farewell  to  Lord  Kames,  he  said;  "I 
am  now  waiting  here  only  for  a  wind  to  waft  me  to 
America,  but  cannot  leave  this  happy  island  and  my 
friends  in  it  without  extreme  regret,  though  I  am  go- 
ing to  a  country  and  a  people  that  I  love.  I  am 
going  from  the  old  world  to  the  new ;  and  I  fancy  I 
feel  like  those,  who  are  leaving  this  world  for  the 
next ;  grief  at  the  parting ;  fear  of  the  passage ;  hope 
of  the  future."  He  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  1st  of 
November.  The  fleet,  in  which  he  took  passage,  un- 
der the  convoy  of  a  man-of-war,  touched  at  Madeira, 
and  was  detained  there  a  few  days.  They  were  kind- 
ly received  and  entertained  by  the  inhabitants,  on  ac- 
count of  the  protection  afforded  them  by  the  English 
fleet  against  the  united  invasion  of  France  and  Spain. 
Not  long  after  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  he  wrote  to 
Mr.  Richard  Jackson  a  full  account  of  the  island  of 
Madeira,  its  population,  soil,  climate,  and  productions : 
but  the  letter  has  never  been  published,  and  it  is  sup- 
posed to  be  lost. 

w* 


270  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1762. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Receives  the  Thanks  of  the  Assembly.  —  Tour  through  the  Middle  and 
Eastern  Colonies.  —  Engages  again  in  Public  Affairs.  —  Massacre  of 
Indians  in  Lancaster.  —  Franklin's  Pamphlet  on  the  Subject,  and  hia 
Agency  in  pacifying  the  Insurgents.  —  Colonel  Bouquet's  Account 
of  his  Public  Services. — Disputes  revived  between  the  Governor  and 
the  Assembly.  —  Militia  Bill  defeated.  —  The  Governor  rejects  a  Bill 
in  which  the  Proprietary  Estates  are  taxed.  —  The  Assembly  resolve 
to  petition  the  King  for  a  Change  of  Government.  —  Petition  drafted 
by  Franklin.  —  Chosen  Speaker  of  the  Assembly.  —  Norris,  Dickinson, 
Galloway.  —  Scheme  for  Stamp  Duties  opposed  by  the  Assembly. — 
Franklin  is  not  elected  to  the  Assembly.  —  Appointed  Agent  to  the 
Court  of  Great  Britain.  —  Sails  for  England. 

No  sooner  was  his  arrival  known  in  Philadelphia, 
than  his  friends,  both  political  and  private,  whose  at- 
tachment had  not  abated  during  his  long  absence, 
flocked  around  him  to  offer  their  congratulations  on 
the  success  of  his  mission,  and  his  safe  return  to  his 
family.  At  each  election,  while  he  was  abroad,  he 
had  been  chosen  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  and  he 
again  took  his  seat  in  that  body.  The  subject  of  his 
agency  was  brought  before  the  House.  A  committee 
was  appointed  to  examine  his  accounts,  who  reported 
that  they  were  accurate  and  just ;  and  a  resolve  was 
passed,  granting  him  three  thousand  pounds  sterling, 
as  a  remuneration  for  his  services  while  engaged  in 
the  public  employment.  This  resolve  was  followed  by 
a  vote  of  thanks  "  for  his  many  services,  not  only  to  the 
province  of  Pennsylvania,  but  to  America  in  general, 
during  his  late  agency  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain." 

As  the  contest  was  one,  however,  in  which  two 
parties  were  enlisted  in  opposition,  with  all  the  vio- 
lence of  zeal  and  acrimony  of  personal  feeling,  which 
usually  attend  controversies  of  this  nature,  he  had  the 


A/r.  57.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  271 

misfortune  to  draw  down  upon  himself  the  enmity  of 
one  party,  in  proportion  to  the  applause  which  his 
successful  endeavours  elicited  from  the  other.  And  it 
may  here  be  observed,  that  the  part  he  took  in  these 
proprietary  quarrels  for  the  defence  and  protection  of 
popular  rights,  which  he  sustained  by  the  full  weight 
of  his  extraordinary  abilities,  was  the  foundation  of  the 
inveterate  hostility  against  his  political  character,  with 
which  he  was  assailed  in  various  ways  to  the  end  of 
his  life,  and  the  effects  of  which  have  scarcely  dis- 
appeared at  the  present  day.  Yet  no  one,  who  now 
impartially  surveys  the  history  of  the  transactions  in 
which  he  was  engaged,  can  doubt  the  justice  of  the 
cause  he  espoused  with  so  much  warmth,  and  which 
he  upheld  to  the  last  with  unwavering  constancy  and 
firmness. 

Circumstances  raised  him  to  a  high  position  as  a 
leader,  his  brilliant  talents  kept  him  there,  and  he 
thus  became  the  object  of  a  malevolence,  which  had 
been  engendered  by  disappointment,  and  embittered 
by  defeat.  This  he  bore  with  a  philosophical  equa- 
nimity, and  went  manfully  onward  with  the  resolution 
of  a  stern  and  true  patriot,  forgiving  his  enemies,  and 
never  deserting  his  friends,  faithful  to  every  trust,  and, 
above  all,  faithful  to  the  liberties  and  best  interests 
of  his  country. 

In  consequence  of  so  long  an  absence  from  home, 
his  private  affairs  required  attention  for  some  time 
after  his  return.  Holding  the  office  of  postmaster- 
general  in  America,  he  spent  five  months  of  the  year 
1763,  in  travelling  through  the  northern  colonies  for 
the  purpose  of  inspecting  the  postoffices.  He  went 
eastward  as  far  as  New  Hampshire,  and  the  whole 
extent  of  his  tour,  in  going  and  coming,  was  about 
sixteen  hundred  miles.  In  this  journey  he  was  ac- 


272  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1763, 

companied  by  his  daughter,  and  it  was  performed  in  a 
light  carriage,  driven  by  himself.  A  saddle  horse  made 
a  part  of  the  equipage,  on  which  his  daughter  rode,  as 
he  informs  us,  nearly  all  the  way  from  Rhode  Island 
to  Philadelphia.  The  meeting  of  his  old  friends  in 
Boston,  Rhode  Island,  and  New  York,  afforded  him 
much  enjoyment,  and  he  was  detained  many  days 
in  each  place  by  their  hospitality.  At  New  York  he 
met  General  Amherst,  commander-in-chief  of  the  Brit- 
ish army  in  America,  who  received  him  with  flattering 
civilities. 

He  was  also  obliged  to  move  slowly,  on  account  of 
a  weakness  and  pain  in  the  breast,  attended  with  un- 
favorable symptoms,  which  were  increased  by  two  ac- 
cidental falls,  in  one  of  which  his  shoulder  was  dislo- 
cated. To  relieve  the  anxiety  of  his  sister,  at  whose 
house  he  had  stayed  in  Boston,  he  wrote  to  her  as 
follows,  immediately  after  he  reached  home.  "  I  find 
myself  quite  clear  from  pain,  and  so  have  at  length 
left  off  the  cold  bath.  There  is,  however,  still  some 
weakness  in  my  shoulder,  though  much  stronger  than 
when  I  left  Boston,  and  mending.  I  am  otherwise 
very  happy  in  being  at  home,  where  I  am  allowed  to 
know  when  I  have  eat  enough  and  drunk  enough, 
am  warm  enough,  and  sit  in  a  place  that  I  like,  and 
nobody  pretends  to  know  what  I  feel  better  than  my- 
self. Do  not  imagine,  that  I  am  a  whit  the  less  sen- 
sible of  the  kindness  I  experienced  among  my  friends 
in  New  England.  I  am  very  thankful  for  it,  and  shall 
always  retain  a  grateful  remembrance  of  it." 

His  health  and  strength  were  gradually  restored,  and 
he  entered  again  with  his  accustomed  ardor  and  en- 
ergy into  the  pursuits  of  active  life.  At  this  time, 
also,  there  was  a  demand  for  the  service  of  every  citi- 
zen, whose  knowledge  of  business  and  experience  in 


jE-r.58..]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  275 

frontier  town  of  that  name.  After  a  brief  and  impres- 
sive relation  of  the  facts,  he  cites  examples  from  his- 
tory to  show,  that  even  heathens,  in  the  rudest  stages 
of  civilization,  had  never  tolerated  such  crimes  as  had 
here  been  perpetrated  in  the  heart  of  a  Christian 
community. 

Appealing  to  the  inhabitants,  he  says;  "Let  us 
rouse  ourselves,  for  shame,  and  redeem  the  honor  of 
our  province  from  the  contempt  of  its  neighbours;  let 
all  good  men  join  heartily  and  unanimously  in  support 
of  the  laws,  and  in  strengthening  the  hands  of  gov- 
ernment; that  justice  may  be  done,  the  wicked  pun- 
ished, and  the  innocent  protected;  otherwise  we  can, 
as  a  people,  expect  no  blessing  from  Heaven ;  there 
will  be  no  security  for  our  persons  or  properties;  an- 
archy and  confusion  will  prevail -over  all;  and  violence 
without  judgment  dispose  of  every  thing."  The  style 
of  this  pamphlet  is  more  vehement  and  rhetorical,  than 
is  common  in  the  author's  writings,  but  it  is  charac- 
terized by  the  peculiar  clearness  and  vigor  which  mark 
all  his  compositions. 

But  neither  the  able  exposure  of  the  wickedness 
of  the  act,  nor  the  eloquent  and  passionate  appeal  to 
the  sensibilities  of  the  people,  contained  in  this  per- 
formance, could  stifle  the  spirit  that  was  abroad,  or 
check  the  fury  with  which  it  raged.  The  friendly  In- 
dians throughout  the  province,  some  of  whom  had 
been  converted  to  Christianity  by  the  Moravians,  were 
alarmed  at  this  war  of  extermination  waged  against 
their  race.  One  hundred  and  forty  of  them  fled  for 
protection  to  Philadelphia.  For  a  time  they  were  kept 
in  safety  on  Province  Island,  near  the  city.  When 
the  insurgents  threatened  to  march  down  and  put 
them  all  to  death,  the  Assembly  resolved  to  repel 
them  by  force.  The  fugitives  were  taken  into  the 
city,  and  secured  in  the  barracks. 


276  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [17G4. 

There  being  no  regular  militia,  Franklin,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  Governor,  formed  a  military  Association, 
as  he  had  done  on  another  occasion  in  a  time  of 
public  danger.  Nine  companies  were  organized,  and 
nearly  a  thousand  citizens  embodied  themselves  un- 
der arms.  The  insurgents  advanced  as  far  as  Ger- 
mantown,  within  six  miles  of  Philadelphia,  where,  hear- 
ing of  the  preparation  that  had  been  made  to  protect 
the  Indians,  they  thought  it  prudent  to  pause.  Tak- 
ing advantage  of  this  crisis,  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil appointed  Franklin  and  three  other  gentlemen  to 
go  out  and  meet  them,  and  endeavour  to  turn  them 
from  their  purpose.  This  mission  was  successful.  Find- 
ing it  impossible  to  carry  their  design  into  execution, 
they  were  at  last  prevailed  upon  to  return  peaceably 
to  their  homes. 

Two  persons  were  deputed  by  the  rioters,  before 
they  separated,  to  be  the  bearers  of  their  complaints 
to  the  Governor  and  the  Assembly.  This  was  done 
by  a  memorial  to  the  Governor  in  behalf  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  frontier  settlements.  Divers  grievan- 
ces were  enumerated,  particularly  the  distresses  they 
suffered  from  the  savages,  who  had  murdered  defence- 
less families,  and  been  guilty  in  numerous  instances  of 
the  most  barbarous  cruelties.  Much  sophistry  was  used 
to  extenuate,  or  rather  to  defend,  the  conduct  of  those, 
who,  driven  to  desperation,  had  determined  to  make 
an  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  the"  Indians.  It  was  al- 
leged, that  the  friendship  of  these  Indians  was  only 
a  pretence ;  that  they  harboured  traitors  among  them, 
who  sent  intelligence  to  the  war  parties  and  abetted 
their  atrocities;  that  retaliation  was  justifiable,  the  war 
being  against  the  Indians  as  a  nation,  of  which  every 
tribe  and  individual  constituted  a  part. 

With  such  reasoning  as  this  the  multitude  was  sat- 


^Ex.  58.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  277 

isfied.  Religious  frenzy  suggested  another  argument. 
Joshua  had  been  commanded  to  destroy  the  heathen. 
The  Indians  were  heathens ;  hence  there  was  a  di- 
vine command  to  exterminate  them.  Another  memo- 
rial, with  fifteen  hundred  signatures,  was  sent  to  the 
Assembly.  They  were  both  referred  to  a  committee, 
but,  the  Governor  declining  to  support  the  measures 
recommended,  no  further  steps  were  taken. 

The  character  and  result  of  these  extraordinary  pro- 
ceedings show,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  criminal 
outrages  were  approved  by  a  large  party  in  the  prov- 
ince ;  and  next,  that  the  government,  either  from  want 
of  intelligence  and  firmness  in  the  head,  or  of  union 
in  the  parts,  was  too  feeble  to  execute  justice  and 
preserve  public  order.  Great  credit  is  due  to  the 
agency  of  Franklin,  in  stopping  the  tide  of  insurrec- 
tion and  quieting  the  commotions.  By  his  personal 
exertions  and  influence,  as  well  as  by  his  pen,  he  la- 
bored to  strengthen  the  arm  of  government,  diffuse 
correct  sentiments  among  the  people,  and  maintain 
the  supremacy  of  the  laws. 

His  duties,  as  a  member  of  the  board  of  commis- 
sioners for  the  disposal  of  the  public  money,  in  carry- 
ing on  the  war  against  the  Indians,  were  arduous  and 
faithfully  performed.  Colonel  Bouquet  commanded  the 
army  in  Pennsylvania,  consisting  of  regular  troops  and 
provincial  levies.  He  applied  to  the  Governor  and 
commissioners  for  liberty  to  enlist  more  men,  his  ranks 
having  been  thinned  by  desertions.  On  this  subject 
he  wrote  a  letter  to  Franklin,  containing  a  recital  of 
his  public  services,  which  justly  claims  the  reader's 
notice.  It  is  dated  at  Fort  Loudoun,  August  22d, 
1764. 

"  My  dependence  was,  as  usual,  upon  you ;  and,  in- 
deed, had  you  not  supported  my  request  in  the  warm- 

VOL.  i.  x 


278  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1764. 

est  manner,  it  must  have  miscarried,  and  left  me  ex- 
posed to  many  inconveniences.  Your  conduct  on  this 
occasion  does  not  surprise  me,  as  I  have  not  alone 
experienced  the  favorable  effects  of  your  readiness  to 
promote  the  service.  I  know  that  General  Shirley 
owed  to  you  the  considerable  supply  of  provisions  this 
government  voted  for  his  troops,  besides  warm  cloth- 
ing ;  that  you  alone  could  and  did  procure  for  Gener- 
al Braddock  the  carriages,  without  which  he  could  not 
have  proceeded  on  his  expedition;  that  you  had  a 
road  opened  through  this  province  to  supply  more 
easily  his  army  with  provisions,  and  spent  a  summer 
in  those  different  services  without  any  other  reward, 
than  the  satisfaction  of  serving  the  public.  And  I  am 
not  unacquainted  with  the  share  you  had  in  carry- 
ing safely  through  the  House,  at  a  very  difficult  time, 
the  bill  for  sixty  thousand  pounds  during  Lord  Lou- 
doun's  command.  But,  without  recapitulating  instan- 
ces in  which  I  was  not  directly  concerned,  I  remem- 
ber gratefully,  that  as  early  as  1 756,  when  I  was  sent 
by  Lord  Loudoun  to  obtain  quarters  in  Philadelphia 
for  the  first  battalion  of  the  Royal  American  Regi- 
ment, I  could  not  have  surmounted  the  difficulties 
made  by  your  people,  who,  at  that  time  unacquainted 
with  the  quartering  of  troops,  expressed  the  greatest 
reluctance  to  comply  with  my  request,  till  you  were  so 
good  as  to  take  the  affair  in  hand,  and  obtain  all  that 
was  desired. 

"I  have  not  been  less  obliged  to  you  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  present  act,  having  been  an  eyewitness  of 
your  forwardness  to  carry  at  the  board,  as  a  commis- 
sioner, every  measure  I  proposed  for  the  success  of 
this  expedition.  This  acknowledgment  being  the  only 
return  I  can  make,  for  the  repeated  services  I  have 
received  from  you  in  my  public  station,  I  beg  you  will 


^ET.  58.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  279 

excuse  my  prolixity  upon  a  subject  so  agreeable  to 
myself,  as  the  expression  of  my  gratitude." 

In  October,  1763,  John  Penn  arrived  in  Pennsylva- 
nia, as  successor  to  Governor  Hamilton.  Being  con- 
nected by  family  ties  with  the  Proprietaries,  it  was 
hoped  that  he  was  invested  with  larger  discretionary 
powers,  than  had  been  intrusted  to  the  late  deputy- 
governors,  and  that  he  would  be  both  enabled  and 
disposed  to  administer  the  government  in  a  manner 
better  adapted  to  the  condition,  wants,  and  privileges 
of  the  people. 

He  called  the  Assembly  together  by  a  special  sum- 
mons, and  his  first  message  abounded  in  good  wish- 
es and  patriotic  professions.  It  was  received  by  the 
Assembly,  as  stated  in  their  reply,  "with  the  most 
cordial  satisfaction."  The  session  opened  propitiously ; 
six  hundred  pounds  were  granted  to  the  Governor 
towards  his  support  for  the  first  year ;  and  a  vote  was 
passed  to  raise,  pay,  and  supply  one  thousand  men, 
to  be  employed  in  the  King's  service  during  the  ap- 
proaching campaign  against  the  western  Indians.  It 
was  soon  perceived,  however,  that  the  hope  of  a 
change  in  the  temper  and  aims  of  the  Proprietaries 
was  not  to  be  realized.  The  old  controversies  were 
revived,  with  as  much  warmth  and  pertinacity  as  ever, 
and  with  as  little  prospect  of  a  reconciliation.  Frank- 
lin, from  the  position  he  held,  necessarily  became  a 
leader,  on  the  side  of  the  Assembly,  in  these  new 
disputes. 

The  recent  disorders  in  the  province  convinced  the 
Governor,  that  the  civil  power  required  a  stronger 
support,  than  any  that  could  then  be  brought  to  its 
aid.  He  recommended  a  militia  law,  by  which  the 
citizens  might  be  embodied  for  their  own  protection 
and  the  public  defence.  The  proposal  was  well  re- 


280  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1764. 

ceived  by  the  Assembly,  and  a  committee  was  in- 
structed to  frame  a  bill.  Franklin  was  a  member  of 
this  committee.  A  bill  was  reported,  similar  to  the 
one  which  he  had  framed  and  carried  through  the 
House  at  the  beginning  of  the  late  war.  Each  com- 
pany was  allowed  to  choose  three  persons  for  each  of 
the  offices  of  captain,  lieutenant,  and  ensign.  Out  of 
these  three  the  Governor  was  to  select  and  commis- 
sion the  one  he  thought  most  proper.  In  like  manner 
the  officers  of  companies  were  to  choose  the  officers 
of  regiments,  three  for  each  office  being  recommend- 
ed to  the  Governor,  any  one  of  whom  he  might  select 
and  commission.  Fines  were  imposed  for  offences, 
and  the  offenders  were  to  be  tried  by  judges  and 
juries  in  the  courts  of  law. 

In  this  shape  the  bill  was  passed,  and  presented  to 
the  Governor  for  his  signature.  He  refused  his  as- 
sent, and  returned  it  to  the  House  with  amendments, 
claiming  to  himself  the  sole  appointment  of  officers, 
enhancing  the  amounts  of  the  fines,  requiring  all  tri- 
als to  be  by  a  court-martial,  and  making  some  offen- 
ces punishable  by  death. 

The  Assembly  would  not  for  a  moment  listen  to 
an  assumption  so  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people.  It  was  no  less  than  putting  the  power  of  im- 
posing exorbitant  fines,  and  even  of  inflicting  the  pun- 
ishment of  death,  into  the  hands  of  a  set  of  officers 
depending  on  the  Governor  alone  for  their  commis- 
sions, and  responsible  to  him  alone  for  the  manner  in 
which  these  were  executed.  The  bill  was  according- 
ly lost.  Dr.  Franklin  wrote  and  published  an  account 
of  the  proceedings,  in  relation  to  this  militia  bill,  show- 
ing the  causes  of  its  failure,  and  the  unjustifiable  con- 
duct and  designs  of  the  proprietary  party  in  the  course 
they  had  taken  to  defeat  it. 


JEr.  58.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  281 

This  was  only  the  prelude  to  a  more  important  dis- 
pute, in  which  the  Governor  contrived  to  embroil 
himself  with  the  Assembly.  Money  was  to  be  provid- 
ed for  paying  the  expenses  of  the  Indian  war.  It 
was  proposed  to  raise  fifty  thousand  pounds  by  emit- 
ting bills  of  credit ;  and,  for  the  redemption  of  these 
bills,  a  land  tax,  among  other  sources  of  revenue,  was 
to  be  laid.  Conformably  to  the  decision  of  the  King 
in  Council,  the  proprietary  lands  were  to  be  includ- 
ed in  this  tax.  In  one  part  of  that  decision  the 
words  were,  "  The  located  uncultivated  lands  of  the 
Proprietaries  shall  not  be  assessed  higher  than  the 
lowest  rate,  at  which  any  located  uncultivated  lands 
belonging  to  the  inhabitants  shall  be  assessed."  The 
Assembly  understood  this  clause  to  mean,  that  the 
proprietary  lands  should  not  be  rated  higher,  than 
lands  of  a  similar  quality  belonging  to  other  persons. 
The  Governor,  availing  himself  of  an  ambiguity  in  the 
language,  gave  it  a  different  sense,  insisting  that  all 
the  proprietary  lands,  however  good  their  quality,  were 
to  be  rated  as  low  as  the  worst  and  least  valuable 
lands  belonging  to  the  people. 

The  Assembly  replied,  that,  if  it  were  possible  to 
torture  the  clause  into  this  meaning,  ic  was  neverthe- 
less a  forced  construction,  unheard  of  before,  contrary 
to  justice,  and  discreditable  to  the  Proprietaries,  since 
it  was  bottomed  on  selfishness,  and  brought  their  in- 
terest in  conflict  with  their  honor.  After  much  wran- 
gling and  delay,  the  Assembly  were  obliged  to  wave 
their  rights,  and  consent  to  the  passage  of  the  act 
on  the  Governor's  terms.  The  savages  were  invading 
their  borders,  and  the  troops  must  be  supported. 

These  vexations  exhausted  the  patience  of  the  As- 
sembly. Convinced  that  they  must  continually  fight 
the  same  battles  over  with  the  new  Governor,  and 

VOL.  i.  36  x* 


282  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1764 

with  every  succeeding  Governor  appointed  by  the  Pro- 
prietaries, they  passed  a  series  of  resolves,  just  before 
their  adjournment,  stating  the  oppressions  which  the 
inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  suffered  from  their  rulers, 
and  expressing  their  belief,  that  peace  and  happiness 
could  never  be  restored  to  the  province,  till  the  pow- 
er of  governing  it  should  be  lodged  hi  the  crown. 
They  then  adjourned,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  con- 
sulting their  constituents  on  the  subject  of  presenting 
a  petition  to  the  King,  praying  him  to  take  the  gov- 
ernment into  his  own  hands. 

During  the  recess  of  the  Assembly,  Dr.  Franklin 
wrote  a  tract,  entitled  Cool  Thoughts  on  the  Present 
Situation  of  Public  Jlffairs,  in  which  he  described  the 
evils  of  the  Proprietary  government,  explained  their 
causes,  and  came  to  the  conclusion,  that  most  of  these 
evils  were  inherent  in  the  nature  of  the  government 
itself,  and  that  the  only  remedy  was  a  change,  by 
substituting  a  royal  government  in  its  stead,  "without 
the  intervention  of  proprietary  powers,  which,  like  un- 
necessary springs  and  movements  in  a  machine,  are 
apt  to  produce  disorder."  This  pamphlet  was  written 
with  the  design  of  drawing  public  attention  to  the 
Assembly's  resolves,  and  of  preparing  the  way  for 
prompt  and  efficient  action  when  the  members  should 
again  convene.  They  came  together  on  the  14th  of 
May,  after  an  adjournment  of  seven  weeks.  Numer- 
ous petitions  to  the  King  for  a  change  of  government, 
signed  by  more  than  three  thousand  of  the  inhabi- 
tants and  coming  from  all  parts  of  the  province,  were 
laid  before  them. 

Encouraged  by  this  manifestation  of  public  senti- 
ment, the  House  decided  by  a  large  majority  to  pro- 
mote and  sustain  the  prayer  of  the  petitioners.  A  peti- 
tion to  the  King  from  the  Assembly,  for  the  same  object, 


^lT.  58.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  283 

was  accordingly  drafted  by  Dr.  Franklin.  The  de- 
bates were  animated,  both  parties  exerting  their  whole 
strength  in  the  conflict.  The  majority  in  favor  of 
the  measure  was  so  great,  however,  that  the  war  of 
words  produced  no  effect  on  the  result.  Yet  some 
men  wavered,  who  had  hitherto  stood  firm.  Among 
these  was  Mr.  Norris,  the  Speaker,  who  had  filled  the 
chair  many  years,  respected  by  all  parties  for  his  in- 
tegrity, abilities,  and  public  spirit.  He  had  acted  stead- 
ily with  those,  who  opposed  the  proprietary  encroach- 
ments ;  but  he  looked  for  redress  and  amendment, 
rather  than  for  a  radical  change ;  and  he  was  unwill- 
ing to  affix  his  signature  to  the  petition.  He  resign- 
ed his  seat,  and  Franklin  was  chosen  in  his  place; 
the  petition  passed  the  House,  and  was  signed  by 
him  as  Speaker. 

John  Dickinson  was  another  wavering  member. 
He  had  disapproved  the  proprietary  measures,  but  in 
this  affair  of  the  petition  he  was  the  champion  of 
that  party  in  the  Assembly.  His  speech  on  the  oc- 
casion, eloquent  and  spirited,  though  more  declam- 
atory than  argumentative,  wras  published,  with  a  Pref- 
ace by  another  hand.  The  writer  of  the  Preface  in- 
dulged himself  in  a  strain  of  personal  invective  and 
harsh  reflection,  never  called  for  by  a  good  cause,  and 
rarely  serviceable  to  a  bad  one.  As'  a  counterbalance 
TO  this  pamphlet,  Galloway,  an  able  and  popular  lead- 
er on  the  other  side,  wrote  out  and  published  the 
speech  he  had  delivered  in  reply  to  Dickinson.  A 
Preface  was  contributed  by  Dr.  Franklin,  which,  for 
sarcastic  humor  and  force  of  argument,  is  one  of  the 
best  of  his  performances.  Perfectly  master  of  his 
subject,  and  confident  in  his  strength,  he  meets  his 
opponents  on  their  own  ground,  using  his  weapons 
in  defence  and  assault  with  equal  adroitness  and  self- 
command. 


284  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1704. 

One  of  the  objections  against  a  change  of  govern- 
ment gave  some  uneasiness  even  to  those,  who  were 
bent  upon  that  measure.  The  rights  and  privileges 
of  the  people,  which  they  most  valued,  were  secured 
by  the  charters;  and,  it  was  said,  if  the  government 
should  devolve  on  the  King,  he  might  take  away  the 
charters,  or  impose  such  restraints  as  would  essentially 
abridge,  if  not  annihilate,  the  freedom  they  then  en- 
joyed. 

To  this  it  could  only  be  replied,  that  such  a  thing 
was  in  the  highest  degree  improbable ;  that  nothing 
more  was  asked  of  the  King,  than  that  he  would,  by 
fair  purchase,  obtain  the  jurisdiction  of  the  province, 
thereby  standing  in  the  place  of  the  Proprietaries; 
that  William  Penn  had  made  some  progress  in  nego- 
tiating such  a  sale  to  the  crown  before  his  death, 
and  it  could  never  have  been  his  design  to  deprive 
the  inhabitants  of  the  charters,  which  had  been  grant- 
ed to  them  in  good  faith,  and  which  had  afforded  the 
chief  inducement  to  the  settlers  for  purchasing  and 
cultivating  the  lands.  As  a  proof,  that  this  confidence 
in  the  royal  honor  and  magnanimity  was  not  mis- 
placed, the  example  of  other  colonies  was  cited,  where 
a  similar  change  had  been  effected,  without  any  in- 
jury to  the  charters  or  any  abridgment  of  liberty. 

These  views  were  plausible,  but  they  were  not  such 
as  to  remove  all  doubts,  even  from  the  majority  in  the 
Assembly;  for,  when  they  forwarded  the  petitions  to 
Mr.  Jackson,  their  agent  in  London,  they  enjoined 
him  to  proceed  with  the  utmost  caution,  securing  to 
the  inhabitants  all  the  privileges,  civil  and  religious, 
which  they  had  hitherto  enjoyed  by  their  charters  and 
laws ;  and,  in  case  he  should  apprehend  any  danger 
to  these  privileges,  he  was  required  to  suspend  fur- 
ther action,  till  he  should  receive  additional  directions 
from  the  Assembly. 


JEr.  58.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  285 

At  the  next  session,  the  most  important  business, 
which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  House,  was  the 
proposal  of  the  British  ministry  to  raise  a  revenue  by 
stamp  duties  in  the  colonies.  The  Assembly  of  Penn- 
sylvania, participating  in  the  excitement,  which  this 
intelligence  had  caused  throughout  the  country,  sent 
instructions  to  their  agent  in  England,  remonstrating 
against  any  such  scheme,  as  tending  to  "deprive  the 
people  of  their  most  essential  rights  as  British  sub- 
jects." The  signing  of  these  instructions  was  the  last 
act  of  Dr.  Franklin  as  Speaker  of  the  House. 

The  election  in  the  autumn  of  this  year,  1764,  was 
sharply  contested.  It  turned  on  the  question  of  a 
change  of  government.  The  proprietary  party,  having 
much  at  stake,  redoubled  their  efforts;  and,  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia  and  some  of  the  counties,  they 
were  successful.  Franklin,  after  having  been  chosen 
fourteen  years  successively,  now  lost  his  election, 
there  being  against  him  a  majority  of  about  twenty- 
five  votes  in  four  thousand.  But,  after  ail,  it  was  an 
empty  triumph.  When  the  members  convened,  there 
were  two  to  one  in  favor  of  the  measures  of  the 
last  Assembly,  and  they  resolved  to  carry  these  meas- 
ures into  effect.  Being  determined  to  pursue  their 
object  with  all  the  force  they  could  bring  to  bear  up- 
on it,  they  appointed  Dr.  Franklin  as  a  special  agent 
to  proceed  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  and  there 
to  take  charge  of  the  petition  for  a  change  of  govern- 
ment, and  to  manage  the  general  affairs  of  the  province. 

This  appointment  was  a  surprise  upon  the  proprie- 
tary party.  They  had  imagined,  that,  by  defeating 
his  election,  they  had  rid  themselves  of  an  active  and 
troublesome  opponent  in  the  Assembly,  and  weaken- 
ed his  influence  abroad.  When  it  was  proposed,  there- 
fore, to  raise  him  to  a  situation,  in  which  he  could 


286  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1764. 

more  effectually  than  ever  serve  the  same  cause,  the 
agitation  in  the  House,  and  the  clamor  out  of  doors, 
were  extreme. 

His  adversaries  testified  their  chagrin  by  the  means 
they  used  to  prevent  his  appointment.  Even  John 
Dickinson,  while  he  could  not  refrain  from  eulogiz- 
ing him  as  a  man,  inveighed  strenuously  against  his 
political  principles  and  conduct ;  at  the  same  time  ex- 
hibiting symptoms  of  alarm,  that  would  seem  almost 
ludicrous,  if  it  were  not  known  what  power  there  is 
in  the  spirit  of  party  to  distort  truth  and  pervert  the 
judgment.  "The  gentleman  proposed,"  he  says,  in 
a  speech  to  the  House,  "has  been  called  here  to-day 
*a  great  luminary  of  the  learned  world.*  Far  be  it 
from  me  to  detract  from  the  merit  I  admire.  Let 
him  still  shine,  but  without  wrapping  his  country  in 
flames.  Let  him,  from  a  private  station,  from  a  small- 
er sphere,  diffuse,  as  I  think  he  may,  a  beneficial 
light;  but  let  him  not  be  made  to  move  and  blaze 
like  a  comet  to  terrify  and  distress."  Not  satis- 
fied with  lavishing  abuse  upon  him  in  debate,  his 
enemies  procured  a  remonstrance  to  be  drawn  up  and 
signed  by  many  of  their  adherents  in  the  city,  which 
was  presented  to  the  Assembly.  Such  an  attempt 
to  prejudice  the  representatives,  or  bias  their  pro- 
ceedings, was  not  likely  to  have  any  other  effect  on 
his  friends,  than  to  excite  their  indignation,  and  unite 
them  more  firmly  in  his  favor. 

The  remonstrants,  failing  in  the  Assembly,  pub- 
lished their  objections  in  the  form  of  a  Protest.  As 
it  was  now  too  late  to  change  what  had  been  done, 
no  practical  end  could  be  answered  by  this  publica- 
tion. Hence  it  may  be  ascribed  to  other  motives, 
than  solicitude  for  the  public  welfare.  It  was  object- 
ed, that  Dr.  Franklin  had  been  the  chief  author  of 


^T.  58.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  287 

the  late  measures  for  a  change  of  government.  Al- 
lowing this  to  be  true,  it  was  so  far  from  being  an 
objection  in  the  opinion  of  his  friends,  that  it  afforded 
one  of  the  best  reasons  for  intrusting  to  him  the 
prosecution  of  those  measures.  It  was  further  ob- 
jected, that  he  was  not  in  favor  with  the  ministers, 
that  he  stood  on  ill  terms  with  the  Proprietaries,  and 
that  he  was  extremely  disagreeable  to  a  large  number 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province;  all  of  which,  as 
declared  by  the  protesters,  disqualified  him  for  the 
agency  he  was  about  to  undertake. 

He  wrote  remarks  on  these  charges,  just  before  his 
departure  for  England,  examining  them  in  detail,  re- 
plying to  each,  and  saying  at  the  conclusion;  "I  am 
now  to  take  leave,  perhaps  a  last  leave,  of  the  country 
I  love,  and  in  which  I  have  spent  the  greatest  part 
of  my  life.  Esto  perpetua,  I  wish  every  kind  of  pros- 
perity to  my  friends;  and  I  forgive  my  enemies."  This 
forgiveness  he  could  the  more  easily  bestow,  since  his 
enemies,  with  all  their  industrious  efforts  to  defame 
and  injure  him  as  a  public  man,  had  never  insinuated 
a  suspicion  unfavorable  to  his  private  reputation  or 
his  character  as  a  citizen. 

There  being  no  money  in  the  treasury,  that  could 
be  immediately  appropriated  to  defray  the  agent's  ex- 
penses, the  Assembly  voted,  that  these  expenses  should 
be  provided  for  in  the  next  bill  that  should  be  passed 
for  raising  money.  Upon  the  strength  of  this  pledge, 
the  merchants,  in  two  hours,  subscribed  eleven  hundred 
pounds  as  a  loan  to  the  public  for  this  object.  On 
the  7th  of  November,  only  twelve  days  after  his  ap- 
pointment, Franklin  left  Philadelphia,  accompanied  by 
a  cavalcade  of  three  hundred  citizens,  who  attended 
him  to  Chester,  where  he  was  to  go  on  board  the 
vessel.  "The  affectionate  leave  taken  of  me  by  so 


288  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1764. 

many  dear  friends  at  Chester,"  said  he,  "  was  very  en- 
dearing; God  bless  them  and  all  Pennsylvania."  He 
sailed  the  next  day,  but  the  vessel  was  detained  over 
night  at  Reedy  Island  in  the  Delaware.  At  that  place 
he  wrote  a  letter  to  his  daughter,  from  which  the 
following  is  an  extract. 

"My  dear  child,  the  natural  prudence  and  goodness 
of  heart  God  has  blessed  you  with,  make  it  less  ne- 
cessary for  me  to  be  particular  in  giving  you  advice. 
I  shall  therefore  only  say,  that  the  more  attentively  du- 
tiful and  tender  you  are  towards  your  good  mamma, 
the  more  you  will  recommend  yourself  to  me.  But 
why  should  I  mention  me,  when  you  have  so  much 
higher  a  promise  in  the  commandments,  that  such 
conduct  will  recommend  you  to  the  favor  of  God. 
You  know  I  have  many  enemies,  all  indeed  on  the 
public  account,  (for  I  cannot  recollect,  that  I  have  in  a 
private  capacity  given  just  cause  of  offence  to  any  one 
whatever,)  yet  they  are  enemies,  and  very  bitter  ones ; 
and  you  must  expect  their  enmity  will  extend  in  some 
degree  to  you,  so  that  your  slightest  indiscretions  will 
be  magnified  into  crimes,  in  order  the  more  sensibly 
to  wound  and  afflict  me.  It  is,  therefore,  the  more 
necessary  for  you  to  be  extremely  circumspect  in  all 
your  behaviour,  that  no  advantage  may  be  given  to 
their  malevolence. 

"  Go  constantly  to  church,  whoever  preaches.  The 
act  of  devotion  in  the  Common  Prayer  Book  is  your 
principal  business  there,  and,  if  properly  attended  to, 
will  do  more  towards  amending  the  heart  than  ser- 
mons generally  can  do.  For  they  were  composed  by 
men  of  much  greater  piety  and  wisdom,  than  our  com- 
mon composers  of  sermons  can  pretend  to  be;  and 
therefore  I  wish  you  would  never  miss  the  prayer 
days ;  yet  I  do  not  mean  you  should  despise  sermons. 


MT.  58.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN. 

even  of  the  preachers  you  dislike ;  for  the  discourse  is 
often  much  better  than  the  man,  as  sweet  and  clear 
waters  come  through  very  dirty  earth.  I  am  the  more 
particular  on  this  head,  as  you  seemed  to  express,  a 
little  before  I  came  away,  some  inclination  to  leave  our 
church,  which  I  would  not  have  you  do." 

After  a  tempestuous  voyage  of  thirty  days,  he  land- 
ed at  Portsmouth,  and  proceeded  immediately  to  Lon- 
don, where  he  again  took  lodgings  at  Mrs.  Steven- 
son's in  Craven  Street.  When  the  news  of  his  safe 
arrival  came  back  to  Philadelphia,  his  friends  celebrat- 
ed the  event  by  the  ringing  of  bells  and  other  dem- 
onstrations of  joy. 


VOL.  i.  37 


290  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1765. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Origin  of  the  Stamp  Act  —  Franklin's  Opposition  to  it.  —  His  Remarks 
on  the  Passage  of  the  Act,  in  a  Letter  to  Charles  Thomson.  —  False 
Charges  against  him  in  Relation  to  this  Subject  —  Dean  Tucker. — 
Effects  of  the  Stamp  Act  in  America.  —  Franklin's  Examination  be- 
fore Parliament  —  Stamp  Act  repealed.  —  Mr.  Pitt.  —  Declaratory 
Act  —  American  Paper  Currency.  —  Franklin's  Answer  to  Lord  Hills- 
borough's  Report  against  it  —  New  Scheme  for  taxing  the  Colonies 
by  supplying  them  with  Paper  Money.  —  Franklin  travels  in  Holland 
and  Germany.  —  His  Ideas  of  the  Nature  of  the  Union  between  the 
Colonies  and  Great  Britain.  —  Plan  of  a  Colonial  Representation  in 
Parliament.  —  Franklin  visits  Paris.  —  His  "  Account  of  the  Causes  of 
the  American  Discontents."  —  Change  of  Ministry.  —  Lord  Hillsborough 
at  the  Head  of  the  American  Department.  —  Rumor  that  Dr.  Franklin 
was  to  have  an  Office  under  him. 

HENCEFORTH  we  are  to  pursue  the  career  of  Frank- 
lin on  a  broader  theatre  of  action.  Although  he  went 
to  England  as  a  special  agent  for  Pennsylvania,  yet 
circumstances  soon  led  him  to  take  an  active  and  con- 
spicuous part  in  the  general  affairs  of  the  colonies. 
The  policy  avowed  by  the  British  government  after 
the  treaty  of  Paris,  and  the  fruits  of  that  policy  in 
new  restrictions  on  the  colonial  trade,  had  already 
spread  discontent  throughout  the  country.  The  threat- 
ened measure  of  the  Stamp  Act  had  contributed  to 
increase  this  discontent,  and  fix  it  more  deeply  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people.  The  colonies  were  unanimous 
in  remonstrating  against  this  new  mode  of  taxation,  as 
hostile  to  the  liberties  of  Englishmen,  and  an  invasion 
of  the  charter  rights,  which  had  been  granted  to 
them,  and  which  they  had  hitherto  enjoyed. 

The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  entertaining  this  view 
of  the  subject,  in  common  with  all  the  other  assem- 
blies on  the  continent,  instructed  Dr.  Franklin  to  use 
his  efforts,  in  behalf  of  the  province,  to  prevent  the 


JET.  59.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  291 

passage  of  the  act.  The  first  steps  he  took  for  this 
object,  as  well  as  the  origin  of  the  measure  itself, 
are  briefly  explained  by  him  in  a  letter  written  some 
years  afterwards  to  Mr.  William  Alexander.  It  is  dat- 
ed at  Passy,  March  12th,  1778. 

"In  the  pamphlet  you  were  so  kind  as  to  lend  me, 
there  is  one  important  fact  misstated,  apparently  from 
the  writer's  not  having  been  furnished  with  good  in- 
formation ;  it  is  the  transaction  between  Mr.  Grenville 
and  the  colonies,  wherein  he  understands,  that  Mr. 
Grenville  demanded  of  them  a  specific  sum,  that  they 
refused  to  grant  any  thing,  and  that  it  was  on  their 
refusal  only,  that  he  made  the  motion  for  the  Stamp 
Act.  No  one  of  these  particulars  is  true.  The  fact 
was  this. 

"Some  time  in  the  winter  of  1763-4,  Mr.  Grenville 
called  together  the  agents  of  the  several  colonies,  and 
told  them,  that  he  proposed  to  draw  a  revenue  from 
America,  and  to  that  end  his  intention  was  to  levy 
a  stamp  duty  on  the  colonies  by  act  of  Parliament  in 
the  ensuing  session,  of  which  he  thought  it  fit  that 
they  should  be  immediately  acquainted,  that  they  might 
have  time  to  consider,  and,  if  any  other  duty  equally 
productive  would  be  more  agreeable  to  them,  they 
might  let  him  know  it.  The  agents  were  therefore 
directed  to  write  this  to  their  respective  Assemblies, 
and  communicate  to  him  the  answers  they  should  re- 
ceive; the  agents  wrote  accordingly. 

"I  was  a  member  in  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania 
when  this  notification  came  to  hand.  -The  observa- 
tions there  made  upon  it  were,  that  the  ancient,  es- 
tablished, and  regular  method  of  drawing  aids  from 
the  colonies  was  this.  The  occasion  was  always  first 
considered  by  their  sovereign  in  his  privy  council,  by 
whose  sage  advice  he  directed  his  secretary  of  state 


292  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1765, 

to  write  circular  letters  to  the  several  governors,  who 
were  directed  to  lay  them  before  their  Assemblies.  In 
those  letters  the  occasion  was  explained  for  their  sat- 
isfaction, with  gracious  expressions  of  his  Majesty's 
confidence  in  their  known  duty  and  affection,  on  which 
he  relied,  that  they  would  grant  such  sums  as  should 
be  suitable  to  their  abilities,  loyalty,  and  zeal  for  his 
service.  That  the  colonies  had  always  granted  lib- 
erally on  such  requisitions,  and  so  liberally  during  the 
late  war,  that  the  King,  sensible  they  had  granted  much 
more  than  their  proportion,  had  recommended  it  to 
Parliament,  five  years  successively,  to  make  them  some 
compensation,  and  the  Parliament  accordingly  returned 
them  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  a  year,  to  be  di- 
vided among  them.  That  the  proposition  of  taxing 
them  in  Parliament  was  therefore  both  cruel  and  unjust. 
That,  by  the  constitution  of  the  colonies,  their  business 
was  with  the  King,  in  matters  of  aid ;  they  had  nothing 
to  do  with  any  financier,  nor  he  with  them ;  nor  were 
the  agents  the  proper  channels  through  which  requisi- 
tions should  be  made;  it  was  therefore  improper  for 
them  to  enter  in  any  stipulation,  or  make  any  pro- 
position, to  Mr.  Grenville  about  laying  taxes  on  their 
constituents  by  Parliament,  which  had  really  no  right 
at  all  to  tax  them,  especially  as  the  notice  he  had  sent 
them  did  not  appear  to  be  by  the  King's  order,  and 
perhaps  was  without  his  knowledge ;  as  the  King, 
when  he  would  obtain  any  thing  from  them,  always 
accompanied  his  requisition  with  good  words ;  but  this 
gentleman,  instead  of  a  decent  demand,  sent  them  a 
menace,  that  they  should  certainly  be  taxed,  and  only 
left  them  the  choice  of  the  manner.  But,  all  this  not- 
withstanding, they  were  so  far  from  refusing  to  grant 
money,  that  they  resolved  to  the  following  purpose ; 
That,  as  they  always  had,  so  they  always  should  think 


vE-r.  59.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  293 

it  their  duty  to  grant  aid  to  the  crown,  according  to 
their  abilities,  whenever  required  of  them  in  the  usual 
constitutional  manner.' 

"I  went  soon  after  to  England,  and  took  with  me 
an  authentic  copy  of  this  resolution,  which  I  present- 
ed to  Mr.  Grenville  before  he  brought  in  the  Stamp 
Act,  I  asserted  in  the  House  of  Commons  (Mr.  Gren- 
ville being  present),  that  I  had  done  so,  and  he  did 
not  deny  it.  Other  colonies  made  similar  resolutions. 
And,  had  Mr.  Grenville,  instead  of  that  act,  applied 
to  the  King  in  Council  for  such  requisitional  letters  to 
be  circulated  by  the  secretary  of  state,  I  am  sure  he 
would  have  obtained  more  money  from  the  colonies 
by  their  voluntary  grants,  than  he  himself  expected 
from  his  stamps.  But  he  chose  compulsion  rather 
than  persuasion,  and  would  not  receive  from  their  good 
will  what  he  thought  he  could  obtain  without  it.  And 
thus  the  golden  bridge,  which  the  ingenious  author 
thinks  the  Americans  unwisely  and  unbecomingly  re- 
fused to  hold  out  to  the  minister  and  Parliament,  was 
actually  held  out  to  them,  but  they  refused  to  walk 
over  it.  This  is  the  true  history  of  that  transaction; 
and,  as  it  is  probable  there  may  be  another  edition 
of  that  excellent  pamphlet,  I  wish  this  may  be  com- 
municated to  the  candid  author,  who,  I  doubt  not, 
will  correct  that  error." 

It  is  here  to  be  observed,  that  the  alternative  al- 
lowed by  the  minister  was,  that  the  colonists  might 
either  submit  to  a  stamp  duty,  or  suggest  some  other 
tax,  which  should  yield  an  equal  amount  to  the  rev- 
enue. At  all  events,  the  tax  was  to  be  levied  by 
Parliament.  The  proposal  in  both  forms  was  univer- 
sally rejected  by  the  colonists,  who  denied  that  Par- 
liament had  any  right  to  tax  them,  since  they  were 
not  represented  in  that  body;  it  being  a  fundamental 


294  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1765 

principle  of  the  British  Constitution,  that  no  man  shall 
be  taxed  except  by  himself  or  his  representatives.  It 
was  affirmed,  that  this  principle,  constituting  the  bul- 
wark of  British  freedom,  recognised  in  the  colonial 
charters,  and  confirmed  by  numerous  laws  which  had 
received  the  King's  assent,  could  not  now  be  violated 
without  an  exercise  of  power,  as  unjust  and  tyrannical 
as  it  was  unprecedented.  But  the  ministry  had  formed 
their  plans,  and  were  not  in  a  humor  to  recede.  The 
Stamp  Act  was  passed,  notwithstanding  the  remon- 
strances of  the  American  Assemblies,  and  the  stren- 
uous opposition  of  all  their  agents  in  London. 

Some  time  after  this  event,  Dr.  Franklin  wrote  as 
follows  to  Charles  Thomson.  "Depend  upon  it,  my 
good  neighbour,  I  took  every  step  in  my  power  to 
prevent  the  passing  of  the  Stamp  Act.  Nobody  could 
be  more  concerned  and  interested  than  myself  to  op- 
pose it  sincerely  and  heartily.  But  the  tide  was  too 
strong  against  us.  The  nation  was  provoked  by  Amer- 
ican claims  of  independence,  and  all  parties  joined  by 
resolving  in  this  act  to  settle  the  point.  We  might  as 
well  have  hindered  the  sun's  setting.  That  we  could 
not  do.  But  since  it  is  down,  my  friend,  and  it  may 
be  long  before  it  rises  again,  let  us  make  as  good  a 
night  of  it  as  we  can.  We  may  still  light  candles. 
Frugality  and  industry  will  go  a  great  way  towards 
indemnifying  us.  Idleness  and  pride  tax  with  a  heav- 
ier hand  than  kings  and  parliaments.  If  we  can  get 
rid  of  the  former,  we  may  easily  get  rid  of  the  latter."  * 

*  This  letter  was  dated  in  London,  July  llth,  1765.  Charles  Thom- 
son said,  in  his  answer;  "The  sun  of  liberty  is  indeed  fast  setting,  if 
not  down  already,  in  the  American  colonies.  But  I  much  fear,  instead 
of  the  candles  you  mention  being  lighted,  you  will  hear  of  the  works 
of  darkness.  They  are  in  general  alarmed  to  the  last  degree.  The 
colonies  expect,  and  with  reason  expect,  that  some  regard  shall  be  had 
to  their  liberties  and  privileges,  as  well  as  trade.  Thf.y  cannot  bring 


.ET.59.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  295 

Dr.  Franklin's  political  enemies  in  Pennsylvania 
spread  a  rumor,  that  he  approved  the  Stamp  Act 
A  gentleman  in  London  hearing  of  this  report,  wrote 
to  his  correspondent  in  Philadelphia ;  "  I  can  safely  as- 
sert, from  my  own  personal  knowledge,  that  Dr.  Frank- 
lin did  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  the  Stamp  Act  from 
passing;  that  he  waited  on  the  ministry  to  inform 
them  fully  of  its  mischievous  tendency ;  and  that  he 
has  uniformly  opposed  it  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability." 
This  rumor  was  set  afloat  for  party  purposes,  and 
was  propagated  by  those,  who  wished  to  lessen  his 
credit  and  growing  popularity  in  the  province.  The 
end  was  not  gained.  On  the  contrary,  when  his  ex- 
ertions against  this  "mother  of  mischiefs,"  as  he  call- 
ed the  Stamp  Act,  became  known,  and  the  motives 
of  his  enemies  in  giving  countenance  to  such  a  charge 
were  understood,  the  popular  voice  was  more  loud 
than  before  in  his  favor,  and  the  public  confidence 
in  his  character  and  patriotism  was  increased. 

Dr.  Tucker,  Dean  of  Gloucester,  in  a  treatise  pub- 

themselves  to  believe,  nor  can  they  see  how  England  with  reason  or 
justice  expects,  that  they  should  have  encountered  the  horrors  of  a 
desert,  borne  the  attacks  of  barbarous  savages,  and,  at  the  expense  of 
their  blood  and  treasure,  settled  this  country  to  the  great  emolument  of 
England,  and,  after  all,  quietly  submit  to  be  deprived  of  every  thing  an 
Englishman  has  been  taught  to  hold  dear.  It  is  not  property  only  we 
contend  for.  Our  liberty  and  most  essential  privileges  are  struck  at." 
Other  parts  of  this  letter  .are  contained  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  of 
March  6th,  1766,  where  the  extract  above  quoted,  and  Thomson's  reply, 
were  first  published.  See  also  the  American  Quarterly  Review,  Vol. 
XVIII.  p.  92.  The  extract  from  Franklin's  letter  is  inaccurately  printed 
in  the  Gazette,  there  being  omissions  and  additions.  The  changes  were 
probably  made  by  his  correspondent,  or  the  editor,  to  suit  the  occasion. 
It  was  printed  without  the  author's  name,  and  of  course  without  his 
knowledge,  as  he  was  then  absent  in  England.  Historians,  following 
Dr.  Gordon,  have  quoted  the  passage  still  less  accurately.  When  the 
author  speaks  of  the  "  American  claims  of  independence,"  he  alludea 
to  the  claim  of  the  colonists  to  an  independence  of  Parliament  in 
regard  to  taxation,  which  was  now  the  subject  of  dispute. 


296  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1765. 

lished  by  him  on  the  colonial  troubles,  reiterated  the 
same  false  charge,  and  added,  that  Dr.  Franklin  even 
solicited  for  himself  the  office  of  stamp-distributor  in 
America.  When  this  strange  assertion  fell  under  the 
eyes  of  Franklin,  he  wrote  to  the  Dean,  demanding 
an  explanation.  The  Dean's  reply  was  awkward  and 
unsatisfactory.  He  had  heard  it  often  reported,  that 
Dr.  Franklin  applied  for  a  place  in  the  distribution  of 
stamps;  he  drew  the  inference,  that  the  place  was 
solicited  for  himself;  and  this  inference  he  had  con- 
verted into  a  fact.  So  much  he  was  constrained  to 
confess ;  whereas,  upon  further  inquiry,  he  could  find 
no  positive  proof  of  the  charge,  though  there  was  evi- 
dence of  Dr.  Franklin's  having  applied  in  favor  of  an- 
other person.  This  latter  circumstance,  in  the  Dean's 
opinion,  was  a  sufficient  vindication  of  his  conduct, 
since  it  appeared  to  him  "  very  immaterial  to  the  gen- 
eral merits  of  the  question,"  whether  he  had  solicited 
for  himself  or  for  a  friend. 

To  correct  this  distorted  and  disingenuous  view  of 
the  subject,  Dr.  Franklin  communicated  to  him  the 
particulars  of  the  transaction,  which  are  briefly  these. 
Not  long  after  the  Stamp  Act  was  passed,  Mr.  Gren- 
ville  called  the  colonial  agents  together,  and,  by  his 
secretary,  requested  them  to  name  such  persons  in 
the  respective  colonies,  as  they  thought  were  qualified 
for  the  office  of  stamp-distributor,  and  as  would  be 
acceptable  to  the  inhabitants,  saying,  that  he  did  not 
design  to  send  these  officers  over  from  England,  but 
to  select  them  from  among  the  people,  who  were  to 
pay  the  tax.  Each  agent  accordingly  nominated  an 
individual  for  the  province  he  represented.  Dr.  Frank- 
lin named  for  Pennsylvania  Mr.  John  Hughes,  who  re- 
ceived the  appointment. 

Here  we  have  the  substance  of  all  that  he  did  in 


^Er.  59.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  297 

this  business,  which  was  misrepresented  at  the  time, 
and  artfully  turned  to  his  disadvantage.  Neither  he, 
nor  any  of  the  agents,  had  the  least  suspicion,  that 
they  were  to  be  considered  as  approving  the  Stamp 
Act,  because  they  had  complied  with  the  minister's  re- 
quest in  making  these  nominations.  In  fact,  they  had 
opposed  it  at  every  step,  and,  the  act  being  passed, 
they  could  not  foresee  the  hostility  it  was  destined  to 
encounter  in  America;  nor  could  they,  with  common 
prudence,  set  up  a  resistance  against  it  without  know- 
ing the  will  of  their  constituents,  thereby  weakening, 
if  not  destroying,  their  influence  at  the  British  court 
at  a  time  when  it  was  most  needed,  and  jeoparding 
the  interests  they  were  bound  to  protect.* 

The  news  of  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act  pro- 
duced a  universal  excitement  in  America.  The  As- 
semblies, as  soon  as  they  came  together,  passed  reso- 
lutions in  which  the  act  was  declared  to  be  iniquitous, 
oppressive,  and  without  precedent  in  the  annals  of 
British  legislation.  The  same  tone  and  temper,  the 
same  firmness  of  purpose,  and  the  same  enthusiastic 
attachment  to  their  liberties,  pervaded  them  all.  Yet 
their  public  proceedings  were  marked  with  decorum 
and  moderation.  They  were  resolute  in  proclaiming 
their  rights,  and  their  determination  to  preserve  them 
unimpaired.  The  authority  of  the  British  government, 
within  its  former  just  limits,  was  acknowledged.  Their 
resolves  were  pointed  and  strong,  but  respectful  in 
temper  and  language.  To  procure  a  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act  was  the  immediate  object,  and,  to  effect 
this,  petitions  were  sent  from  all  quarters  to  the  agents 

*  See  the  correspondence  between  Dr.  Franklin  and  Dr.  Tucker, 
Vol.  IV.  pp.  516-525.  In  a  subsequent  edition  of  his  tract,  the  Dean 
corrected,  in  part,  his  erroneous  assertion,  but  in  such  a  manner  aa  left 
him  little  ctsdit  for  candor  or  magnanimity. 

VOL.  i.  38 


298  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1766. 

in  London,  with  instructions  to  have  them  laid  before 
the  King  and  Parliament. 

While  the  Assemblies  were  thus  engaged,  the  peo- 
ple testified  their  sentiments  hi  a  different  manner. 
They  showed  their  resentment  particularly  against  the 
distributors  of  stamps,  officers  odious  in  their  sight,  as 
having  consented  to  be  agents  in  executing  the  de- 
tested act.  By  riots,  mobs,  burning  in  effigy,  threats, 
and  violent  assaults,  they  compelled  every  stamp  offi- 
cer in  the  country  to  resign  his  commission,  and  to 
declare  publicly,  that  he  would  not  act  in  his  office. 
The  people's  wrath  was  kindled  against  the  stamped 
paper,  as  if  it  were  fraught  with  the  seeds  of  a  pesti- 
lence, or  a  contagious  poison.  They  resolved,  that  the 
American  soil  should  never  be  contaminated  by  its 
touch ;  and,  when  it  arrived,  the  governors  and  other 
principal  officers  were  forced  to  keep  it  on  board  armed 
vessels  in  the  harbours,  till  it  was  finally  all  sent  back 
to  England. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  in  America,  when  the 
subject  was  again  brought  before  Parliament,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1766.  In  the  mean  time,  there 
had  been  a  change  of  ministry,  Mr.  Grenville  giving 
place  to  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham.  The  petitions 
of  the  colonies  were  laid  on  the  table,  and  left  there 
unnoticed ;  but,  as  they  had  generally  been  published, 
their  contents  were  well  known,  and  the  new  minis- 
try came  to  a  resolution  to  advise  a  repeal  of  the  act. 

The  subject  was  discussed  with  great  warmth  on 
both  sides  of  the  House.  While  the  debates  were  in 
progress,  Dr.  Franklin  was  called  before  Parliament, 
to  be  examined  respecting  the  state  of  affairs  in  Amer- 
ica. This  motion  probably  originated  with  the  minis- 
ters, who  were  now  striving  for  a  repeal  of  the  act, 
and  was  seconded  by  Dr.  Franklin's  friends,  who  had 


^Ex.  CO.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  299 

confidence  in  the  result;  but  he  was  questioned  in 
the  presence  of  a  full  House  by  various  individuals  of 
both  parties^  including  the  late  ministers ;  and  his  an- 
swers were  given  without  premeditation,  and  without 
knowing  beforehand  the  nature  or  form  of  the  ques- 
tion that  was  to  be  put.  The  dignity  of  his  bearing, 
his  self-possession,  the  promptness  and  propriety  with 
which  he  replied  to  each  interrogatory,  the  profound 
knowledge  he  displayed  upon  every  topic  presented 
to  him,  his  perfect  acquaintance  with  the  political  con- 
dition and  internal  affairs  of  his  country,  the  fearless- 
ness with  which  he  defended  the  late  doings  of  his 
countrymen,  and  censured  the  measures  of  Parliament, 
his  pointed  expressions  and  characteristic  manner ;  all 
these  combined  to  rivet  the  attention,  and  excite  the 
astonishment,  of  his  audience.  And,  indeed,  there  is 
no  event  in  this  great  man's  life,  more  creditable  to 
his  talents  and  character,  or  more  honorable  to  his 
fame,  than  this  examination  before  the  British  Parlia- 
ment. It  is  an  enduring  monument  of  his  wisdom, 
firmness,  sagacity,  and  patriotism. 

When  he  was  asked,  whether  the  Americans  would 
pay  the  stamp  duty  if  it  were  moderated,  he  an- 
swered; "No,  never,  unless  compelled  by  force  of 
arms."  Again,  when  it  was  inquired  how  the  Amer- 
icans would  receive  another  tax,  imposed  upon  the 
same  principles,  he  said,  "Just  as  they  do  this;  they 
will  never  pay  it."  And  again,  he  was  asked  wheth- 
er the  Americans  would  rescind  their  resolutions,  if 
the  Stamp  Act  were  repealed.  To  this  he  replied; 
"No,  never;  they  will  never  do  it  unless  compelled 
by  force  of  arms."  He  was  also  questioned,  as  to  the 
non-importation  agreements,  and  asked  whether  the 
Americans  would  not  soon  become  tired  of  them,  and 
fall  back  to  purchasing  British  manufactures  as  before. 


300  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1766. 

He  said  he  did  not  believe  they  would;  that  he 
knew  his  countrymen ;  that  they  had  materials,  and 
industry  to  work  them  up ;  that  they  could  make 
their  own  clothes,  and  would  make  them ;  that  they 
loved  liberty,  and  would  maintain  their  rights.  The 
examination  was  closed  with  the  two  following  ques- 
tions and  answers.  "  What  used  to  be  the  pride  of 
the  Americans?"  He  answered;  "To  indulge  in  the 
fashions  and  manufactures  of  Great  Britain."  "What 
is  now  their  pride?"  Answer;  "To  wear  their  old 
clothes  over  again  till  they  can  make  new  ones." 

After  much  stormy  debate  in  Parliament,  the  Stamp 
Act  was  repealed;  but,  as  if  unwilling  to  do  their 
work  thoroughly,  or  fearing  that  they  should  concede 
too  much,  they  accompanied  the  repeal  with  a  dec- 
laration, which  never  ceased  to  rankle  in  the  hearts 
of  the  colonists.  They  passed  what  was  called  a 
Declaratory  Act,  in  which  it  was  affirmed,  that  "  Parlia- 
ment had  a  right  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases 
whatsoever"  It  was  said  at  the  time,  that  the  parti- 
sans of  the  ministers  were  driven  to  this  act  by  the 
indiscreet  warmth  of  Mr.  Pitt,  who  openly  denied  the 
right  of  Parliament  to  tax  the  colonies  in  any  manner, 
and  said,  in  the  course  of  his  speech,  "/  am  glad 
America  has  resisted"  Such  a  doctrine  as  this,  from 
so  high  a  source,  was  not  to  be  tolerated ;  and,  to 
make  amends  for  its  having  been  uttered  in  Parlia- 
ment, the  members  opposed  to  him  hit  upon  the  de- 
vice of  declaring  solemnly,  that  they  had  a  right,  not 
only  to  tax,  but  to  do  what  else  they  pleased.  Lord 
Mansfield,  who  was  against  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  said  in  the  House  of  Lords,  that  this  declaration 
amounted  to  nothing,  and  that  it  was  a  poor  contri- 
vance to  save  the  dignity  of  Parliament. 

But,  whatever  may  have  been  the  origin  or  design 


.Ex.  60.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  301 

of  the  Declaratory  Act,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a  so- 
ber reality  and  with  great  concern  by  the  colonists. 
If  Parliament  could  declare,  it  was  natural  to  suppose, 
that,  when  occasion  offered,  they  would  act  according- 
ly ;  and  taxing  was  one  of  the  least  evils  they  might 
inflict,  if  they  chose  to  exercise  their  assumed  sove- 
reign power.  What  should  prevent  them  from  putting 
an  end  to  the  very  existence  of  the  colonial  govern- 
ments, and  annihilating  every  right  they  possessed  ? 
According  to  this  doctrine,  not  only  the  property,  but 
the  liberty,  and  even  the  life,  of  every  American  were 
held  at  the  will  of  Parliament;  a  body  always  agitated 
by  party  strifes,  moving  at  the  beck  of  a  minister, 
and  irresponsible  to  any  power  for  the  tyranny  it  might 
exercise  over  distant  colonists,  who  had  no  represen- 
tatives in  Parliament  to  defend  their  cause  or  vindi- 
cate their  rights. 

It  is  no  wonder,  that  such  a  doctrine,  maintained 
with  great  unanimity  by  the  British  lawgivers,  should 
excite  the  astonishment  and  indignation  of  the  Amer- 
icans. The  result  proved,  that  their  fears  were  not 
groundless;  for  they  were  soon  taught  to  understand 
and  to  feel,  that  the  Declaratory  Act  was  meant  to  be 
more  than  a  form  of  words,  or  a  mere  expression  of 
opinion. 

The  joy  diffused  by  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act, 
however,  quieted  for  a  time  all  uneasiness.  No  one, 
who  reads  Dr.  Franklin's  Examination,  as  it  was  af- 
terwards published,  can  doubt,  that  he  performed  a 
very  important  and  effective  part  in  promoting  this 
measure.  The  facts  he  communicated,  drawn  from  his 
long  experience  and  knowledge  of  American  affairs, 
and  the  sentiments  he  expressed  concerning  the  de- 
signs and  character  of  his  countrymen,  were  many 
of  them  new  to  his  hearers,  and  were  conveyed  in 

VOL.  i.  z 


302  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1766. 

language  so  clear  and  forcible,  as  to  make  a  deep 
impression.  Moreover,  his  personal  endeavours  with 
men  in  power  and  men  of  influence,  wherever  he 
met  them,  were  unremitted.  His  services  were  well 
known  and  properly  valued  in  London,  by  those  who 
sought  to  bring  about  the  repeal.  Letters  were  writ- 
ten to  his  friends  by  gentlemen  acquainted  with  the 
particulars,  acknowledging  and  applauding  these  ser- 
vices ;  and  when  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  was  cele- 
brated by  a  public  festivity  at  Philadelphia,  his  name 
was  honored  with  unusual  expressions  of  respect  and 
gratitude. 

Another  subject  engaged  much  of  his  attention  for 
some  time  after  his  arrival  in  England.  The  late  war 
had  occasioned  derangement  in  the  American  paper 
currency,  and  the  British  merchants  had  raised  a  clam- 
or against  it,  which  was  sustained  by  a  Report  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  written  by  Lord  Hillsborough,  re- 
commending that  any  further  emission  of  paper  bills 
of  credit  in  the  colonies,  as  a  legal  tender,  should  be 
prohibited.  Franklin  answered  this  Report  by  a  se- 
ries of  cogent  arguments,  interspersed  with  illustra- 
tive facts  and  remarks  respecting  the  American  paper 
money,  and  its  effects  on  the  trade  and  internal  pros- 
perity of  the  country.  He  had  written  a  tract  on 
this  subject  when  he  was  twenty-three  years  old,  in 
which  he  advanced  some  of  the  doctrines  in  political 
economy,  that  were  afterwards  more  fully  unfolded  by 
Adam  Smith,  as  essential  elements  of  his  theory. 

The  history  of  the  colonial  paper  currency  is  curi- 
ous and  interesting.  Before  the  Revolution  there  were 
no  banks  in  the  country,  resembling  the  institutions 
since  known  by  that  name.  Bills  of  credit,  issued 
from  time  to  time  by  the  Assemblies,  constituted  the 
only  paper  medium  in  use  for  circulation.  The  gold 


^T.  60]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  303 

and  silver  coin  found  its  way  to  England,  as  a  remit- 
tance for  British  manufactures,  and  its  place  was  sup- 
plied by  these  bills,  which  were  sometimes  necessary 
and  always  convenient.  Indeed,  when  an  emergency 
came,  such  as  a  French  or  an  Indian  war,  there  was 
no  other  way  of  raising  large  sums  of  money  than 
by  emissions  of  paper. 

Various  methods  were  adopted  by  the  different  col- 
onies, but  the  one  practised  in  Pennsylvania  was  con- 
sidered the  best.  A  certain  amount  of  paper  was 
emitted  for  a  given  time,  say  ten  years,  at  the  ex- 
piration of  which  it  was  all  to  be  redeemed.  The 
paper  was  put  into  circulation  in  the  form  of  loans 
to  individuals,  secured  by  mortgages  on  land.  One 
tenth  of  each  loan  was  to  be  paid  back  annually  by 
the  borrower,  with  the  interest  at  five  per  cent.  Thus, 
at  the  end  of  the  ten  years,  the  whole  had  been  re- 
turned to  the  loan  offices  and  redeemed;  the  gov- 
ernment having  gained  the  interest  during  that  time, 
and  the  community  having  received  the  benefit  of  the 
circulation.  The  paper  was  made  a  legal  tender  for 
the  payment  of  debts,  and  it  generally  maintained  its 
original  value,  with  slight  fluctuations  caused  by  the 
rise  of  gold  and  silver,  when  a  larger  quantity  of  these 
metals  than  usual  was  wanted  for  exportation. 

In  some  of  the  other  colonies  the  paper  was  emitted 
merely  on  the  credit  of  the  government,  certain  tax- 
es being  pledged  for  redeeming  it  within  a  limited 
time.  This  security  was  not  sufficient  to  gain  the 
public  confidence,  although  supported  by  the  legal  ten- 
der, and  the  bills  fell  in  value.  The  evil  was  increased 
by  forced  emissions  beyond  the  quantity  required  as 
a  circulating  medium,  and  also  by  the  remissness  of 
the  Assemblies  in  collecting  the  taxes,  or  by  their  ap- 
propriating these  taxes  to  other  objects.  In  Virginia, 


304  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1766. 

likewise,  the  value  of  the  bills  fluctuated  according  to 
the  more  or  less  abundant  crops  of  tobacco,  which 
was  the  chief  commodity  of  trade  in  that  province. 
At  length  the  British  merchants,  finding  it  difficult  to 
collect  their  American  debts,  ascribed  the  cause  to  the 
depreciation  of  the  local  currency,  and  used  their  in- 
fluence with  the  ministers  to  procure  an  act  of  Par- 
liament restraining  emissions,  with  a  legal  tender,  in  all 
the  colonies.  They  carried  their  point,  and  such  an 
act  was  passed. 

The  restraint  was  considered  onerous  and  inequi- 
table in  Pennsylvania,  where  the  paper  money  had 
always  been  so  managed  as  to  keep  its  value  nearly  at 
par,  and  the  Assembly  petitioned  Parliament  for  a  re- 
peal of  the  act.  Dr.  Franklin  presented  the  petition, 
and,  having  brought  over  the  merchants  to  join  with 
him  in  the  application,  he  urged  it  so  effectively,  that 
the  ministers  agreed  to  favor  the  measure. 

He  found  it  necessary,  however,  first  to  dispossess 
them  of  a  notion,  which  they  had  taken  up,  and 
which  he  looked  upon  as  threatening  more  mischief 
to  the  colonies,  than  the  prohibition  of  the  legal  ten- 
der. They  were  meditating  a  project  for  drawing  a 
revenue  from  the  colonial  paper  money,  by  retaining 
the  interest  derived  from  it  to  be  appropriated  by 
Parliament.  He  assured  them,  that  no  colony  would 
emit  money  on  such  terms,  and  advanced  other  rea- 
sons against  the  plan,  which  seemed  to  convince  them, 
that  it  was  impolitic  if  not  impracticable.  But  when 
Parliament  assembled,  the  subject  was  introduced  in 
a  new  and  still  more  objectionable  form.  The  chan- 
cellor of  the  exchequer,  Mr.  Townshend,  after  he  had 
proposed  an  American  revenue  by  duties  on  glass, 
paper,  tea,  and  some  other  articles,  said  he  had  an- 
other proposition  to  offer,  and  that  a  bill  would  be 


JET.  GO.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  305 

prepared  for  the  purpose.  By  his  scheme  all  the  pa- 
per money  for  the  colonies  was  to  be  made  by  the 
British  government  in  London,  sent  over  to  America, 
deposited  in  loan-offices  there,  and  then  issued  on  in- 
terest precisely  according  to  the  Pennsylvania  method. 
The  whole  amount  of  the  interest  was  to  be  paid  into 
the  British  treasury. 

In  its  principles  this  scheme  was  exactly  the  same 
as  the  Stamp  Act.  Tt  aimed  to  impose  a  direct  tax 
on  the  colonies  by  a  law  of  Parliament,  and  also  to 
take  away  from  the  Assemblies  all  power  over  their 
currency.  Foreseeing  the  consequences,  and  wishing 
to  remove  every  ground  for  such  a  proceeding  on  the 
score  of  complaints  from  the  colonies,  Dr.  Franklin 
thought  it  prudent  not  to  press  the  petition  any  fur- 
ther at  that  time. 

Shortly  afterwards  he  wrote;  "I  am  not  for  apply- 
ing here  again  very  soon  for  a  repeal  of  the  restrain- 
ing act.  I  am  afraid  an  ill  use  will  be  made  of  it 
The  plan  of  our  adversaries  is,  to  render  Assemblies 
in  America  useless,  and  to  have  a  revenue,  indepen- 
dent of  their  grants,  for  all  the  purposes  of  their  defence 
and  supporting  governments  among  them.  It  is  our 
interest  to  prevent  this.  And,  that  they  may  not  lay 
hold  of  our  necessities  for  paper  money,  to  draw  a 
revenue  from  that  article  whenever  they  grant  us  the 
liberty  we  want,  of  making  it  a  legal  tender,  I  wish 
some  other  method  may  be  fallen  upon  of  supporting 
its  credit."  He  therefore  recommended  the  experi- 
ment of  paper  money  not  a  legal  tender,  which  had 
been  already  begun  by  the  Pennsylvanians  upon  a 
small  scale;  and  he  also  intimated,  that  a  bank  might 
be  established,  which  would  answer  the  desired  pur- 
pose. This  latter  plan,  however,  was  never  resort- 
ed to,  either  by  Pennsylvania  or  any  other  province. 

VOL.  i.  39  z* 


306  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [17GG. 

Mr.  Townshend's  project  was  dropped.  If  the  new 
duties  had  been  submitted  to,  the  tax  on  paper  money 
would  probably  have  followed. 

In  the  summer  of  1766,  Dr.  Franklin  went  over  to 
Germany,  accompanied  by  Sir  John  Pringle,  who  spent 
some  time  at  Pyrmont  for  the  benefit  of  the  waters. 
Franklin  made  a  more  extended  journey ;  but  little  is 
known  of  it,  except  that  he  visited  Gottingen,  Hano- 
ver, and  some  of  the  principal  cities  and  universities 
on  the  continent,  and  returned  to  London  after  an  ab- 
sence of  eight  weeks.  During  this  tour  he  learned 
from  the  boatnlen  in  Holland,  that  boats  propelled  by 
an  equal  force  move  more  slowly  in  shoal  than  in 
deep  water.  He  afterwards  performed  a  variety  of 
experiments  to  prove  and  illustrate  this  fact,  which 
he  considered  important  in  the  construction  of  canals. 
The  results  of  these  experiments,  with  an  explanation 
of  them  on  philosophical  principles,  he  communicated 
in  a  letter  to  Sir  John  Pringle. 

The  main  business  of  his  mission  to  England,  which 
was  to  prosecute  the  petition  for  a  change  of  the 
government  in  Pennsylvania,  received  his  early  and 
continued  attention.  The  ministers  listened  to  the  ap- 
plication so  far,  as  to  raise  encouraging  hopes  of 
its  ultimate  success.  As  the  change,  desired  by  the 
Pennsylvanians,  was  such  as  to  enlarge  the  authority 
of  the  crown  in  that  province,  there  was  no  reluc- 
tance on  the  part  of  the  administration  to  agree  to  an 
arrangement,  whenever  it  could  be  done  consistently 
with  the  proprietary  claims.  It  was  proposed,  that 
the  government  should  purchase  of  the  Proprietaries 
their  right  of  jurisdiction,  leaving  them  in  possession 
of  the  lands  and  other  property  belonging  to  them  in 
the  province.  The  affair  was  discussed  from  time  to 
time ;  but  the  increasing  disorders  in  the  colonies,  and 


jET.  60.]  LIFE   OP    FRANKLIN.  307 

the  resistance  to  acts  of  Parliament,  in  which  the 
Pennsylvanians  joined  as  heartily  as  any  of  their  neigh- 
bours, prevented  its  being  brought  to  an  issue  till  the 
war  broke  out.  If  quiet  had  been  restored,  by  estab- 
lishing the  relations  between  the  two  countries  on  the 
old  footing,  as  they  stood  before  the  Stamp  Act,  which 
was  demanded  by  the  colonists,  the  change  would 
doubtless  have  been  effected. 

Recent  events  led  to  the  investigation  of  a  subject, 
which  had  hitherto  been  little  considered,  because  no 
occasion  had  arisen  for  calling  it  into  notice.  An  in- 
quiry began  to  be  made,  on  both  sides  of  the  At- 
lantic, into  the  principles  by  which  the  people  of  the 
two  countries  were  bound  together,  and  the  recipro- 
cal duties  involved  in  this  union.  Franklin  devoted 
his  thoughts  with  great  earnestness  to  this  inquiry, 
and,  after  a  full  examination,  expressed  his  sentiments 
decidedly  and  without  reserve.  The  first  settlers  came 
to  America  by  permission  of  the  King ;  certain  rights 
and  privileges  were  granted  to  them  by  royal  char- 
ters ;  they  were  allowed  to  have  Assemblies  of  their 
own,  and  to  pass  laws  not  repugnant  to  the  laws  of 
England ;  these  laws  might  be  confirmed  or  annulled 
by  the  King;  suits  arising  in  the  colonies,  whenever 
transferred  to  the  mother  country,  were  decided  by 
the  King  in  Council.  Parliament  had  never  been 
consulted  in  making  the  charters,  nor  had  any  author- 
ity been  reserved  to  that  body  over  them,  in  regard 
to  the  terms  upon  which  they  were  conferred;  and, 
indeed,  Parliament  had  taken  no  notice  of  the  colo- 
nies, till  a  long  time  after  their  settlement.  Besides, 
the  emigrants  did  not  remove  to  a  conquered  country ; 
they  purchased  the  soil  of  the  natives  with  their  own 
means;  nor  did  they  ever  put  the  British  govern- 
ment to  the  expense  of  a  farthing,  either  for  their  remo- 
val or  their  establishment  in  an  unexplored  wilderness. 


308  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1706 

The  power  over  commerce  was  naturally  lodged  in 
Parliament,  because  the  laws  regulating  commerce  ne- 
cessarily extended  to  the  whole  empire ;  and  for  this 
reason  the  colonists  had  yielded  obedience  to  the 
commercial  restrictions,  although  they  had  sometimes 
been  oppressive.  But  the  internal  affairs  of  the  colo- 
nies were  under  the  control  of  the  laws  passed  by  the 
Assemblies,  subject  only  to  the  King's  negative ;  and, 
whenever  Parliament  had  meddled  with  these  affairs, 
it  was  a  usurpation,  exercised  contrary  to  justice  and 
to  early  usage.  He  considered  the  mother  country 
and  colonies  to  be  connected  as  England  and  Scot- 
land were  before  the  union,  each  having  its  Assem- 
bly, or  Parliament,  under  the  King  as  a  common 
sovereign.  "The  British  empire,"  said  he,  "is  not  a 
single  state ;  it  comprehends  many ;  and,  though  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain  has  arrogated  to  itself  the 
power  of  taxing  the  colonies,  it  has  no  more  right  to 
do  so,  than  it  has  to  tax  Hanover.  We  have  the 
same  King,  but  not  the  same  legislatures." 

These  doctrines  he  sustained  by  arguments  drawn 
from  history,  and  from  well  established  principles  in 
the  British  and  colonial  constitutions.  He  communi- 
cated them  freely  to  his  friends  in  both  countries. 
Governor  Hutchinson  complains,  that  they  produced 
an  influence  in  Massachusetts  unfavorable  to  the  min- 
isterial schemes ;  that  "  he  corresponded  with  the  prin- 
cipal advocates  of  the  controversy  with  Parliament  in 
Boston,  from  the  first  stir  about  the  Stamp  Act,  and 
they  professed,  in  all  the  important  parts  of  it,  to  gov- 
ern themselves  by  his  advice."  This  is  doubtless  true; 
and  they  had  no  reason  to  regret,  that  they  followed 
such  advice,  or  were  guided  by  such  a  counsellor. 

Another  topic,  nearly  allied  to  this,  occupied  public 
attention  at  the  same  time.  It  became  a  question, 


yEr.  60.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  309 

whether  all  difficulties  might  not  be  adjusted,  and 
a  permanent  union  be  established  between  the  two 
countries,  by  admitting  representatives  in  Parliament 
from  the  colonies.  Politicians  invented  theories  and  sug- 
gested plans.  Dr.  Franklin  thought  that  such  a  rep- 
resentation, on  fair  and  equal  terms,  afforded  the  only 
basis  of  a  union,  which  could  be  expected  to  endure. 
But  the  proposal  must  first  come  from  England ; 
he  was  persuaded  this  would  never  be  done,  and  he 
hoped  little  from  the  project.  "The  time  has  been," 
said  he,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Kames,  "when  the  colo- 
nies might  have  been  pleased  with  it ;  they  are  now 
indifferent  about  it ;  and,  if  it  is  much  longer  delayed, 
they  too  will  refuse  it.  But  the  pride  of  this  people 
cannot  bear  the  thought  of  it,  and  therefore  it  will  be 
delayed.  Every  man  in  England  seems  to  consider 
himself  as  a  piece  of  a  sovereign  over  America ;  seems 
to  jostle  himself  into  the  throne  with  the  King,  and 
talks  of  our  subjects  in  the  colonies.  The  Parliament 
cannot  well  and  wisely  make  laws  suited  to  the  col- 
onies, without  being  properly  and  truly  informed  of 
their  circumstances,  abilities,  temper,  &c.  This  it 
cannot  be  without  representatives  from  thence ;  and 
yet  it  is  fond  of  this  power,  and  averse  to  the  only 
means  of  acquiring  the  necessary  knowledge  for  exer- 
cising it ;  which  is  desiring  to  be  omnipotent,  without 
being  omniscient" 

The  same  letter,  written  only  a  year  alter  the  re- 
peal of  the  Stamp  Act,  contains  the  following  remark- 
able passage,  which  would  seem  almost  to  have  been 
penned  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy.  "America,  an  im- 
mense territory,  favored  by  nature  with  all  advantages 
of  climate,  soils,  great  navigable  rivers,  and  lakes,  must 
become  a  great  country,  populous  and  mighty ;  and 
will,  in  a  less  time  than  is  generally  conceived,  be 


310  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1767. 

able  to  shake  off  any  shackles  that  may  be  imposed 
upon  her,  and  perhaps  place  them  on  the  imposers. 
In  the  mean  time,  every  act  of  oppression  will  sour 
their  tempers,  lessen  greatly,  if  not  annihilate,  the 
profits  of  your  commerce  with  them,  and  hasten  their 
final  revolt ;  for  the  seeds  of  liberty  are  universally 
found  there,  and  nothing  can  eradicate  them.  And 
yet  there  remains  among  that  people  so  much  respect, 
veneration,  and  affection  for  Britain,  that,  if  cultivated 
prudently,  with  a  kind  usage  and  tenderness  for  their 
privileges,  they  might  be  easily  governed  still  for  ages, 
without  force  or  any  considerable  expense.  But  I  do 
not  see  here  a  sufficient  quantity  of  the  wisdom,  that 
is  necessary  to  produce  such  a  conduct,  and  I  lament 
the  want  of  it."* 

The  temporary  tranquillity  in  the  colonies,  which 
followed  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  afforded  Dr. 
Franklin  a  respite  from  the  public  duties  in  which  he 
was  constantly  engaged  before  that  event,  and  again 
afterwards  when  the  controversy  was  revived.  A  por- 
tion of  this  period  he  devoted  to  travelling.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1767,  he  visited  Paris,  accompanied,  as  he 
had  been  the  year  preceding  in  Germany,  by  his 
"steady,  good  friend,  Sir  John  Pringle."  The  French 
ambassador  in  London,  who  had  been  particularly  civil 
to  him  of  late,  gave  him  letters  of  introduction  to  sev- 
eral eminent  persons.  His  papers  on  electricity  had 
long  before  been  translated  and  published  in  Paris, 
and  his  philosophical  discoveries  were  probably  better 
known  and  more  higWy  estimated  there,  than  in  any 
other  part  of  Europe.  The  reception  he  met  with 
was  in  all  respects  gratifying  to  him.  He  was  intro- 

*  The  letter,  from  which  these  extracts  are  taken,  was  not  received 
by  Lord  Kames.     A  copy  of  it  was  sent  to  him  by  Dr.  Franklin  two 


.ET.  61.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  311 

duced  to  the  King  and  royal  family,  and  formed  an 
acquaintance  with  the  distinguished  men  in  the  scien- 
tific and  political  circles.  These  advantages,  and  the 
knowledge  he  gained  by  his  observations  and  inqui- 
ries in  France,  were  not  only  serviceable  to  him  at 
the  time,  but  they  prepared  the  way  for  the  success- 
ful execution  of  the  important  trust,  wrhich  he  was 
destined  to  hold  in  that  country  at  a  later  period,  as 
minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  American  States. 

Scarcely  had  he  returned  to  London,  when  the 
news  arrived  of  commotions  in  Boston,  occasioned 
by  Mr.  Townshend's  revenue  act,  and  by  the  laws 
for  establishing  commissioners  of  the  customs  in  Amer- 
ica, and  making  the  salaries  of  governors,  judges,  and 
other  officers,  dependent  on  the  crown.  These  acts 
of  Parliament  the  Bostonians  regarded  as  a  continu- 
ation of  the  same  oppressive  system,  which  had  com- 
menced with  the  Stamp  Act,  and  which  it  had  been 
fondly  hoped  would  cease  with  its  repeal.  Disap- 
pointed and  indignant,  they  assembled  in  town  meet- 
ing, and  passed  a  series  of  spirited  resolutions,  recom- 
mending that  all  prudent  and  lawful  measures  should 
be  taken  for  the  encouragement  of  industry,  economy, 
and  domestic  manufactures.  A  paper  was  drawn  up, 
and  circulated  among  the  inhabitants  for  their  signa- 
ture, by  which  they  engaged  to  promote  the  use  and 
consumption  of  American  manufactures,  and,  after  a 
stated  time,  not  to  purchase  certain  enumerated  arti- 
cles, which  had  been  imported  from  abroad. 

These  proceedings  gave  great  offence  to  the  min- 
isterial party  in  England,  and  some  uneasiness  to  the 
friends  of  the  colonies.  The  former  represented  them 

years  after  its  date.  Mr.  Tytler  supposes  the  original  was  intercept- 
ed, and  that  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  ministers.  —  Life  of  Lord 
Kames,  Vol.  II.  2nd  ed.,  p.  112. 


312  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1768 

as  intentionally  disrespectful  to  Parliament,  and  little 
short  of  rebellion ;  and  the  latter  thought  them  ill  timed 
and  injudicious.  They  were  generally  condemned  by 
all  parties.  To  calm  the  excitement,  and  to  draw 
public  attention  to  the  true  grounds  of  the  controver- 
sy, Dr.  Franklin  wrote  a  paper,  entitled  Causes  of  the 
American  Discontents  before  1768.  This  was  pub- 
lished in  the  London  Chronicle.  But  the  editor  took 
great  liberties  with  the  manuscript,  omitting  and  alter- 
ing to  suit  his  humor.  "He  has  drawn  the  teeth 
and  pared  the  nails  of  my  paper,"  said  Franklin,  "so 
that  it  can  neither  scratch  nor  bite;  it  seems  only  to 
paw  and  mumble." 

It  was,  nevertheless,  extremely  well  adapted  to  the 
occasion,  being  written  with  the  author's  peculiar  fe- 
licity of  style,  and  in  a  tone  of  moderation  and  fair- 
ness, which  could  not  fail  to  win  the  favorable  opinion 
even  of  those,  who  were  resolved  not  to  be  convinced. 
The  causes  of  all  the  late  troubles  in  the  colonies  are 
traced  from  their  origin,  and  stated  with  so  much  clear- 
ness and  method,  as  to  place  the  subject  in  its  full 
force  before  the  reader's  mind.  The  Boston  resolu- 
tions are  not  directly  brought  into  view ;  yet  the  com- 
plaints of  the  colonists  and  the  reasons  for  those  com- 
plaints are  so  explained,  as  to  make  it  evident,  that 
the  conduct  of  the  Bostonians  was  a  natural  conse- 
quence of  the  aggressions  of  the  British  government, 
and  such  as  ought  to  have  been  expected  from  a 
people  jealous  of  their  rights,  and  nurtured  in  the 
atmosphere  of  freedom.  The  example  of  Boston  was 
speedily  followed  by  the  whole  continent. 

About  this  time,  also,  Dr.  Franklin  published  his 
excellent  pieces  against  Smuggling,  and  on  the  Labor- 
ing Poor,  designed  to  correct  practical  abuses  and 
errors  of  opinion  then  prevalent  in  England. 


jET.  62.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  313 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1768,  there  was  a 
change  in  the  ministry.  The  American  business  had 
been  in  the  charge  of  Lord  Shelburne,  but  it  was  now 
transferred  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  as  secretary  of  State 
for  America,  this  being  made  a  distinct  department. 
He  was  likewise  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Board 
of  Trade.  In  these  stations  he  had  so  large  a  con- 
trol over  the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  that  almost  every 
thing  depended  on  his  dispositions  towards  them.  He 
was  accounted  a  man  of  integrity  and  honest  pur- 
poses, but  too  fond  of  his  own  opinions,  and  obstinate 
in  carrying  out  his  schemes.  It  was  not  known  that 
he  had  any  special  hostility  to  the  colonies,  yet  the 
American  agents  regarded  his  appointment  as  by  no 
means  auspicious  to  the  interests  of  their  countrymen. 
His  general  character  gave  a  countenance  to  this  ap- 
prehension, and  his  conduct  in  his  office  proved  it  not 
to  be  groundless. 

At  first,  however,  he  was  courteous  to  the  Ameri- 
can agents,  and  seemed  to  listen  to  their  representa- 
tions with  some  degree  of  favor.  To  Dr.  Franklin, 
in  particular,  he  showed  much  civility,  conversed  with 
him  often  on  American  affairs,  and  professed  to  have 
great  respect  for  his  opinions.  This  circumstance,  prob- 
ably, gave  rise  to  the  report,  that  some  office  was  to 
be  offered  to  him  in  his  Lordship's  department.  Al- 
luding to  this  subject,  Franklin  writes;  "I  am  told 
there  has  been  a  talk  of  getting  me  appointed  under- 
secretary to  Lord  Hillsborough ;  but  with  little  like- 
lihood, as  it  is  a  settled  point  here,  that  I  am  too  much 
an  American."  An  indirect  overture  was  made  to  him, 
nevertheless,  at  the  instance  of  the  Duke  of  Grafton, 
by  which  it  would  appear,  that  there  was  a  project 
for  taking  away  from  him  the  place  of  postmaster- 

VOL.  i.     No  7.      40  A  A 


314  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1768 

general  of  the  colonies,  and  appointing  him  to  some 
office  under  the  government. 

After  speaking  of  this  overture,  in  a  letter  to  his 
son,  he  adds ;  "  So  great  is  my  inclination  to  be  at 
home  and  at  rest,  that  I  shall  not  be  sorry,  if  this 
business  falls  through,  and  I  am  suffered  to  retire  with 
my  old  post ;  nor,  indeed,  very  sorry,  tf  they  take  that 
from  me  too,  on  account  of  my  zeal  for  America,  in 
which  some  of  my  friends  have  hinted  to  me,  that  I 
have  been  too  open.  If  Mr.  Grenville  comes  into 
power  again,  in  any  department  respecting  America, 
I  must  refuse  to  accept  any  thing  that  may  seem  to 
put  me  in  his  power,  because  I  apprehend  a  breach 
between  the  two  countries ;  and  that  refusal  might 
give  offence."  And  he  says  further ;  "I  am  grown  so 
old,  as  to  feel  much  less  than  formerly  the  spur  of 
ambition ;  and,  if  it  were  not  for  the  flattering  expec- 
tation, that,  by  being  fixed  here,  I  might  more  effec- 
tually serve  my  country,  I  should  certainly  determine 
for  retirement,  without  a  moment's  hesitation."  This 
is  all  that  is  known  of  the  negotiation.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  any  office  was  directly  proposed  to  him. 
The  overture  itself  evinces  a  desire  on  the  part  of 
the  government  to  profit  by  his  talents,  influence,  and 
knowledge  of  American  affairs. 

The  scheme  was  probably  laid  aside  for  the  reason 
he  suggested.  His  well  known  sentiments  in  regard 
to  the  American  controversy,  and  the  t>oldness  and 
constancy  with  which  he  had  maintained  them  by  his 
writings  and  otherwise,  left  no  ground  for  hope,  that 
he  would  either  support  or  approve  the  measures, 
which  it  was  resolved  to  pursue.  For  the  same  rea- 
son he  could  not  accept  an  appointment,  knowing  as 
he  did  the  designs  of  the  ministers,  and  their  deter- 
mination to  carry  them  out  at  all  hazards. 


^Ex.  62.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  315 

The  rumor,  which  could  scarcely  fail  to  arise  from 
the  above  transactions,  found  its  way  to  America,  and 
was  industriously  circulated  to  his  disadvantage  by  his 
political  adversaries  in  Pennsylvania.  He  was  accused 
of  seeking  office  under  the  ministers,  and  of  thus  be- 
traying the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  his  country. 
Such  a  charge  needs  no  refutation.  His  writings,  and 
the  whole  tenor  of  his  conduct  during  his  residence 
in  England,  are  proof  alike  of  its  falsehood  and  of  the 
malicious  intent  with  which  it  was  propagated. 

The  popular  party  in  Pennsylvania,  who  sought  a 
change  of  government,  looked  to  him  as  the  most 
suitable  candidate  for  governor  under  the  new  system, 
if  it  should  ever  go  into  operation.  When  his  sister 
hinted  this  to  him  in  a  letter,  he  replied;  "There  is 
no  danger  of  such  a  thing  being  offered  to  me,  and 
I  am  sure  I  shall  never  ask  it.  But,  even  if  it  were 
offered,  I  certainly  could  not  accept  it,  to  act  under 
such  instructions,  as  I  know  must  be  given  with  it. 
So  you  may  be  quite  easy  on  that  head."  The  ap- 
pointment would  of  course  be  made  by  the  King,  and 
the  instructions  must  have  been  in  conformity  with  the 
doctrines  then  in  vogue  respecting  colonial  subordi- 
nation, which  Franklin  had  opposed  from  the  time 
they  were  first  promulgated.  Some  of  the  principal 
people  in  Massachusetts  also  wished  him  to  become 
the  successor  of  Sir  Francis  Bernard,  as  governor  of 
that  province,  believing  he  would  be  acceptable  to  all 
parties,  and  be  able  to  conciliate  the  unhappy  differ- 
ences, which  Bernard  had  contrived  to  stir  up  and 
foment.  But,  even  if  there  had  been  any  serious  at- 
tempt to  place  him  in  this  office,  the  same  objections 
existed  as  in  the  former  case. 


316  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1768. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Dr.  Franklin  is  appointed  Agent  for  Georgia.  —  Causes  the  "Farmer's 
Letters  "  to  be  republished  in  London.  —  His  Opinion  of  them.  —  Cho- 
sen President  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society.  —  Promotes  the 
Culture  of  Silk  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Encourages  his  Countrymen  to  ad- 
here to  their  Non-importation  Agreements. — Journey  to  France.  —  Ap- 
pointed Agent  for  New  Jersey.  —  His  Answers  to  Mr.  Strahan's  Que- 
ries.—  Repeal  of  some  of  the  American  Revenue  Acts.  —  Intimations 
that  he  would  be  removed  from  Office. —  His  Remarks  on  that  Subject. 

—  Chosen  Agent  for  the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts.  —  Singular  In- 
terview with  Lord  Hillsborough.  —  Objectionable  Footing  on  which  the 
Colonial  Agents  were  placed  by  his  Lordship.  —  Dr.  Franklin  makes 
a  Tour  through  the  North  of  England,  Wales,  Ireland,  and  Scotland. 

—  His  Reception  by  Lord  Hillsborough  in  Ireland.  —  Irish  Parliament. 

—  Richard  Bache. — Bishop  of  St.  Asaph. 

DURING  the  year  1768,  Dr.  Franklin  was  on  the 
point  of  returning  to  America.  In  the  present  agitated 
condition  of  public  affairs  with  respect  to  the  colonies, 
he  despaired  of  drawing  the  attention  of  the  British 
rulers  to  the  principal  purpose  of-  his  mission,  a  change 
of  government  in  Pennsylvania,  although  the  Assembly 
had  renewed  their  application  every  year  with  in- 
creased urgency,  and  the  last  time  by  a  vote  of  ev- 
ery member  except  one.  His  private  concerns,  he  said, 
required  his  presence  at  home,  and  the  general  busi- 
ness of  the  province  could  be  transacted  by  his  asso- 
ciate, Mr.  Jackson,  who  resided  in  London. 

At  this  juncture  he  received  intelligence,  in  a  let- 
ter from  Governor  Wright,  of  his  having  been  appoint- 
ed agent  for  Georgia.  He  then  felt  it  his  duty  to 
wait  for  the  papers  and  instructions  of  the  Georgia 
Assembly,  which  would  probably  demand  his  special 
care.  The  appointment  had  been  made  without  any 
previous  intimation,  and  therefore  he  was  under  no 
obligation  to  accept  it;  yet  he  was  unwilling  to  de- 


jET.  62.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  317 

cline  a  trust,  which  had  been  spontaneously  conferred 
upon  him  by  so  respectable  a  portion  of  his  country- 
men, and  which  he  might  possibly  execute  for  their 
benefit.  This  kept  him  till  winter;  other  business  fol- 
lowed, and  he  found  himself  detained  in  England  much 
longer  than  he  had  anticipated.* 

Having  read,  with  approbation  and  pleasure,  the  cel- 
ebrated "Farmer's  Letters,"  written  by  John  Dickin- 
son, he  caused  them  to  be  republished  in  London,  with 
a  commendatory  Preface  from  his  own  pen.  Besides 
the  patriotic  motive  for  this  publication,  it  afforded  him 
an  opportunity  of  showing,  that  the  extreme  warmth, 
with  which  Mr.  Dickinson  had  opposed  •  his  appoint- 
ment in  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  had  not  produced 
on  his  part  any  diminution  of  friendship  or  personal 
regard.  This  was  still  further  manifested  by  their  har- 
monious intercourse  after  he  returned  again  to  his  own 
country. 

The  Farmer's  Letters  were  written  against  the  late 
revenue  acts.  The  depth  of  research,  force  of  argu- 
ment, and  perspicuity  of  style,  which  appeared  in 
these  letters,  made  them  popular  with  all  classes  of 
readers  in  America.  Franklin  had  a  high  opinion  of 
their  general  merits,  but  he  thought  there  was  one  im- 
portant point,  which  was  not  well  established  nor  clear- 
ly explained.  The  Farmer  acknowledged  the  power 
of  Parliament  to  regulate  the  trade  of  the  colonies, 
yet  he  denied  the  right  of  laying  certain  duties,  which 


*  Whilst  the  King  of  Denmark  was  on  a  visit  to  London,  he  sought 
the  acquaintance  of  Dr.  Franklin,  who  was  one  of  the  sixteen  invited 
guests  at  a  dinner,  when  the  King  dined  in  public,  on  the  1st  of  Oc- 
tober, 1768.  The  company  consisted  mostly  of  foreign  ambassadors  and 
officers  of  distinction.  The  other  English  gentlemen,  who  were  present 
besides  Dr.  Franklin,  were  Lord  Moreton,  Admiral  Rodney,  General 
Hervey,  Mr.  Dunning,  and  Dr.  Maty. 

AA* 


318  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1768. 

would  seem  to  be  included  in  the  power  of  regula- 
tion. If  Parliament  was  to  be  the  judge,  this  distinc- 
tion amounted  to  little.  Every  state  in  Europe  claimed 
and  exercised  the  right  of  laying  duties  on  its  exports. 
In  Franklin's  opinion  the  grievance  was  not,  that  Brit- 
ain imposed  duties  on  exported  commodities,  but  that 
she  prohibited  the  colonists  from  purchasing  the  like 
commodities  in  the  markets  of  other  countries,  thus 
forcing  them  to  pay  such  prices  as  she  pleased,  and 
depriving  them  of  the  advantages  of  a  competition  in 
trade.  It  was  true,  that  Parliament  had  exercised  this 
power,  and  compelled  obedience,  under  the  vague  pre- 
tence of  regulating  trade ;  but  it  had  been  done  in  vio- 
lation of  the  principles  upon  which  the  relations  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  colonies  had  originally 
been  established. 

As  early  as  the  year  1743,  when  Franklin  was 
much  engaged  in  philosophical  studies,  he  projected  a 
society,  which  was  to  include  the  principal  men  in 
America,  who  were  fond  of  such  pursuits,  and  who 
would  thus  be  enabled  to  combine  their  efforts  for 
the  promotion  of  science.  The  plan  met  with  favor, 
and  an  association  was  formed.  The  original  mem- 
bers, besides  Franklin,  were  Thomas  Hopkinson,  John 
Bartram  the  botanist,  Thomas  Godfrey  the  mathema- 
tician, Dr.  Thomas  Bond,  Dr.  Phineas  Bond,  William 
Parsons,  Samuel  Rhoads,  and  William  Coleman,  of 
Philadelphia;  Chief  Justice  Morris,  Mr.  Home,  John 
Coxe,  and  Mr.  Martyn,  of  New  Jersey;  Cadwallader 
Golden  and  William  Alexander,  of  New  York.  Oth- 
er members  were  soon  added,  whose  names  are  not 
known.  Hopkinson  was  president,  and  Franklin  sec- 
retary. 

This  association  proceeded  with  some  degree  of 
vigor  at  first,  but  it  gradually  declined.  It  was  re- 


fix.  62.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  319 

vived  at  a  later  day,  and,  in  January,  1769,  it  was 
united  with  another  society,  which  had  been  formed  in 
Philadelphia  for  similar  objects.  The  institution,  which 
grew  out  of  this  union,  took  the  name  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society.  Franklin  was  chosen  president, 
and  the  same  honor  was  annually  conferred  upon  him 
to  the  end  of  his  life,  although  he  was  much  the 
larger  part  of  the  time  absent  from  the  country.  He 
contributed  several  valuable  papers  to  the  second  vol- 
ume of  the  Society's  Transactions.* 

All  his  philosophical  inquiries,  and,  indeed,  all  the 
studies  to  which  he  applied  his  mind,  whether  in  sci- 
ence, politics,  morals,  or  the  economy  of  life,  were 
directed  to  some  useful  end,  either  for  the  improve- 
ment of  mankind,  or  the  increase  of  human  comfort. 
With  this  aim  he  endeavoured  to  promote  the  culture 
of  silk  in  America,  believing  the  soil  and  climate  ex- 
tremely well  adapted  to  it,  and  that  it  might  be  earned 
to  a  great  extent  without  interfering  with  any  other 
branch  of  industry.  He  spared  no  pains  to  collect  in 
Europe  such  information,  as  would  enable  the  culti- 
vators to  prosecute  the  undertaking  with  success,  as 

*  See  APPENDIX,  No  IV. 

Dr.  Franklin  was  a  member  of  nearly  all  the  principal  scientific  and 
literary  societies  in  America  and  Europe.  By  the  diplomas  and  other 
evidences  among  his  papers,  it  appears,  that  he  was  one  of  the  earliest 
members  of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences  at  Boston ; 
a  member  of  the  Royal  Societies  of  London  and  Gottingen ;  of  the  Roy- 
al Academy  of  Sciences  in  Paris,  to  which  place  he  was  nominated  by 
the  King.  Eight  foreign  members  only  belonged  to  the  Society  at  that 
time.  He  was  chosen  in  1772,  and  succeeded  the  celebrated  Van  Swie- 
ten  of  Vienna.  He  was  likewise  a  member  of  the  Philosophical  So- 
cioties  of  Rotterdam,  Edinburgh,  and  Manchester;  the  Academy  of 
Sciences,  Belles  Lettres,  and  Arts  at  Lyons ;  the  Academy  of  Sciences 
and  Arts  at  Padua ;  the  Royal  Academy  of  History  in  Madrid ;  the  Pat- 
riotic Society  of  Milan  ;  the  Imperial  Academy  of  Sciences  at  St.  Pe- 
tersburgh ;  the  Medical  Society  of  London ;  the  Royal  Medical  Society 
of  Paris ;  and  others,  of  which  an  exact  list  has  not  been  obtained. 


320  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1769 

well  in  regard  to  the  planting  of  mulberry  trees,  as 
to  the  rearing  of  silkworms,  and  reeling  the  silk  from 
the  cocoons.  The  particulars  were  communicated,  from 
time  to  time,  to  Dr.  Cadwallader  Evans,  of  Philadel- 
phia, who,  with  some  other  gentlemen,  was  zealously 
engaged  in  the  enterprise.  A  company  was  formed  for 
the  cultivation  of  silk,  and  public-spirited  individuals 
contributed  money  to  aid  in  prosecuting  the  work. 

In  one  of  his  letters  on  this  subject,  Dr.  Franklin 
says;  "There  is  no  doubt  with  me  but  that  it  might 
succeed  in  our  country.  It  is  the  happiest  of  all  in- 
ventions for  clothing.  Wool  uses  a  good  deal  of  land 
to  produce  it,  which,  if  employed  in  raising  corn,  would 
afford  much  more  subsistence  for  man,  than  the  mut- 
ton amounts  to.  Flax  and  hemp  require  good  land, 
impoverish  it,  and  at  the  same  time  permit  it  to  pro- 
duce no  food  at  all.  But  mulberry  trees  may  be  plant- 
ed in  hedgerows  on  walks  or  avenues,  or  for  shade 
near  a  house,  where  nothing  else  is  wanted  to  grow. 
The  food  for  the  worms,  which  produce  the  silk,  is  in 
the  air,  and  the  ground  under  the  trees  may  still  pro- 
duce grass,  or  some  other  vegetable  good  for  man  or 
beast.  Then  the  wear  of  silken  garments  continues  so 
much  longer,  from  the  strength  of  the  materials,  as  to 
give  it  greatly  the  preference.  Hence  it  is,  that  the 
most  populous  of  all  countries,  China,  clothes  its  inhab- 
itants with  silk,  while  it  feeds  them  plentifully,  and  has 
besides  a  vast  quantity,  both  raw  and  manufactured,  to 
spare  for  exportation."  And  again ;  "  I  hope  our  peo- 
ple will  not  be  disheartened  by  a  few  accidents,  and 
such  disappointments  as  are  incident  to  all  new  un- 
dertakings, but  persevere  bravely  in  the  silk  business, 
till  they  have  conquered  all  difficulties.  By  diligence 
and  patience  the  mouse  ate  in  twain  the  cable.  It  is 


JEr.  63.]  LIFE   OP    FRANKLIN.  321 

not  two  centuries  since  it  was  as  much  a  novelty  in 
France,  as  it  is  now  with  us  in  North  America,  and 
the  people  as  much  unacquainted  with  it."  The  dif- 
ficulties have  not  yet  been  conquered ;  but  so  much 
progress  has  been  made  as  to  render  it  certain,  that 
these  anticipations  will  finally  be  realized.  * 

The  Dean  and  Chapter  of  St.  Paul's  having  re- 
quested the  opinion  of  the  Royal  Society  in  regard  to 
the  best  method  of  protecting  the  cathedral  from  light- 
ning, Dr.  Franklin  was  one  of  the  committee  appoint- 
ed to  investigate  the  subject.  The  other  members 
were  Mr.  Canton,  Dr.  Watson,  Mr.  Delaval,  and  Mr. 
Wilson.  On  the  8th  of  June  they  made  a  report, 
which  was  approved  by  the  Society,  and  the  method 
recommended  by  them  for  putting  up  electrical  con- 
ductors was  accordingly  followed. 

Dr.  Franklin  did  not  cease,  in  writing  to  his  friends 
in  America,  to  urge  upon  them  a  strict  adherence  to 
the  resolutions,  which  had  been  universally  adopted, 
not  to  import  or  use  British  goods.  The  more  he 
reflected  on  what  was  passing  before  him,  the  more 
he  was  convinced,  that  the  British  government  would 
not  relax  from  the  measures,  so  much  and  so  justly 
complained  of  by  the  colonists,  which,  it  was  now 
said,  even  if  they  had  originated  in  ignorance  and  a 
false  policy,  must  be  continued  for  the  honor  and 
dignity  of  Parliament.  The  supremacy  of  the  national 

*  The  operations  of  Dr.  Evans  and  his  associates  were  continued,  till 
the  Revolution  put  a  stop  to  all  enterprises  of  this  sort.  A  quantity  of 
raw  silk,  produced  by  them,  was  sent  over  to  England  in  1772,  which 
Dr.  Franklin  sold  at  a  good  price,  and  obtained  a  bounty  on  it  from 
the  British  government.  Some  of  the  Company's  silk  was  likewise  man- 
ufactured in  Pennsylvania.  In  his  paper  concerning  a  new  settlement 
proposed  to  be  made  on  the  Ohio  River,  Dr.  Franklin  says ;  "  Above 
ten  thousand  weight  of  cocoons  was,  in  August,  1771,  sold  at  the  pub- 
lic filature  in  Philadelphia." 
VOL.  I.  41 


322  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1769 

legislature  was  not  to  be  questioned  by  the  King's 
subjects  anywhere,  and  opposition  was  to  be  suppress- 
ed without  reference  to  the  cause  or  the  consequences. 
Parliament  might  repeal  its  acts,  when  besought  to 
do  so  by  humble  petitions ;  but  it  could  never  yield 
to  a  demand,  or  tolerate  a  refractory  spirit. 

This  was  the  doctrine  of  the  ruling  party  in  Great 
Britain,  and  perhaps  not  a  very  extravagant  one  when 
viewed  in  the  abstract.  But  unfortunately  it  was  at 
variance  with  practice.  The  colonists  had  petitioned, 
till  their  patience  was  exhausted,  without  obtaining  re- 
lief or  even  a  hearing.  When  thus  neglected  and 
trifled  with,  they  thought  it  time  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves, not  by  resisting  the  laws,  but  by  rendering 
these  laws  ineffectual  in  their  application.  They  re- 
solved to  provide  for  their  own  wants  by  their  indus- 
try and  frugality,  and  such  other  means  as  Providence 
had  blessed  them  with,  and  not  to  depend  on  a  for- 
eign people  for  supplying  them  at  exorbitant  prices, 
loaded  with  such  additional  burdens  of  taxation,  as, 
in  the  plenitude  of  their  power,  they  might  choose 
to  impose. 

A  committee  of  merchants  in  Philadelphia  sent  to 
Dr.  Franklin  a  copy  of  their  non-importation  agree- 
ments, with  a  request  that  he  would  communicate 
them  to  the  British  merchants,  who  were  concerned 
in  the  American  trade.  In  his  reply,  dated  July  9th, 
1769,  he  commended  their  zeal,  and  remarked;  "By 
persisting  steadily  in  the  measures  you  have  so  lau- 
dably entered  into,  I  hope  you  will,  if  backed  by  the 
general  honest  resolution  of  the  people  to  buy  Brit- 
ish goods  of  no  others,  but  to  manufacture  for  them- 
selves, or  use  colony  manufactures  only,  be  the  means, 
under  God,  of  recovering  and  establishing  the  free- 
dom of  our  country  entire,  and  of  handing  it  down 


2GT.G3.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  323 

complete  to  posterity."  This  advice  he  often  repeated ; 
and,  although  he  was  too  far  distant  to  partake  of  the 
feeling  kindled  by  sympathy  throughout  the  colonies, 
yet  his  sentiments  accorded  perfectly  with  those  of 
his  countrymen. 

A  few  days  after  writing  the  letter,  quoted  above, 
he  went  over  to  France,  and  passed  several  weeks 
at  Paris.  He  has  left  no  account  of  the  joarney,  or 
of  the  business  that  called  him  abroad. 

His  son  being  governor  of  New  Jersey,  an  oppor- 
tunity had  thus  been  afforded  to  Dr.  Franklin  for  ren- 
dering occasional  services  to  that  colony;  and,  on  the 
8th  of  December,  1769,  he  was  chosen,  by  a  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  Assembly,  to  be  the  agent  for  trans- 
acting their  affairs  in  England.  A  letter  of  instruc- 
tions accompanied  the  notice  of  his  appointment.  He 
was  .requested  to  procure  the  royal  signature  to  cer- 
tain laws,  which  had  been  passed  by  the  Assembly, 
and,  among  others,  an  act  for  emitting  one  hundred 
thousand  pounds  in  bills  of  credit,  to  be  lent  at  five 
per  cent,  but  not  a  legal  tender.  There  had  been 
a  controversy  long  pending  between  East  and  West 
Jersey  respecting  a  boundary  line,  which  it  had  now 
become  more  necessary  than  ever  to  have  settled,  and 
which  was  intrusted  to  his  management. 

Just  before  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  Mr.  Strahan 
addressed  to  Dr.  Franklin  certain  Queries,  designed 
to  draw  out  from  him  an  opinion  as  to  the  effect,  which 
a  partial  repeal  of  the  revenue  acts  would  have  on 
the  minds  of  the  Americans;  the  repealing  act  being 
so  framed  as  to  preserve  the  dignity  and  supremacy 
of  the  British  legislature.  The  queries  were  prompt- 
ly and  explicitly  answered. 

In  regard  to  the  supremacy  of  Parliament,  so  much 
talked  of,  Dr.  Franklin  said  the  best  way  of  preserv- 


324  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1769. 

ing  it  was,  to  make  a  very  sparing  use  of  it,  and  nev- 
er to  use  it  at  all  to  the  prejudice  of  one  part  of  the 
empire  for  the  advantage  of  another  part.  By  such 
a  prudent  course  he  imagined  the  supremacy  might 
be  established,  but  otherwise  it  would  be  disputed  and 
lost.  The  colonies  had  submitted  to  it  in  regulations 
of  commerce;  but  this  was  voluntary,  as  they  were 
not  bound  to  yield  obedience  to  acts  of  Parliament 
by  their  original  constitution.  An  assumed  authority 
might  safely  be  exercised  when  it  aimed  only  to  do 
good  and  render  equal  justice  to  all;  but,  if  it  erred 
in  this  respect,  its  dignity  might  be  impaired,  and  the 
most  likely  method  of  restoring  it  would  be  to  cor- 
rect the  error  as  soon  as  an  opportunity  offered.  And 
thus  the  British  legislature  might  easily  keep  its  dig- 
nity from  harm,  in  relation  to  the  colonies,  by  repeal- 
ing the  revenue  acts  intended  to  operate  against  them. 

To  Mr.  Strahan's  inquiry,  whether  the  Americans 
would  be  satisfied  with  a  partial  repeal,  he  replied 
in  the  negative.  He  said  it  was  not  the  amount  to 
be  paid  in  duties  that  they  complained  of,  but  the 
duties  themselves  and  the  reasons  assigned  for  laying 
them,  namely,  that  the  revenue  might  be  appropriated 
for  the  support  of  government  and  the  administration 
of  justice  in  the  colonies.  This  was  encroaching  up- 
on their  rights,  and  interfering  with  the  power  of  their 
Assemblies.  In  fact,  if  this  principle  were  allowed,  it 
might  be  so  extended  as  to  reduce  the  Assemblies  to 
a  nullity,  and  thus  subject  the  people  to  a  servile  de- 
pendence on  the  will  and  pleasure  of  Parliament,  with- 
out having  any  voice  in  making  the  laws  they  were 
to  obey.  Till  the  principle  itself  should  be  abandon- 
ed, therefore,  he  was  persuaded  there  would  be  no 
chance  of  a  reconciliation. 

Other  questions  were  asked,  which  he  answered  in 


.fir.  64.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  325 

the  same  spirit,  giving  it  as  his  unqualified  opinion, 
that  the  people  would  not  be  quieted  by  any  thing 
short  of  a  total  repeal  of  all  the  acts  for  collecting  a 
revenue  from  them  without  their  consent.  If  this  were 
done,  and  they  were  restored  to  the  situation  they 
were  in  before  the  Stamp  Act,  he  believed  their  dis- 
contents would  subside,  that  they  would  dissolve  their 
agreements  not  to  import  goods,  and  that  commerce, 
returning  again  into  its  old  channels,  would  revive  and 
flourish.  He  added,  however,  that  he  saw  no  pros- 
pect of  any  such  salutary  measures,  either  in  the 
wisdom  of  ministers,  or  in  the  temper  of  the  British 
legislature. 

When  Parliament  assembled,  the  subject  was  brought 
forward ;  and  in  April,  1 770,  after  an  experiment  of 
three  years,  the  British  ministry  finding  the  Ameri- 
cans still  obstinate  in  refusing  to  import  goods,  and 
trade  declining,  procured  a  repeal  of  the  duties  on  all 
the  commodities  enumerated  in  the  revenue  act,  ex- 
cept tea.  This  was  done  with  a  view  to  commercial 
policy,  and  not  with  any  regard  to  the  rights  of  the 
colonists,  or  the  least  pretence  that  it  was  meant  to 
remove  the  cause  of  their  complaints.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  insignificant  tea  duty  was  retained  for  the 
express  purpose  of  upholding  the  sovereignity  of  Par- 
liament. The  consequence  was,  that  it  rather  increased 
than  allayed  the  popular  ferment  in  America;  for  it 
implied,  that  they  estimated  their  grievances  by  the 
amount  of  money  demanded  of  them,  and  not  by  the 
principle  upon  which  this  demand  was  made.  They 
renewed  their  non-importation  agreements  with  more 
zeal  than  ever. 

The  freedom  with  which  Dr.  Franklin  wrote  to  his 
correspondents  in  America,  and  the  sentiments  he  re- 
peatedly uttered  respecting  the  disputes  between  the 

VOL.   I.  BB 


326  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1770. 

two  countries,  gave  offence  to  the  British  government. 
Copies  of  some  of  his  letters  were  clandestinely  ob- 
tained and  forwarded  to  the  ministers.  Intimations 
were  thrown  out,  that  he  would  be  made  to  feel  their 
resentment,  by  being  removed  from  his  place  in  the 
American  postoffice.  As  he  had  never  been  charged 
with  neglect  in  this  station,  but,  on  the  contrary,  by 
long  and  unwearied  exertions,  had  raised  the  post- 
office  from  a  low  condition  to  a  state  of  prosperity 
and  productiveness,  a  removal  could  only  be  intend- 
ed as  a  punishment  for  his  political  conduct  and  opin- 
ions, or  rather  for  his  perseverance  in  defending  what 
he  believed  to  be  the  true  interests  and  just  claims 
of  his  country.  He  was  determined,  therefore,  not  to 
give  up  the  office,  till  it  should  be  taken  from  him, 
although  he  was  plentifully  abused  in  the  newspapers 
to  provoke  him  to  a  resignation.  A  retreat,  under 
such  circumstances,  did  not  comport  with  his  ideas 
either  of  self-respect  or  of  consistency.  Abuse  from 
adversaries,  the  displeasure  of  ministers,  and  the  loss 
of  his  office,  were  not  to  be  coveted ;  but  they  could 
be  borne,  and  they  would  never  drive  him  to  sacri- 
fice his  principles,  or  to  desert  a  cause,  which  he  had 
embraced  from  a  conviction  of  its  justice  and  a  sense 
of  duty. 

"  As  to  the  letters  complained  of,"  said  he,  "  it  was 
true  I  did  write  them,  and  they  were  written  hi  com- 
pliance with  another  duty,  that  to  my  country ;  a  duty 
quite  distinct  from  that  of  postmaster.  My  conduct 
in  this  respect  was  exactly  similar  to  that  I  held  on 
a  similar  occasion  but  a  few  years  ago,  when  the  then 
ministry  were  ready  to  hug  me  for  the  assistance  I 
afforded  them  in  repealing  a  former  revenue  act.  My 
sentiments  were  still  the  same,  that  no  such  acts  should 
be  made  here  for  America ;  or,  if  made,  should  as  soon 


JEr.  CA.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  327 

as  possible  be  repealed;  and  I  thought  it  should  not 
be  expected  of  me  to  change  my  political  opinions 
every  time  his  Majesty  thought  fit  to  change  his  min- 
isters. This  was  my  language  on  the  occasion;  and 
I  have  lately  heard,  that,  though  I  was  thought  much 
to  blame,  it  being  understood,  that  every  man  who 
holds  an  office  should  act  with  the  ministry,  whether 
agreeable  or  not  to  his  own  judgment,  yet,  in  con- 
sideration of  the  goodness  of  my  private  character  (as 
they  were  pleased  to  compliment  me),  the  office  was 
not  to  be  taken  from  me.  Possibly  they  may  still 
change  their  minds,  and  remove  me;  but  no  appre- 
hension of  that  sort  will,  I  trust,  make  the  least  al- 
teration in  my  political  conduct.  My  rule,  in  which 
I  have  always  found  satisfaction,  is,  never  to  turn  aside 
in  public  affairs  through  views  of  private  interest;  but 
to  go  straight  forward  in  doing  what  appears  to  me 
right  at  the  time,  leaving  the  consequences  with  Prov- 
idence." 

The  person  most  active  on  this  occasion  was  Lord 
Hillsborough,  who  had  taken  umbrage  at  Dr.  Frank- 
lin's conduct  of  late,  finding  him  in  the  way  of  all 
his  schemes  for  humbling  the  Americans  and  forcing 
upon  them  his  official  mandates.  How  far  the  other 
ministers  participated  in  his  feelings  of  hostility  is  un- 
certain, but  Franklin  was  permitted  for  some  time  long- 
er to  retain  his  office. 

For  many  years  he  had  corresponded  on  political 
affairs  with  gentlemen  in  Massachusetts,  who  had  been 
much  influenced  by  his  opinions  and  advice.  Some 
of  his  best  letters  were  written  to  the  Reverend  Dr. 
Samuel  Cooper,  a  man  of  strong  abilities,  skilful  with 
his  pen,  extremely  well  informed  on  all  the  public 
transactions  of  the  time,  and  a  zealous  defender  of  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  the  colonists.  Dr.  Franklin 


328  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1771. 

confided  in  his  discretion  and  good  sense,  and  opened 
his  mind  to  him  freely,  receiving  in  return  accurate 
intelligence  of  what  was  doing  in  America,  with  sound 
and  judicious  observations  on  the  state  of  the  country, 
and  the  impressions  produced  on  the  minds  of  the 
people  by  the  policy  and  acts  of  the  British  govern- 
ment. The  correspondence  was  shown,  from  time  to 
time,  to  the  prominent  men  in  Massachusetts,  who 
thus  became  acquainted  with  Dr.  Franklin's  private 
sentiments,  as  well  as  with  his  labors  in  promoting  the 
cause  of  his  country,  both  of  which  met  with  their 
entire  approbation.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  they 
should  wish  to  secure  his  services  for  the  province, 
and  more  especially  as  he  was  a  native  of  Boston, 
and  had  always  manifested  a  warm  attachment  to  the 
place  of  his  birth.  He  was  accordingly  chosen  by  the 
Assembly  to  be  their  agent,  as  expressed  in  the  re- 
solve, "  to  appear  for  the  House  at  the  cpurt  of  Great 
Britain,"  and  to  sustain  their  interests,  "before  his 
Majesty  in  Council,  or  in  either  House  of  Parliament, 
or  before  any  public  board."  The  appointment  was 
made  on  the  24th  of  October,  1770,  and  was  to  con- 
tinue for  one  year;  but  it  was  annually  renewed  whilst 
he  remained  abroad. 

Mr.  Gushing,  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly,  trans- 
mitted to  him  a  certificate  of  his  election,  and  other 
papers,  setting  forth  in  detail  the  grievances  of  which 
the  people  complained,  and  instructing  the  agent  to 
use  his  best  efforts  to  have  them  redressed. 

The  first  step  he  took,  after  receiving  these  papers, 
was  to  wait  on  Lord  Hillsborough,  the  American  Sec- 
retary, both  to  announce  his  appointment  officially,  and 
to  explain  the  purport  of  his  instructions.  The  inter- 
view was  a  very  singular  one.  Franklin  had  but  just 
time  to  mention  Massachusetts,  and  to  add,  that  the 


^T.  65.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  329 

Assembly  had  chosen  him  to  be  their  agent,  when  his 
Lordship  hastily  interrupted  him  by  saying,  "I  must 
set  you  right  there,  Mr.  Franklin ;  you  are  not  agent." 
To  which  the  latter  replied,  "I  do  not  understand 
your  Lordship.  I  have  the  appointment  in  my  pock- 
et." The  minister  still  insisted,  that  it  was  a  mistake; 
he  had  later  advices,  and  Governor  Hutchinson  would 
not  give  his  assent  to  the  bill.  "There  was  no  bill, 
my  Lord,"  said  Franklin,  "it  was  by  a  vote  of  the 
House."  Whereupon  his  Lordship  called  his  secreta- 
ry, and  asked  for  Governor  Hutchinson's  letter ;  but  it 
turned  out  that  the  letter  related  wholly  to  another 
matter,  and  there  was  not  a  word  in  it  about  the 
agent.  "  I  thought  it  could  not  well  be,"  said  Frank- 
lin, "as  my  letters  are  by  the  last  ships,  and  they 
mention  no  such  thing.  Here  is  the  authentic  copy 
of  the  vote  of  the  House  appointing  me,  in  which  there 
is  no  mention  of  any  act  intended.  Will  your  Lord- 
ship please  to  look  at  it  1"  But  this  his  Lordship  was 
not  pleased  to  do.  He  took  the  paper  with  apparent 
unwillingness,  and,  without  opening  or  paying  the  least 
regard  to  it,  he  declaimed  in  an  angry  tone  against 
the  practice  of  appointing  agents  by  a  vote  of  the  As- 
semblies, and  declared,  that  no  agent  should  for  the 
future  be  attended  to,  except  such  as  had  been  ap- 
pointed by  a  regular  act  of  the  Assembly,  approved  by 
the  Governor. 

Franklin  expostulated  with  his  Lordship  on  this 
head ;  he  could  not  conceive  that  the  consent  of  the 
Governor  was  necessary;  the  agent  was  to  transact 
the  business  of  the  people,  and  not  that  of  the  Gov- 
ernor ;  the  people  had  a  right,  by  their  representatives, 
to  appoint  and  instruct  such  agents  as  they  thought 
proper  to  manage  their  own  affairs;  they  had  always 

VOL.  I.  42  B  B  * 


330  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1771. 

done  so,  and  the  thing  was  as  reasonable  In  itself  as 
it  had  been  common  in  practice. 

The  minister  was  not  in  a  humor  to  be  reasoned 
with.  He  would  not  even  read  the  certificate  of  Dr. 
Franklin's  appointment,  nor  any  of  the  papers,  but 
handed  them  back  unopened.  Franklin  had  kept  him- 
self cool  during  the  altercation,  yet  he  could  not  brook 
this  effrontery,  especially  as  it  was  not  more  a  breach 
of  good  manners,  than  an  insult  to  the  Assembly  of 
Massachusetts;  and  he  bluntly  told  his  Lordship,  that 
he  believed  it  was  of  little  consequence  whether  the 
appointment  was  acknowledged  or  not,  for  it  was  clear 
to  his  mind,  that,  as  affairs  were  now  administered, 
an  agent  could  be  of  no  use  to  any  of  the  colonies. 

The  doctrine,  here  broached  by  Lord  Hillsborough, 
was  both  novel  and  dangerous.  If  carried  out,  it 
would  deprive  the  people  of  the  only  method,  by 
which  they  could  hold  communication  with  the  King, 
or  any  other  branch  of  the  government,  except  through 
the  intervention  of  governors,  who  were  often  unfriend- 
ly to  their  interests,  indeed,  generally  opposed  to  them, 
and  might,  by  their  negative,  defeat  any  choice  the 
Assemblies  should  make.  It  would,  moreover,  place 
them,  in  this  respect,  at  the  mercy  of  a  minister,  since 
he  might  easily  instruct  the  governors  not  to  approve 
the  appointment  of  particular  men,  or  men  whose  opin- 
ions were  suspected  of  being  too  much  tinctured  with 
ideas  favorable  to  the  popular  claims.  And  thus,  in 
reality,  the  minister  would  nominate  the  agents,  and 
such  of  them  as  were  not  subservient  to  his  wishes 
would  be  sure  to  lose  their  places  at  the  next  elec- 
tion. Dr.  Franklin  declared,  that  he  would  not  accept 
an  agency  under  such  an  appointment,  nor  counte- 
nance in  any  way  so  arbitrary  and  mischievous  a  doc- 
trine. Lord  Hillsborough  succeeded  in  procuring  a 


^Er.  65.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  331 

resolution  of  the  Board  of  Trade  not  to  allow  an  agent 
to  appear  before  them,  who  had  not  been  appointed 
according  to  his  plan.  It  was  never  followed,  how- 
ever, by  the  Assemblies,  and  never  could  have  been, 
without  sacrificing  one  of  their  most  valuable  privileges. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  business  was  prosecuted  before 
the  Board,  whilst  Lord  Hillsborough  continued  at  the 
head  of  it,  though  to  a  great  disadvantage,  by  written 
applications  and  indirect  influence  with  the  members. 

Having  now  in  his  charge  the  concerns  of  four  col- 
onies, Dr.  Franklin's  time  was  necessarily  much  occu- 
pied with  them.  Little  being  done  by  Parliament, 
however,  relating  to  American  affairs,  in  the  year  1771, 
he  had  leisure  for  his  annual  excursions,  which,  from 
his  confinement  and  close  attention  to  business  while 
in  London,  he  found  essential  to  his  health.  He  made 
short  journeys  through  different  parts  of  England,  stop- 
ping and  passing  some  time  at  gentlemen's  country- 
seats,  to  which  he  had  been  invited.  He  visited  Dr. 
Priestley  at  Leeds,  Dr.  Percival  at  Manchester,  and  Dr. 
Darwin  at  Litchfield,  and  assisted  them  in  performing 
some  new  philosophical  experiments.  With  each  of 
these  gentlemen  he  corresponded  for  many  years,  chief- 
ly on  scientific  subjects.  Priestley's  celebrated  experi- 
ments on  air,  and  discoveries  in  the  economy  of  vege- 
tation, were  regularly  communicated  to  him  during 
their  progress.  When  Dr.  Priestley  was  in  London, 
their  intercourse  was  constant  and  intimate.  They 
belonged  to  a  club  of  "honest  Whigs,"  as  it  was  des- 
ignated by  Dr.  Franklin,  which  held  stated  meetings, 
and  of  which  Dr.  Price  and  Dr.  Kippis  were  also 
members. 

After  these  little  excursions,  he  made  a  tour  through 
Wales,  Ireland,  and  Scotland.  He  had  never  been 
in  Ireland  before.  He  was  entertained,  as  he  says, 


332  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1771. 

"by  both  parties,  the  courtiers  and  the  patriots;  the 
latter  treating  him  with  particular  respect."  But  the 
most  remarkable  occurrence,  that  happened  to  him 
there,  was  his  meeting  with  Lord  Hillsborough,  who 
had  retreated  from  the  fatigues  of  public  business  for 
a  few  weeks  to  seek  relaxation  on  his  estates.  The 
story  is  best  told  in  his  own  words,  as  contained  in 
a  letter  to  Mr.  Gushing. 

"Being  in  Dublin  at  the  same  time  with  his  Lord- 
ship, I  met  with  him  accidentally  at  the  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant's, who  had  happened  to  invite  us  to  dine  with 
a  large  company  on  the  same  day.  As  there  was 
something  curious  in  our  interview,  I  must  give  you 
an  account  of  it.  He  was  surprisingly  civil,  and  urged 
my  fellow  travellers  and  me  to  call  at  his  house  in  our 
intended  journey  northward,  where  we  might  be  sure 
of  better  accommodations  than  the  inns  would  afford 
us.  He  pressed  us  so  politely,  that  it  was  not  easy 
to  refuse  without  apparent  rudeness,  as  we  must  pass 
through  his  town,  Hillsborough,  and  by  his  door ;  and 
therefore,  as  it  might  afford  an  opportunity  of  saying 
something  on  American  affairs,  I  concluded  to  comply 
with  his  invitation. 

"His  Lordship  went  home  some  time  before  we  left 
Dublin.  We  called  upon  him,  and  were  detained  at 
his  house  four  days,  during  which  time  he  entertained 
us  with  great  civility,  and  a  particular  attention  to  me, 
that  appeared  the  more  extraordinary,  as  I  knew  that 
just  before  we  left  London  he  had  expressed  himself 
concerning  me  in  very  angry  terms,  calling  me  a  re- 
publican, a  factious,  mischievous  fellow,  and  the  like." 

"  He  seemed  attentive  to  every  thing,  that  might  make 
my  stay  in  his  house  agreeable  to  me,  and  put  his 
eldest  son,  Lord  Killwarling,  into  his  phaeton  with  me, 
to  drive  me  a  round  of  forty  miles,  that  I  might  see 


jET.65.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  333 

the  country,  the  seats,  and  manufactures,  covering  me 
with  his  own  greatcoat,  lest  I  should  take  cold.  In 
short,  he  seemed  extremely  solicitous  to  impress  me, 
and  the  colonies  through  me,  with  a  good  opinion  of 
him.  All  which  I  could  not  but  wonder  at,  knowing 
that  he  likes  neither  them  nor  me;  and  I  thought  it 
inexplicable  but  on  the  supposition,  that  he  appre- 
hended an  approaching  storm,  and  was  desirous  of 
lessening  beforehand  the  number  of  enemies  he  had 
so  imprudently  created.  But,  if  he  takes  no  steps  to- 
wards withdrawing  the  troops,  repealing  the  duties, 
restoring  the  Castle,  *  or  recalling  the  offensive  instruc- 
tions, I  shall  think  all  the  plausible  behaviour  I  have 
described  is  meant  only,  by  patting  and  stroking  the 
horse,  to  make  him  more  patient,  while  the  reins  are 
drawn  tighter,  and  the  spurs  set  deeper  into  his  sides." 
He  stayed  in  Dublin  till  the  opening  of  the  Irish 
Parliament,  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  the  principal 
patriots  in  that  Assembly.  "I  found  them,"  he  says, 
"  disposed  to  be  friends  of  America,  in  which  I  en- 
deavoured to  confirm  them,  with  the  expectation  that 
our  growing  weight  might  in  time  be  thrown  into  their 
scale,  and,  by  joining  our  interests  with  theirs,  a  more 
equitable  treatment  from  this  nation  might  be  obtained 
for  them  as  well  as  for  us.  There  are  many  brave 
spirits  among  them.  The  gentry  are  a  very  sensible, 
polite,  and  friendly  people.  Their  Parliament  makes 
a  most  respectable  figure,  with  a  number  of  very  good 
speakers  in  both  parties,  and  able  men  of  business. 
And  I  must  not  omit  acquainting  you,  that,  it  being 
a  standing  rule  to  admit  members  of  the  English  Par- 
liament to  sit  (though  they  do  not  vote)  in  the  House 

*  Castle  William,  a  fortification  in  Boston  Harbour,  which  belonged 
to  Massachusetts,  but  which  was  at  this  time  occupied  by  British  troops. 


334  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1771. 

among  the  members,  while  others  are  only  admitted 
into  the  gallery,  my  fellow  traveller,  being  an  English 
member,  *  was  accordingly  admitted  as  such.  But  I 
supposed  I  must  go  to  the  gallery,  when  the  Speaker 
stood  up,  and  acquainted  the  House,  that  he  under- 
stood there  was  in  town  an  American  gentleman  of 
(as  he  was  pleased  to  say)  distinguished  character  and 
merit,  a  member  or  delegate  of  some  of  the  Parlia- 
ments of  that  country,  who  was  desirous  of  being 
present  at  the  debates  of  the  House ;  that  there  was 
a  rule  of  the  House  for  admitting  members  of  Eng- 
lish Parliaments,  and  that  he  supposed  the  House 
would  consider  the  American  Assemblies  as  English 
Parliaments ;  but,  as  this  was  the  first  instance,  he  had 
chosen  not  to  give  any  order  in  it  without  receiving 
their  directions.  On  the  question,  the  House  gave  a 
loud,  unanimous  Jly;  when  two  members  came  to  me 
without  the  bar,  led  me  in  between  them,  and  placed 
me  honorably  and  commodiously." 

In  Scotland  he  had  many  friends,  who  received  him 
with  a  cordial  welcome  and  an  open-handed  hospitality. 
He  spent  five  days  with  Lord  Kames  at  Blair  Drum- 
mond,  near  Stirling,  two  or  three  days  at  Glasgow, 
and  about  three  weeks  at  Edinburgh,  where  he  lodged 
with  David  Hume.  His  old  acquaintances,  Sir  Alex- 
ander Dick,  Drs.  Robertson,  Cullen,  Black,  Ferguson, 
Russel,  and  others,  renewed  the  civilities,  which  they 
had  formerly  shown  to  him,  and  which  attached  him 
so  strongly  to  Scottish  manners  and  society.  His  in- 
timacy with  Dr.  Robertson  had  before  enabled  him  to 
be  the  means  of  rendering  a  just  tribute  to  the  merit 
of  some  of  his  countrymen,  by  obtaining  for  them 


*  His  friend,  Mr.   Jackson,  who  was  a  member  of  the  British  Par- 
liament. 


^Ex.  65.1  LIFE   GF   FRANKLIN.  335 

honorary  degrees  from  the  University  of  Edinburgh, 
over  which  that  distinguished  historian  presided.  Dr. 
Cooper,  President  Stiles,  and  Professor  Winthrop  of 
Harvard  College,  were  among  those  upon  whom  this 
honor  was  conferred  in  consequence  of  his  recommen- 
dation. 

On  his  way  back  from  Scotland,  at  Preston  in  Lan- 
cashire, he  met  his  son-in-law,  Mr.  Richard  Bache, 
who,  with  his  consent,  had  married  his  only  daughter 
four  years  before  in  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Bache  had  just 
come  over  from  America,  and  was  on  a  visit  to  'his 
mother  and  sisters,  who  resided  at  Preston.  He  ac- 
companied his  father-in-law  to  London,  and  sailed 
thence  for  Philadelphia  a  few  weeks  afterwards.  Dr. 
Franklin  had  never  seen  him  before,  but  this  short 
acquaintance  seems  to  have  made  a  favorable  impres- 
sion. In  writing  to  his  wife,  he  said  he  had  been 
much  pleased  with  what  he  had  observed  of  his  char- 
acter and  deportment,  as  also  with  the  condition  and 
good  repute  of  his  relations  in  England. 

Some  of  Dr.  Franklin's  happiest  days  were  passed 
in  the  family  of  Dr.  Shipley,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph, 
a  man  renowned  for  his  virtues,  his  abilities,  attain- 
ments, and  steady  adherence  to  the  principles  of  po- 
litical and  civil  liberty.  He  was  one  of  the  very  small 
number  on  the  bench  of  Bishops  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  who  opposed,  from  the  beginning,  the  course 
pursued  by  the  ministry  in  the  American  controversy. 
His  writings  on  this  subject  were  applauded  by  all 
parties  as  models  of  style  and  argument,  and  by  the 
friends  of  liberty  for  their  candor  and  independent 
spirit.  In  the  course  of  this  year,  Franklin  paid  two 
visits  to  the  "good  Bishop,"  as  he  was  accustomed 
to  call  him,  at  Twyford  in  Hampshire,  the  place  of 


336  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1771. 

the  Bishop's  summer  residence ;  and,  while  there,  he 
employed  his  leisure  hours  in  writing  the  first  part  of 
his  autobiography.  His  friendship  for  this  amiable  fam- 
ily continued  without  diminution  through  life,  and  was 
kept  bright  by  an  uninterrupted  correspondence  with 
the  Bishop  and  his  daughters,  particularly  Miss  Geor- 
giana  Shipley,  a  young  lady  of  distinguished  accom- 
plishments. 


ET.  66.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  337 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Dr.  Franklin  meditates  a  Return  to  America.  —  Singular  Conduct 
of  Lord  Hillsborough.  —  Walpole's  Grant  —  Hillsborough's  Report 
against  it.  —  Franklin's  Answer. —  Reasons  for  settling  a  New  Colony 
west  of  the  Alleganies.  —  Interview  with  Lord  Hillsborough  at  Ox- 
ford. —  Franklin  draws  up  the  Report  of  a  Committee  appointed  to  ex- 
amine the  Powder  Magazines  at  Purfleet.  —  Performs  new  Electrical 
Experiments.  —  Controversy  about  Pointed  and  Blunt  Conductors.— 
Lord  Dartmouth  succeeds  Lord  Hillsborough.  —  His  Character.  — 
Franklin's  Interview  with  him. —  Petitions  from  the  Assembly  of  Mas- 
sachusetts.—  Franklin  writes  a  Preface  to  the  London  Edition  of  the 
Boston  Resolutions;  also  "Rules  for  reducing  a  Great  Empire  to  a 
Small  One,"  and  "  An  Edict  of  the  King  of  Prussia."  —  Abridges  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer. —  Experiments  to  show  the  Effect  of  Oil 
in  smoothing  Waves.  —  Dubourg's  Translation  of  his  Writings. 

AT  this  time  he  again  meditated  a  return  to  Penn- 
sylvania. Impatient  of  the  delays  attending  all  kinds  of 
American  business,  disgusted  at  the  manner  in  which 
the  American  department  was  administered,  and  weary 
of  fruitless  solicitations,  he  was  inclined  to  retire  from 
a  service,  which  seemed  to  promise  as  little  benefit  to 
his  country  as  satisfaction  to  himself.  Writing  to  his 
son  in  January,  1772,  he  said;  "I  have  of  late  great 
debates  with  myself  whether  or  not  I  shall  continue 
here  any  longer.  I  grow  homesick,  and,  being  now 
in  my  sixty-seventh  year,  I  begin  to  apprehend  some 
infirmity  of  age  may  attack  me,  and  make  my  return 
impracticable.  I  have,  also,  some  important  affairs  to 
settle  before  my  death,  a  period  I  ought  now  to  think 
cannot  be  far  distant.  I  see  here  no  disposition  in 
Parliament  to  meddle  further  in  colony  affairs  for  the 
present,  either  to  lay  more  duties  or  to  repeal  any ; 
and  I  think,  though  I  were  to  return  again,  I  may  be 
absent  from  here  a  year  without  any  prejudice  to  the 
business  I  am  engaged  in,  though  it  is  not  probable, 

VOL.  i.  43  cc 


338  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1772. 

that,  being  once  at  home,  I  should  ever  again  see 
England.  I  have,  indeed,  so  many  good,  kind  friends 
here,  that  I  could  spend  the  remainder  of  my  life 
among  them  with  great  pleasure,  if  it  were  not  for 
my  American  connexions,  and  the  indelible  affection 
I  retain  for  that  dear  country,  from  which  I  have  so 
long  been  in  a  state  of  exile."  Circumstances  induced 
him,  as  on  a  former  occasion,  to  suspend  the  execu- 
tion of  this  design.  His  friends  urged  him  to  wait 
the  result  of  the  session  of  Parliament,  letters  and 
papers  came  from  the  American  Assemblies  requiring 
his  attention,  and  at  length,  by  the  resignation  of  Lord 
Hillsborough,  the  agents  were  restored  to  the  footing 
on  which  they  had  formerly  stood. 

The  conduct  of  this  minister  was  as  inexplicable  in 
some  things,  as  it  was  arrogant  and  absurd  in  others. 
"  When  I  had  been  a  little  while  returned  to  Lon- 
don," says  Dr.  Franklin,  "I  waited  on  him  to  thank 
him  for  his  civilities  in  Ireland,  and  to  discourse  with 
him  oft  a  Georgia  affair  The  porter  told  me  he  was 
not  at  home.  I  left  my  card,  went  another  time,  and 
received  the  same  answer,  though  I  knew  he  was  at 
home,  a  friend  of  mine  being  with  him.  After  inter- 
missions of  a  week  each,  I  made  two  more  visits,  and 
received  the  same  answer.  The  last  time  was  on  a 
levee  day,  when  a  number  of  carriages  were  at  his 
door.  My  coachman  driving  up,  alighted,  and  was 
opening  the  coach  door,  when  the  porter,  seeing  me, 
came  out,  and  surlily  chid  the  coachman  for  opening 
the  door  before  he  had  inquired  whether  my  Lord 
was  at  home  ;  and  then,  turning  to  me,  said,  '  My  Lord 
is  not  at  home.'  I  have  never  since  been  nigh  him, 
and  we  have  only  abused  one  another  at  a  distance." 
This  caprice  was  the  more  extraordinary,  as  they  had 
not  met,  nor  had  any  kind  of  intercourse  passed  be- 
tween them,  since  his  Lordship's  caresses  in  Ireland. 


Sir.  66.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  339 

i 

There  was  an  incident,  however,  connected  with  a 
public  transaction,  which  may  perhaps  afford  some  ex- 
planation of  the  minister's  conduct  in  this  instance. 
Several  years  before,  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  oth- 
ers in  America,  had  projected  a  plan  for  settling  a 
new  colony  west  of  the  Allegany  Mountains.  A  com- 
pany was  formed,  consisting  of  individuals,  some  of 
whom  resided  in  America  and  others  in  England,  and 
an  application  was  made  to  the  crown  for  a  grant  of 
land.  Gentlemen  of  rank  and  distinction  were  among 
the  associates.  Mr.  Thomas  Walpole,  a  wealthy  bank- 
er of  London,  was  at  the  head  of  the  Company,  and 
from  this  circumstance  the  territory  in  question  was 
usually  called  Walpole's  Grant.  The  Company's  agents 
for  obtaining  the  grant,  and  making  the  requisite  ar- 
rangements with  the  government,  were  Thomas  Wal- 
pole, Dr.  Franklin,  John  Sargent,  and  Samuel  Whar- 
ton.  They  presented  a  petition,  which  lay  for  a  long 
time  before  the  Board  of  Trade,  without  attracting 
much  favor.  It  was  said  to  interfere  with  the  Ohio 
Company's  lands,  and  with  other  grants  made  by  the 
Governor  of  Virginia.  Lord  Hillsborough  presided  at 
the  Board  of  Trade,  and  was  secretly  opposed  to  it, 
although  he  contrived  to  lead  Mr.  Walpole  and  his  as- 
sociates into  the  belief,  that  he  was  not  unfriendly  to 
their  objects.  At  last  it  was  necessary  for  the  Board 
to  give  an  opinion,  and  he  then  wrote  an  elaborate 
Report  against  the  petition,  which  Report  was  approved 
by  the  Board  and  sent  up  to  the  King's  Council. 

In  the  mean  time  Dr.  Franklin  answered  this  Re- 
port in  a  very  able  paper,  taking  up  and  confuting 
each  of  his  Lordship's  objections,  and  advancing  many 
arguments  to  prove  the  great  advantages  that  would 
flow,  both  to  the  colonies  and  to  the  British  nation, 
by  extending  the  settlements  westward.  This  answer 


340  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1772. 

was  likewise  presented  to  the  Council.  It  produced 
the  desired  effect.  Notwithstanding  the  opposition  of 
the  Board  of  Trade,  the  petition  was  approved. 

Lord  Hillsborough  had  set  his  heart  upon  defeating 
the  measure ;  for  he  had  a  scheme  of  his  own  in  re- 
gard to  the  western  boundary  of  the  colonies,  by  which 
emigrations  were  not  to  extend  beyond  the  head  wa- 
ters of  the  streams  running  eastward  into  the  Atlantic. 
He  thought  it  necessary  thus  to  restrict  the  limits  of 
the  colonies,  that  they  might  be  within  reach  of  the 
trade  and  commerce  of  Great  Britain,  and  be  kept 
under  a  due  subjection  to  the  mother  country.  He 
was,  therefore,  disappointed  and  offended  at  the  course 
taken  by  the  Council ;  and  the  more  so,  as  it  was  a 
proof  that  his  influence  was  on  the  wane.  He  thought 
his  ^pinions  and  judgment  were  treated  with  less  re- 
spect than  he  was  entitled  to,  as  a  member  of  the 
cabinet  and  the  head  of  the  Board  of  Trade.  The 
issue  of  this  affair,  chiefly  brought  about  by  Dr.  Frank- 
lin's answer  to  his  Report,  was  the  immediate  cause 
of  his  resignation. 

The  answer  was  drawn  up  with  great  skill,  con- 
taining a  clear  and  methodical  statement  of  historical 
facts,  and  weighty  reasons  for  extending  the  western 
settlements.  It  was  impossible  to  prevent  the  popu- 
lation, tempted  by  new  and  fertile  lands,  from  spread- 
ing in  that  direction.  Already  many  thousands  had 
crossed  the  mountains  and  seated  themselves  on  these 
lands,  and  others  were  daily  following  them.  Was  it 
good  policy,  or  fair  treatment  to  this  portion  of  his 
Majesty's  subjects,  to  leave  them  without  a  regular 
government,  under  which  they  might  have  the  bene- 
fit of  laws  and  a  proper  administration  of  justice? 
A  colony,  thus  established,  would,  moreover,  be  a  bar- 
rier against  the  incursions  of  the  Indians  into  the  popu- 


JET.  66.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  341 

lous  districts  along  the  Atlantic,  which  had  hitherto 
been  a  constant  source  of  bloody  wars  and  vast  ex- 
pense to  the  inhabitants.  It  would  afford  additional 
facilities  for  promoting  the  Indian  trade.  So  far  from 
being  out  of  the  reach  of  British  commerce,  as  Lord 
Hillsborough  imagined,  it  would,  in  fact,  enlarge  that 
commerce  by  increasing  the  consumption  of  British 
manufactures,  and  filling  the  markets  with  new  prod- 
ucts of  industry,  derived  from  a  soil  now  lying  waste, 
but  which,  from  its  variety  and  richness,  with  an  un- 
common benignity  of  climate,  would  yield  ample  re- 
turns to  the  labor  of  the  cultivator,  and  in  such  com- 
modities as  would  meet  a  ready  demand  in  all  the 
principal  marts  with  which  the  trade  of  Great  Britain 
was  connected.  There  would  also  be  an  easy  com- 
munication with  the  seacoast  by  the  navigable  rivers, 
and  by  roads,  which  the  settlers  would  soon  find  the 
means  of  constructing. 

Dr.  Franklin's  exact  knowledge  of  the  internal  state 
of  America  enabled  him  to  amplify  these  topics,  and 
illustrate  them  with  statistical  and  geographical  details, 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  overthrow  all  his  opponent's 
objections,  and  the  arguments  upon  which  they  were 
founded.  The  Revolution  came  on  before  the  plan 
was  executed,  and,  by  depriving  the  King  of  his  au- 
thority over  the  lands,  defeated  the  completion  of  the 
grant.  The  experience  of  a  few  years,  however,  proved 
the  accuracy  and  wisdom  of  Dr.  Franklin's  views  on 
the  subject,  by  the  unparalleled  rapidity  with  which 
the  western  territory  was  settled.* 


*  Lord  Hillsborough  seemed  resolved  to  let  it  be  known,  that  his  tem- 
per was  not  implacable,  if  it  was  capricious.  More  than  a  year  after 
his  resignation,  he  met  Dr.  Franklin  at  Oxford.  Calling  at  his  room, 
his  first  salutation  was,  "Dr.  Franklin,  I  did  not  know  till  this  minute 
that  you  were  here,  and  I  am  come  to  make  you  \ny  bow.  I  am  glad 

C  C* 


342  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1772. 

In  August,  1772,  a  committee  of  the  Royal  Society, 
under  the  direction  of  the  government,  examined  the 
powder  magazines  at  Purfleet,  for  the  purpose  of  sug- 
gesting some  method  of  protecting  them  from  light- 
ning. Dr.  Franklin  had  already  visited  Purfleet,  at  the 
request  of  the  Board  of  Ordnance,  and  recommended 
the  use  of  pointed  iron  rods,  according  to  the  method 
originally  proposed  by  him,  which  had  been  practised 
with  success  in  America  for  more  than  twenty  years. 
The  committee  consisted  of  Messrs.  Cavendish,  Wat- 
son, Franklin,  Wilson,  and  Robertson,  all  of  whom 
were  distinguished  for  their  acquaintance  with  electri- 
city. A  Report  was  drawn  up  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and 
signed  by  the  committee,  in  which  they  advised  the 
erecting  of  pointed  rods,  with  a  minute  description  of 
the  manner  of  constructing  them. 

Mr.  Wilson  was  the  only  dissenting  member,  who 
gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  pointed  conductors  were 
dangerous,  inasmuch  as  they  attracted  the  lightning, 
and  might  thus  overcharge  the  rod  and  promote  the 
mischief  they  were  intended  to  prevent.  According 
to  his  theory,  the  conductors  ought  to  be  blunt  at  the 
top.  To  satisfy  himself  more  fully  in  this  particular, 
as  well  as  to  remove  all  doubts  from  the  minds  of 
others,  Dr.  Franklin  performed  a  series  of  new  elec- 
trical experiments,  by  which  he  demonstrated,  that 
pointed  rods  are  preferable  to  blunt  ones.  It  is  true, 
they  invite  the  lightning,  yet  this  is  the  very  thing 
desired,  for  the  charge  is  thereby  silently  and  gradu- 
ally drawn  from  the  clouds,  and  conveyed  without 


to  see  you  at  Oxford,  and  that  you  look  so  well."  The  conversation 
continued  for  a  short  time.  Alluding  to  this  incident,  Dr.  Franklin  said, 
"  Of  all  the  men  I  ever  met  with,  he  is  surely  the  most  unequal  in  his 
treatment  of  people,  the  most  insincere,  and  the  most  wrongheaded." 
It  is  believed,  that  there  was  no  intercourse  afterwards  between  them. 


Mr.  6K]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  343 

danger  to  the  earth ;  whereas  a  conductor,  blunt  at  the 
top,  may  receive  a  larger  quantity  of  the  fluid  at 
once,  than  can  be  carried  away,  which  will  thus  cause 
an  explosion.  This  was  the  principle,  upon  which  his 
theory  of  lightning-rods  was  originally  formed,  and  it 
was  established  more  firmly  than  ever  by  these  new 
experiments.  They  were  satisfactory  to  nearly  all  the 
men  of  science,  and  the  conductors  at  Purfleet  were 
erected  in  the  manner  recommended  by  the  com- 
mittee. * 


*  The  controversy  about  pointed  and  blunt  conductors  continued  for 
some  time.  Mr.  Wilson  grew  warm  in  it,  and  gained  adherents  to  his 
cause.  A  stroke  of  lightning  fell  upon  the  buildings  at  Purfleet  in  May, 
1777,  without  doing  any  damage,  but  this  accident  brought  the  subject 
again  into  agitation.  It  was  referred  to  another  committee  of  the  Roy- 
al Society,  who  reported  as  before  in  favor  of  pointed  rods.  Mr.  Wil- 
son seized  this  occasion  to  propagate  his  theory  with  renewed  vigor, 
repeating  his  experiments  in  public,  and  in  presence  of  the  King  and 
royal  family,  by  whom  they  were  countenanced.  At  one  of  these  ex- 
hibitions Lord  Mahon  was  present,  and  showed  by  experiments  of  his 
own,  that  Mr.  Wilson  misunderstood  the  theory  of  Dr.  Franklin,  or 
represented  it  unfairly.  Mr.  Henly  and  Mr.  Nairne  also  demonstrated 
the  fallacy  of  his  principles.  In  the  midst  of  the  dispute,  however,  the 
pointed  conductors  were  taken  down  from  the  Queen's  palace,  and 
blunt  ones  were  substituted  in  their  place.  Dr.  Ingenhousz,  a  member 
of  the  Royal  Society,  wrote  an  account  of  the  affair,  inveighing  against 
Mr.  Wilson's  conduct,  which  was  transmitted  to  a  gentleman  in  Paris, 
with  a  request  that  he  would  show  it  to  Dr.  Franklin  and  have  it  pub- 
lished in  France.  Dr.  Franklin  replied  as  follows  to  this  gentleman,  in 
a  letter  dated  at  Passy,  October  14th,  1777. 

"  I  am  much  obliged  by  your  communication  of  the  letter  from  Eng- 
land. I  am  of  your  opinion,  that  it  is  not  proper  for  publication  here. 
Our  friend's  expressions  concerning  Mr.  Wilson  will  be  thought  too 
angry  to  be  made  use  of  by  one  philosopher  when  speaking  of  another, 
and  on  a  philosophical  question.  He  seems  as  much  heated  about  this 
one  point,  as  the  Jansenists  and  Molinists  were  about  the  Jive.  As  to 
my  writing  any  thing  on  the  subject,  which  you  seem  to  desire,  I  think 
it  not  necessary,  especially  as  I  have  nothing  to  add  to  what  I  have 
already  said  upon  it  in  a  paper  read  to  the  committee,  who  ordered  the 
conductors  at  Purfleet;  which  paper  is  printed  in  the  last  French  edi- 
tion of  my  writings. 

"  I  have  never  entered  into  any  controversy  in  defence  of  my  philo- 


344  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1772. 

The  successor  of  Lord  Hillsborough  in  the  Ameri- 
can department  was  Lord  Dartmouth.  This  appoint- 
ment gave  satisfaction  to  the  colonial  agents,  and  it 
has  even  been  supposed,  that  Dr.  Franklin  was  instru- 
mental in  effecting  it.  Some  time  before  Lord  Hills- 
borough's  resignation,  it  was  rumored,  that  he  would 
probably  be  removed,  as  he  was  known  not  to  be 
on  cordial  terms  with  the  ministry ;  and,  when  Dr. 
Franklin  was  asked  by  a  friend  at  court,  if  he  could 
name  another  person  for  the  place,  who  would  be 
more  acceptable  to  the  Americans,  he  answered,  "  Yes, 
there  is  Lord  Dartmouth;  we  liked  him  very  well 
when  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  Board  formerly,  and 
probably  should  like  him  again."  The  colonists  gen- 
erally were  pleased  with  the  change.  Lord  Dartmouth 
had  been  on  their  side  in  opposing  the  Stamp  Act, 


sophical  opinions;  I  leave  them  to  take  their  chance  in  the  world.  If 
they  are  right,  truth  and  experience  will  support  them ;  if  wrong,  they 
ought  to  be  refuted  and  rejected.  Disputes  are  apt  to  sour  one's  tem- 
per, and  disturb  one's  quiet  I  have  no  private  interest  in  the  recep- 
tion of  my  inventions  by  the  world,  having  never  made,  nor  proposed 
to  make,  the  least  profit  by  any  of  them.  The  King's  changing  his 
pointed  conductors  for  blunt  ones  is,  therefore,  a  matter  of  small  impor- 
tance to  me.  If  I  had  a  wish  about  it,  it  would  be,  that  he  had  rejected 
them  altogether  as  ineffectual.  For  it  is  only  since  he  thought  himself 
and  family  safe  from  the  thunder  of  Heaven,  that  he  dared  to  use  his 
own  thunder  in  destroying  his  innocent  subjects." 

The  wits  entered  the  lists  and  amused  the  public  and  themselves  at 
the  expense  of  the  philosophers.  In  allusion  to  this  dispute,  and  to  the 
political  state  of  the  times,  the  following  epigram  was  written. 

"  While  you,  great  GEORGE,  for  safety  hunt, 
And  sharp  conductors  change  for  blunt, 

The  empire  'a  out  of  joint. 
Franklin  a  wiser  course  pursues, 
And  all  your  thunder  fearless  views, 
By  keeping  to  the  point." 

The  controversy  died  away,  and  was  not  revived  so  as  to  diminish 
the  confidence  in  Franklin's  theory  of  pointed  conductors,  which  has 
been  universally  followed  in  practice. 


2Ex.  66.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  345 

and  they  hoped  much  from  his  character,  and  the  dis- 
positions he  had  shown  towards  them. 

If  they  were  disappointed  in  this  hope,  it  was  per- 
haps less  owing  to  the  fault  of  this  minister,  than  to 
the  policy  which  had  been  adopted  in  regard  to  Amer- 
ica, and  which  he  was  obliged  to  support  while  he 
retained  his  office.  In  the  administration  of  his  own 
department,  he  at  first  assumed  some  degree  of  inde- 
pendence, and  his  conduct  was  more  mild  and  con- 
siderate, than  that  of  his  predecessor;  but  he  soon 
betrayed  a  want  of  consistency  and  firmness,  which, 
although  he  was  inclined  to  good  measures,  led  him 
to  join  in  sustaining  the  worst.  He  abolished  the  rule 
of  not  admitting  agents  to  appear  before  the  Board  of 
Trade,  whose  election  had  not  been  approved  by  the 
governors,  and  restored  to  them  all  their  former  privi- 
leges. He  consulted  them  frequently,  and  in  a  tem- 
per which  at  least  evinced  a  desire  to  become  thor- 
oughly acquainted  with  the  grounds  of  the  colonial 
complaints,  whatever  may  have  been  his  opinion  as  to 
the  expediency  or  the  manner  of  removing  them. 

At  his  first  interview  with  Lord  Dartmouth  on  busi- 
ness, Dr.  Franklin  put  into  his  hands  a  petition  from 
the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  to  the  King.  Hutch- 
inson,  the  Governor  of  the  province,  had  lately  received 
his  salary  from  the  crown,  contrary  to  all  former  usage, 
and,  as  the  Assembly  declared,  contrary  to  the  spirit 
and  intent  of  their  charter,  and  to  the  constitution 
under  which  the  government  was  established.  It  was 
a  violation  of  their  rights,  and  an  alarming  precedent, 
out  of  which  might  spring  innumerable  abuses  sub- 
versive of  their  liberties.  It  was  a  prerogative  of  the 
Assembly,  which  had  never  before  been  encroached 
upon  or  questioned,  to  tax  the  people  by  laws  of  their 
own  enacting  for  the  support  of  government;  and 

VOL.  i.  44 


346  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1772 

this  was  designed  not  more  as  a  security  for  the  ex- 
istence of  government,  than  as  a  protection  from  any 
undue  influence  of  the  crown  over  the  officers  by 
whom  it  was  administered.  The  Governor  could  neg- 
ative their  laws,  and,  being  appointed  by  the  King, 
the  only  tie  that  bound  him  to  their  interests  was  his 
dependence  on  them  for  his  means  of  support.  When 
this  tie  was  broken,  by  making  him  exclusively  de- 
pendent on  the  crown  for  his  office  and  his  salary, 
no  motive  remained  with  him  for  cultivating  the  good 
will  of  the  people,  and  no  restraint  which  would  pre- 
vent him  from  exercising  his  power,  whenever  he 
should  think  proper,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  under- 
mine and  ultimately  break  down  the  pillars  of  the  con- 
stitution. The  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  saw,  in  this 
dangerous  innovation,  the  ruin  of  their  freedom,  if  it 
should  be  allowed  to  grow  into  a  practice.  They 
passed  several  spirited  resolves  in  opposition  to  it,  and 
petitioned  the  King  for  redress. 

It  was  this  petition,  which  Dr.  Franklin  handed  to 
Lord  Dartmouth.  When  they  met  again  to  discourse 
upon  the  subject,  his  Lordship  advised,  that  it  should 
not  be  presented  for  the  present ;  said  he  was  sure 
it  would  give  offence;  that  it  would  probably  be  re- 
ferred to  the  judges  and  lawyers  for  their  opinion, 
who  would  report  against  it ;  and  that  the  King  might 
possibly  lay  it  before  Parliament,  which  would  bring 
down  the  censure  of  both  Houses  in  the  shape  of  a 
reprimand  by  order  of  his  Majesty.  This  would  irri- 
tate the  people,  and  add  fresh  fuel  to  the  heats,  which 
had  already  become  so  violent  as  to  threaten  unhap- 
py consequences.  He  believed  it  would  be  better  for 
both  parties,  if  a  little  time  could  be  left  for  these 
heats  to  cool ;  yet,  as  the  petition  had  been  delivered 
to  him  officially,  he  would,  if  Dr.  Franklin  insisted, 


MT.  66.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  347 

discharge  his  duty  and  present  it  to  the  King.  Prompt- 
ed by  the  most  friendly  feelings  towards  the  province, 
however,  he  could  not  but  repeat  the  wish,  that  it 
might  be  delayed,  till  these  considerations  could  be 
stated  to  the  petitioners  and  new  instructions  received. 

In  reply  Dr.  Franklin  said,  that,  considering  the 
large  majority  with  which  the  resolves  and  petition 
had  been  carried  through  the  House,  after  long  and 
mature  deliberation,  he  could  not  hope  for  any  change 
upon  a  revision  of  the  subject ;  that  the  refusing  to 
receive  petitions  from  the  colonies  had  occasioned  the 
loss  of  the  respect  for  Parliament,  which  formerly  ex- 
isted ;  "  that  his  Lordship  might  observe,  that  petitions 
came  no  more  to  Parliament,  but  to  the  King  only ; 
that  the  King  appeared  now  to  be  the  only  connex- 
ion between  the  two  countries ;  that,  as  a  continued 
union  was  necessary  to  the  wellbeing  of  the  whole 
empire,  he  should  be  sorry  to  see  that  link  weakened 
as  the  other  had  been ;  and  that  he  thought  it  a  dan- 
gerous thing  for  any  government  to  refuse  receiving 
petitions,  and  thereby  prevent  the  subjects  from  giv- 
ing vent  to  their  griefs."  Lord  Dartmouth  interrupted 
him  by  saying,  that  he  did  not  refuse  to  present  the 
petition,  that  he  should  never  stand  in  the  way  of  the 
complaints,  which  should  be  made  to  the  King  by  any 
of  his  subjects,  and  that,  in  the  present  instance,  he 
had  no  other  motive  for  advising  delay,  than  the  purest 
good  will  to  the  province,  and  an  ardent  desire  for 
harmony  between  the  two  countries. 

Dr.  Franklin  finally  concluded  to  comply  with  the 
minister's  request,  and  to  wait  till  he  could  commu- 
nicate the  substance  of  the  conversation,  and  obtain 
further  orders. 

Not  long  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Assembly, 
by  which  this  petition  had  been  sent  to  the  King,  news 


348  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1772. 

arrived  in  Boston,  that  the  salaries  of  the  judges,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  Governor,  were  to  be  paid  by 
the  crown.  The  inhabitants  immediately  assembled 
in  town  meeting,  and  passed  resolutions  strongly  re- 
monstrating against  the  measure,  as  tending  to  com- 
plete the  system  of  bondage,  which  had  been  pre- 
paring for  the  colonies  ever  since  the  passage  of  the 
Stamp  Act.  These  resolutions  were  clothed  in  bold 
and  energetic  language,  and  they  embraced  an  enu- 
meration of  the  late  acts  of  the  British  government, 
which  were  deemed  oppressive  and  hostile  to  Amer- 
ican liberty.  It  was  voted  also,  that  a  copy  of  them 
should  be  transmitted  to  the  other  towns  in  the  prov- 
ince, with  a  circular  letter,  recommending  that  the 
people  should  everywhere  assemble  in  town  meetings, 
and  express  their  sentiments  in  a  similar  manner. 

Governor  Hutchinson  took  umbrage  at  these  pro- 
ceedings, and  used  his  endeavours  to  counteract  them. 
He  denounced  the  meetings  as  unlawful,  and  the  Bos- 
ton resolutions  as  encouraging  such  principles,  as  would 
justify  the  colonies  in  a  revolt,  and  in  setting  up  an 
independent  state.  He  moreover  charged  them  main- 
ly to. the  influence  of  Franklin.  "The  claims  of  the 
colonies,"  he  afterwards  said,  "were  prepared  in  Eng- 
land, in  a  more  full  manner  than  ever  before,  with  a 
manifest  design  and  tendency  to  revive  a  flame,  which 
was  near  expiring.  These,  it  seems  to  have  been 
intended,  should  be  first  publicly  avowed  in  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  and  that  the  example  should  be  follow- 
ed by  all  the  other  colonies."  And  again,  speaking 
of  the  Statement  of  Rights,  which  was  reported  by  a 
committee  appointed  for  the  purpose  at  the  town  meet- 
ing of  Boston,  he  adds ;  "  Although,  at  its  first  appear- 
ance, it  was  considered  as  their  own  work,  yet  they 
had  little  more  to  do  than  to  make  the  necessary  al- 


^Ex.  66.]  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  349 

terations  in  the  arrangement  of  materials  prepared  for 
them  by  their  great  director  in  England,  whose  coun- 
sels they  obeyed,  and  in  whose  wisdom  and  dexter- 
ity they  had  an  implicit  faith."  * 

The  individual  here  alluded  to,  as  the  "great  di^ 
rector,"  was  Dr.  Franklin;  but  the  charge  is  utterly 
unfounded.  The  guiding  spirits  in  Massachusetts  well 
understood  their  rights,  and  needed  no  aid  from  Eng- 
land to  teach  them  in  what  manner  to  declare  those 
rights  to  the  world.  Franklin's  correspondence,  con- 
taining the  advice  he  actually  gave,'  affords  a  com- 
plete vindication  of  his  conduct  in  reference  to  this 
charge.  In  fact,  his  friends  in  America  thought  him 
too  lukewarm,  while  those  in  England  were  concerned 
at  his  boldness.  He  had  all  along  avowed  his  opin- 
ions without  reserve,  in  his  letters  and  published  writ- 
ings, and  advised  the  colonists  to  hold  fast  their  rights, 
to  protest  against  every  encroachment  upon  them,  and 
to  reiterate  petitions  for  redress ;  but  at  the  same  time 
he  recommended  moderation  in  the  measures  of  re- 
sistance, because  he  feared,  that  any  rashness  or  pre- 
cipitancy in  this  respect  would  be  seized  upon  by 
the  ministry  as  a  pretext  for  more  severe  acts  of 
Parliament,  and  for  filling  the  country  with  troops  to 
crush  the  spirit  of  liberty  before  the  people  were  in 
a  condition  to  maintain  it;  and  because  the  growing 
strength  and  importance  of  the  colonies  would  in  due 
time  cause  them  to  be  respected  and  their  claims  to 
be  acknowledged. 

When  the  pamphlet,  containing  the  votes  and  reso- 
lutions of  the  town  of  Boston,  came  to  his  hands, 
he  had  it  republished  in  London,  with  a  Preface  writ- 
ten by  himself.  In  this  performance  he  again  took 

*  HUTCHINSON'S  History  of  Massachusetts,  Vol.  III.  p.  364. 
VOL.  I.  D  D 


350  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1773. 

occasion  to  describe  the  condition  of  the  colonists, 
and  to  explain  the  nature  and  reasons  of  their  com- 
plaints, representing  their  late  transactions  as  the  nat- 
ural consequences  of  the  unwise  policy  of  the  gov- 
ernment, in  driving  them  to  extremities  by  refusing 
to  listen  to  their  petitions  and  remove  their  real  griev- 
ances. The  temper  and  matter  of  this  Preface  were 
such,  as  to  gain  from  the  public  a  fair  hearing  to  the 
resolutions  themselves,  which  spoke  in  so  high  a  tone, 
that  they  would  necessarily  give  great  offence  to  the 
partisans  of  the  ministry,  and  in  some  measure  cool 
the  zeal  of  those  in  England,  who  wished  well  to  the 
American  cause. 

The  Massachusetts  Assembly  convened  a  short  time 
after  the  Boston  resolutions  were  passed.  They  took 
the  same  subject  and  the  general  state  of  the  prov- 
ince into  consideration.  The  result  was  another  pe- 
tition to  the  King,  which  was  likewise  transmitted  to 
Dr.  Franklin.  He  immediately  waited  on  Lord  Dart- 
mouth, told  him  there  could  be  no  more  delay,  and 
requested  him  to  deliver  this  petition  to  his  Majesty, 
and  also  the  one  which  had  been  held  in  suspense. 
The  minister  promised  to  comply  with  his  wishes.^ 
^s*i^A£^3ut  this  time  Dr.  Franklin  published  anonymous- 


ly  two  pieces,  remarkable  for  the  style  in  which  they 


*  It  has  generally  been  said,  that  Dr.  Franklin  was  the  first  to 
suggest  a  Continental  Congress.  In  a  private  letter  to  Mr.  Gushing, 
dated  July  7th,  1773,  after  mentioning  the  proposal  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses  to  establish  committees  of  correspondence,  he 
says;  "It  is  natural  to  suppose,  as  you  do,  that,  if  the  oppressions 
continue,  a  congress  may  grow  out  of  that  correspondence.  Nothing 
could  more  alarm  our  ministers ;  but,  if  the  colonies  agree  to  hold  a 
congress,  I  do  not  see  how  it  can  be  prevented."  In  an  official  let- 
ter, of  the  same  date  as  the  above,  which  was  to  be  read  to  the  As- 
sembly, he  dwells  more  at  large  upon  the  subject,  and  advances  such 
solid  reasons  for  a  congress,  as  to  amount  to  a  recommendation.  "As 
the  strength  of  an  empire,"  he  says,  "  depends  not  only  on  the  union  of 


jET.  67.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  351 

are  composed.  They  were  entitled,  Rules  for  reduc- 
ing a  Great  Empire  to  a  Small  One,  and  Jin  Edict 
by  the  King  of  Prussia.  An  admirable  vein  of  irony 
runs  through  both  these  pieces.  In  the  former,  all 
the  late  measures  of  the  British  government,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  colonies,  are  brought  together  under  twenty 
distinct  heads,  and  so  represented,  by  an  ingenious  ar- 
rangement and  turn  of  expression,  as  to  constitute 
general  rules,  which,  if  put  in  practice,  would  enable 
any  ministry  to  curtail  the  borders  of  a  great  empire 
and  reduce  it  to  a  small  one. 

The  Edict  purports  to  have  been  promulgated  with 
much  solemnity  oy  the  King  of  Prussia,  imposing  re- 
straints on  the  trade  and  manufactures  of  the  Island 
of  Great  Britain,  for  the  purpose  of  replenishing  the 
coffers  of  his  Prussian  Majesty;  it  being  alleged  as 
a  reason  in  the  preamble,  that  the  early  settlements 
were  made  by  Germans,  who  were  subject  to  his  an- 
cestors, having  flourished  under  their  protection,  and 
whose  descendants  were  bound  to  obey  the  laws  of 

its  parts,  but  on  their  readiness  for  united  exertion  of  their  common  force ; 
and  as  the  discussion  of  rights  may  seem  unseasonable  in  the  commence- 
ment of  actual  war,  and  the  delay  it  might  occasion  be  prejudicial  to 
the  common  welfare ;  as  likewise  the  refusal  of  one  or  a  few  colonies 
would  not  be  so  much  regarded,  if  the  others  granted  liberally,  which 
perhaps  by  various  artifices  and  motives  they  might  be  prevailed  on  to 
do ;  and  as  this  want  of  concert  would  defeat  the  expectation  of  gen- 
eral redress,  that  otherwise  might  be  justly  formed ;  perhaps  it  would 
be  best  and  fairest  for  the  colonies,  in  a  general  congress  now  in  peace 
to  be  assembled,  or  by  means  of  the  correspondence  lately  proposed, 
after  a  full  and  solemn  assertion  and  declaration  of  their  rights,  to  en- 
gage firmly  with  each  other,  that  they  will  never  grant  aids  to  the 
crown  in  any  general  war,  till  those  rights  are  recognised  by  the  King 
and  both  Houses  of  Parliament ;  communicating  at  the  same  time  to 
the  crown  this  their  resolution.  Such  a  step  I  imagine  will  bring  the 
dispute  to  a  crisis."  From  these  extracts  it  appears,  that  there  had 
been  a  hint  about  a  congress  in  one  of  Mr.  Cushing's  previous  letters ; 
but  it  is  believed,  that  no  other  direct  recommendation  of  the  measure 
can  be  found  at  so  early  a  date  as  the  above. 


352  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1773. 

his  kingdom  and  contribute  to  its  revenues.  A  par- 
allel is  pursued  throughout  between  the  actual  con- 
duct of  the  British  government,  and  the  pretended 
claims  of  the  King  of  Prussia  upon  the  inhabitants 
of  Great  Britain  on  account  of  their  Saxon  origin. 
Lord  Mansfield  was  heard  to  say  of  this  Edict,  "that 
it  was  very  able  and  very  artful  indeed,  and  would 
do  mischief  by  giving  in  England  a  bad  impression 
of  the  measures  of  government,  and,  in  the  colonies, 
by  encouraging  them  in  their  contumacy."  The  good 
humor,  which  pervade  both  these  compositions,  and 
the  pointed  manner  of  expression,  attracted  to  them 
many  readers,  who  would  scarcely  have  turned  aside 
to  a  grave  and  argumentative  discussion  of  the  colo- 
nial controversy. 

During  his  absence  from  London,  in  the  summer 
of  1773,  he  passed  a  few  weeks  at  the  country  resi- 
dence of  Lord  Le  Despencer,  and  employed  himself, 
while  there,  in  abridging  some  parts  of  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer.  A  handsome  edition  of  this  abridg- 
ment was  printed  for  Wilkie,  in  St.  Paul's  Church 
Yard ;  but  it  seems  never  to  have  been  adopted  in 
any  Church,  nor  to  have  gained  much  notice.  The 
Preface  explains  his  motives  in  this  undertaking,  and 
the  principles  upon  which  the  alterations  were  made, 
with  remarks  on  the  objects  and  importance  of  pub- 
lic worship.  At  the  conclusion  he  says;  "And  thus, 
conscious  of  upright  meaning,  we  submit  this  abridg- 
ment to  the  serious  consideration  of  the  prudent  and 
dispassionate,  and  not  to  enthusiasts  and  bigots,  being 
convinced  in  our  own  breasts,  that  this  shortened 
method,  or  one  of  the  same  kind  better  executed, 
would  further  religion,  remove  animosity,  and  occasion 
a  more  frequent  attendance  on  the  worship  of  God."  * 

*  See  Vol.  X.  p.  207,  where  the  Preface  is  printed  entire. 


JST.  67.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN  353 

Many  experiments  were  performed  by  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, at  different  times  and  places,  to  show  the  effect 
of  oil  in  smoothing  the  surface  of  water  agitated  by 
the  wind.  While  on  a  tour  in  the  north  of  England 
with  Sir  John  Pringle,  he  tried  this  experiment  suc- 
cessfully upon  the  Derwent  Water  at  Keswick.  Dr. 
Brownrigg  was  present,  and,  in  answer  to  his  inqui- 
ries afterwards,  Dr.  Franklin  gave  a  history  of  what 
he  had  done  in  this  way,  and  explained  upon  philo- 
sophical principles  the  singular  fact,  that  had  been 
established  by  his  experiments.  It  was  proved  by 
numerous  trials,  that  a  small  quantity  of  oil  poured 
upon  a  lake  or  pond,  when  rough  with  waves,  would 
speedily  calm  the  waves,  and  produce  a  smooth  and 
glassy  surface.  This  had  often  been  shown  in  the 
presence  of  many  spectators.  Indeed,  he  was  accus- 
tomed in  his  travels  to  carry  a  little  oil  in  the  joint  of 
a  bamboo  cane,  by  which  he  could  repeat  the  experi- 
ment whenever  an  occasion  offered.  The  Abbe  Mo- 
rellet  mentions  his  having  passed  five  or  six  days  in 
company  with  Franklin,  Garrick,  Dr.  Ha wkes worth,  and 
Colonel  Barre,  at  Wycomb,  the  seat  of  Lord  Shel- 
burne,  wrhere  he  saw  it  performed  with  complete  suc- 
cess.* 

He  explained  as  follows  the  operation  of  the  oil  in 
producing  this  effect.  Waves  are  caused  by  winds, 
which  so  far  adhere  to  the  water  as  to  raise  it  into 
ridges  by  their  force.  The  particles  of  oil,  when 
dropped  on  water,  repel  each  other,  and  are  also  re- 
pelled by  the  water,  so  that  they  do  not  mingle  with 
it.  Hence  they  expand  and  diffuse  themselves  on 
the  surface,  till  they  meet  with  some  obstruction,  cov- 
ering the  water  with  an  extremely  thin  and  continu- 

*  M6moires  de  l'Abb6  Morellet,  Tom.  I.  p.  197. 
VOL.  I.  45  DD* 


354  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1773 

ous  film.  The  wind  slides  over  this  film,  without  com- 
ing in  contact  with  the  water,  and  thus  the  waves 
subside.  The  most  remarkable  thing  observable  in 
the  process  is  the  expansive  power  of  the  oil,  by  which 
a  few  drops  will  spread  over  a  large  surface,  if  they 
meet  with  no  obstruction.* 

Dr.  Franklin's  mind  was  always  more  or  less  in- 
tent upon  philosophical  studies,  for  which  his  habits 
of  observation  and  reflection  peculiarly  fitted  him;  yet 
he  wrote  little  on  subjects  of  this  kind  during  his 
second  mission  to  England.  His  various  political  du- 
ties, and  the  deep  interest  he  took  in  the  affairs  of 
his  country,  absorbed  his  time  and  thoughts.  He  wrote 
a  few  pieces,  however,  on  electricity  and  other  kin- 
dred subjects,  and  one  on  the  analogy  between  elec- 
tricity and  magnetism.  He  also  sketched  the  plan  of 
an  elaborate  essay  on  the  causes  of  taking  cold.  It 
was  never  finished,  but  he  left  copious  notes,  from 
which  it  appears  that  he  made  extensive  investigations, 
and  formed  a  theory  by  which  he  imagined,  that  the 
nature  of  the  malady  would  be  better  understood,  and 
that  more  easy  and  effectual  preventives  might  be  used. 

A  new  edition  of  his  philosophical  writings  was 
published  at  Paris  in  1773,  translated  by  Barbeu-Du- 
bourg,  a  man  of  considerable  eminence  in  the  scien- 
tific world,  and  apparently  well  qualified  for  the  task 
he  undertook  of  translator  and  commentator.  There 


*  The  whole  of  the  letter  to  Dr.  Brownrigg  is  curious,  containing 
anecdotes,  and  details  of  experiments.  See  Vol.  VI.  p.  357.  Dr. 
Franklin  did  not  pretend  to  have  discovered  this  property  of  oil.  He 
had  read,  when  a  youth,  Pliny's  "  account  of  a  practice  among  seamen 
of  his  time  to  still  the  waves  in  a  storm,  by  pouring  oil  into  the  sea," 
and  had  heard  of  a  similar  practice  among  seamen  and  fishermen  in 
modern  times.  But  he  seems  to  have  been  the  first,  who  tried  experi- 
ments with  the  view  of  ascertaining  the  fact,  and  who  attempted  to 
explain  its  cause. 


jEr.67.]  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  355 

had  already  been  two  French  editions,  but  M.  Du- 
bourg's  is  much  superior  to  either  of  them,  as  well  in 
the  matter  it  contains  as  in  the  style  of  its  execution. 
It  is  handsomely  printed,  in  two  volumes  quarto,  and 
includes  several  original  pieces  communicated  to  him 
by  the  author.  It  comprises  nearly  all  he  had  written 
on  electricity  and  other  philosophical  subjects,  with  a 
few  of  his  political  and  miscellaneous  papers.  The 
translator's  notes  are  valuable.  A  fifth  edition  of  the 
philosophical  writings  was  nearly  at  the  same  time 
published  in  London. 


356  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [177? 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Hutchinson's  Letters.  —  How  they  first  became  known  to  Franklin. — 
His  Motives  for  transmitting  them  to  Massachusetts.  —  Proceedings 
of  the  Assembly  concerning  them.  —  Dr.  Cooper's  Remarks  on  that 
Occasion.  —  Petition  for  the  Removal  of  Hutchinson  and  Oliver  present- 
ed by  Franklin.  —  Duel  between  Temple  and  Whately.  —  Franklin's 
Declaration  that  the  Letters  had  been  transmitted  by  him.  —  Whate- 
ly commences  against  him  a  Chancery  Suit. — Proceedings  of  the 
Privy  Council  on  the  Petition.  —  Further  Account  of  those  Proceed- 
ings.—  Wedderburn'a  abusive  Speech.  —  The  Petition  rejected. — 
Franklin  dismissed  from  his  Place  at  the  Head  of  the  American 
Postoffice. 

WE  are  now  come  to  the  date  of  a  transaction, 
which  contributed  to  reveal  the  origin  of  some  of  the 
most  offensive  proceedings  of  the  British  government 
against  the  colonies,  and  which  subjected  Dr.  Franklin 
to  much  obloquy  and  abuse  from  the  supporters  of  the 
administration. 

In  December,  1772,  he  procured  and  sent  to  Mr. 
Gushing,  chairman  of  the  Committee  «)f  Correspond- 
ence in  Massachusetts,  certain  original  letters,  which 
had  been  written  by  Governor  Hutchinson,  Lieutenant- 
Governor  Oliver,  and  others,  to  Mr.  Thomas  Whately, 
a  member  of  Parliament,  and  for  a  time  secretary  un- 
der one  of  the  ministers.  These  letters,  though  not 
official,  related  wholly  to  public  affairs,  and  were  in- 
tended to  affect  public  measures.  They  were  filled 
with  representations,  in  regard  to  the  state  of  things 
in  the  colonies,  as  contrary  to  the  truth,  as  they 
were  insidious  in  their  design.  The  discontents  and 
commotions  were  ascribed  to  a  factious  spirit  among 
the  people,  stirred  up  by  a  few  intriguing  leaders ;  and 
it  was  intimated,  that  this  spirit  would  be  subdued,  and 
submission  to  the  acts  of  Parliament  would  be  attain- 


^ST.  67.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  357 

ed,  by  the  presence  of  a  military  force,  and  by  per- 
severing in  the  coercive  measures  already  begun. 
When  Dr.  Franklin  sent  over  these  letters,  he  stated 
to  Mr.  Gushing  his  motives  for  doing  it,  and  his  opin- 
ion of  their  objects  and  tendency. 

"On  this  occasion,"  he  says,  "I  think  it  fit  to  ac- 
quaint you,  that  there  has  lately  fallen  into  my  hands 
part  of  a  correspondence,  that  I  have  reason  to  be- 
lieve laid  the  foundation  of  most,  if  not  all,  our  pres- 
ent grievances.  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  tell  through 
what  channel  I  received  it ;  and  I  have  engaged  that 
it  shall  not  be  printed,  nor  Copies  taken  of  the  whole, 
or  any  part  of  it ;  but  I  am  allowed  to  let  it  be  seen 
by  some  men  of  worth  in  the  province,  for  their  sat- 
isfaction only.  In  confidence  of  your  preserving  invi- 
olably my  engagement,  I  send  you  enclosed  the  origi- 
nal letters,  to  obviate  every  pretence  of  unfairness  in 
copying,  interpolation,  or  omission.  The  hands  of  the 
gentlemen  will  be  well  known.  Possibly  they  may 
not  like  such  an  exposal  of  their  conduct,  however 
tenderly  and  privately  it  may  be  managed.  But,  if 
they  are  good  men,  or  pretend  to  be  such,  and  agree 
that  all  good  men  wish  a  good  understanding  and  har- 
mony to  subsist  between  the  colonies  and  their  mother 
country,  they  ought  the  less  to  regret,  that,  at  the 
small  expense  of  their  reputation  for  sincerity  and  pub- 
lic spirit  among  their  compatriots,  so  desirable  an  event 
may  in  some  degree  be  forwarded.  For  my  own  part, 
I  cannot  but  acknowledge,  that  my  resentment  against 
this  country,  for  its  arbitrary  measures  in  governing  us, 
conducted  by  the  late  minister,  has,  since  my  convic- 
tion by  these  papers  that  those  measures  were  project- 
ed, advised,  and  called  for  by  men  of  character  among 
ourselves,  and  whose  advice  must  therefore  be  attend- 
ed with  all  the  weight  that  was  proper  to  mislead, 


358  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  [1773. 

and  which  could  therefore  scarce  fail  of  misleading; 
my  own  resentment,  "I  say,  has  by  this  means  been 
exceedingly  abated.  I  think  they  must  have  the  same 
effect  with  you;  but  I  am  not,  as  I  have  said,  at  lib- 
erty to  make  the  letters  public.  I  can  only  allow 
tbem  to  be  seen  by  yourself,  by  the  other  gentlemen 
of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  by  Messrs.  Bow- 
doin  and  Pitts  of  the  Council,  and  Drs.  Chauncy, 
Cooper,  and  Winthrop,  with  a  few  such  other  gentle- 
men as  you  may  think  fit  to  show  them  to.  After 
being  some  months  in  your  possession,  you  are  re- 
quested to  return  them  to  me. 

"  As  to  the  writers,  I  can  easily  as  well  as  charitably 
conceive  it  possible,  that  men  educated  in  preposses- 
sions of  the  unbounded  authority  of  Parliament,  &,c. 
may  think  unjustifiable  every  opposition  even  to  its  un- 
constitutional exactions,  and  imagine  it  their  duty  to 
suppress,  as  much  as  in  them  lies,  such  opposition. 
But,  when  I  find  them  bartering  away  the  liberties  of 
their  native  country  for  posts,  and  negotiating  for  sala- 
ries and  pensions  extorted  from  the  people ;  and,  con- 
scious of  the  odium  these  might  be  attended  with,  call- 
ing for  troops  to  protect  and  secure  the  enjoyirena  of 
them ;  when  I  see  them  exciting  jealousies  in  tl^e  \atevn, 
and  provoking  it  to  work  against  so  great  a  party  u  its 
most  faithful  subjects ;  creating  enmities  between  'the 
different  countries  of  which  the  empire  consists;  occa- 
sioning a  great  expense  to  the  old  country  for  suppress- 
ing or  preventing  imaginary  rebellions  in  the  new,  and 
to  the  new  country  for  the  payment  of  needless  grati- 
fications to  useless  officers  and  enemies ;  I  cannot  but 
doubt  their  sincerity  even  in  the  political  principles  they 
profess,  and  deem  them  mere  time-servers,  seeking 
their  own  private  emolument,  through  any  quantity  of 
public  mischief;  betrayers  of  the  interest,  not  of  their 


/Ex.  67.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  359 

native  country  only,  but  of  the  government  they  pre- 
tend to  serve,  and  of  the  whole  English  empire." 

The  manner  in  which  the  letters  fell  into  his  hands 
was  never  explained.  In  the  account  of  the  affair, 
which  he  wrote  previously  to  his  leaving  England, 
but  which  was  not  published  till  many  years  after  his 
death,  he  says,  the  first  hint  he  had  of  their  existence 
was  from  a  gentleman  of  character  and  distinction,  in 
conversation  with  whom  he  strongly  condemned  the 
sending  of  troops  to  Boston,  as  a  measure  fraught 
with  mischief,  and  from  which  the  worst  consequen- 
ces were  to  be  apprehended.  The  gentleman  assured 
him,  "  that  not  only  the  measure  he  particularly  cen- 
sured so  warmly,  but  all  the  other  grievances  com- 
plained of,  took  their  rise,  not  from  the  government, 
but  were  projected,  proposed  to  administration,  solicit- 
ed, and  obtained,  by  some  of  the  most  respectable 
among  the  Americans  themselves,  as  necessary  meas- 
ures for  the  welfare  of  that  country.'  As  he  seemed 
incredulous,  the  gentleman  said  he  could  bring  such 
testimony  as  would  convince  him ;  and  a  few  days 
after  he  produced  the  letters  in  question.  He  was  as- 
tonished, but  could  no  longer  doubt,  because  the  hand- 
writing, particularly  of  Hutchinson  and  Oliver,  was  rec- 
ognised by  him,  and  their  signatures  were  affixed. 

The  name  of  the  person,  to  whom  they  were  ad- 
dressed, was  nowhere  written  upon  them.  It  either 
had  been  erased,  or  perhaps  the  letters  themselves 
were  originally  forwarded  under  envelopes,  which  had 
not  been  preserved.  There  is  no  evidence  from  which 
it  can  be  inferred,  that  Dr.  Franklin  at  that  time 
knew  the  name  of  this  person,  or  that  he  was  ever 
informed  of  the  manner  in  which  the  letters  were  ob- 
tained. If  this  secret  was  ever  revealed  to  him,  he 
does  not  appear  to  have  disclosed  it,  and  it  is  still  a 


360  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1773. 

mystery.  Three  individuals,  besides  himself,  were  ac- 
quainted with  the  circumstance  of  their  being  sent. 
One  of  these  was  Mr.  John  Temple ;  the  names  of 
the  other  two  are  not  known.  It  has  been  said,  that 
one  of  them  was  a  member  of  Parliament. 

Acting  in  this  business  from  an  imperative  sense  of 
duty,  Dr.  Franklin  took  no  pains  to  screen  himself 
from  consequences.  He  mentioned  the  subject  sev- 
eral times  in  his  correspondence  with  Mr.  Gushing  and 
Dr.  Cooper,  but  he  did  not  in  any  instance  intimate 
a  wish,  that  his  name  as  connected  with  it,  or  his 
agency,  should  be  concealed.  Mr.  Gushing  proceeded 
with  caution,  however,  and  informed  two  gentlemen 
only  of  the  source  from  which  the  letters  had  come ; 
and  these  gentlemen  kept  the  secret  till  it  was  pub- 
lished by  Dr.  Franklin  himself  in  London.  Nor  was 
it  known,  except  to  these  individuals,  by  whom  the 
letters  were  received  in  Boston.  Mr.  Gushing  said, 
in  writing  to  Dr.  Franklin,  "I  desire,  so  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  my  name  may  not  be  mentioned ;  for  it 
may  be  a  damage  to  me."  This  injunction  was  obey- 
ed to  the  last. 

Although  the  names  of  the  persons  chiefly  concerned 
were  thus  kept  out  of  sight,  yet  the  letters  themselves 
were  seen  by  many  persons;  the  instructions  in  this 
respect  not  confining  them  within  narrow  limits.  Mr. 
John  Adams  carried  them  about  with  him  on  a  judi- 
cial circuit.  The  rumor  of  their  existence,  and  of  the 
general  character  of  their  contents,  soon  got  abroad; 
and,  when  the  legislature  met,  the  members  became 
exceedingly  inquisitive  and  solicitous  concerning  them. 
It  was  finally  concluded  to  lay  them  before  the  As- 
sembly, which  usually  sat  with  closed  doors.  They 
were  read,  but  nothing  could  be  done  with  them, 
while  the  prohibition  against  taking  copies  remained. 


JET.  67.]  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  361 

Soon  after,  copies  were  produced  in  the  House,  "  said 
to  have  come  from  England  by  the  last  ships."  The 
originals  being  already  before  the  House,  the  accuracy 
of  the  copies  could  easily  be  proved.  While  they 
were  under  consideration,  Dr.  Cooper  wrote  a  letter 
to  Dr.  Franklin,  dated  Boston,  June  14th,  1773,  from 
which  the  following  is  an  extract. 

"  Many  members  scrupled  to  act  upon  these  copies, 
while  they  were  under  such  public  engagements  to 
the  unknown  proprietor  of  the  originals.  As  the  mat- 
ter was  now  so  public,  and  the  restrictions  could  an- 
swer no  good  end,  no  view  of  the  sender,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  might  prevent  in  a  great  measure  a  proper 
use  of  the  letters  for  the  public  benefit,  and  for  weak- 
ening the  influence  and  power  of  the  writers  and  their 
friends,  and  disarming  their  revenge,  it  was  judged 
most  expedient,  by  the  gentlemen  to  whom  they  were 
first  shown,  to  allow  the  House  such  use  of  the  origi- 
nals, as  they  might  think  necessary  to  found  their  pro- 
ceedings upon  for  the  common  safety.  By  whom  and 
to  whom  they  were  sent  is  still  a  secret,  known  only 
to  three  persons  here,  and  may  still  remain  so,  if  you 
desire  it. 

"  I  forgot  to  mention,  that,  upon  the  first  appearance 
of  the  letters  in  the  House, 'they  voted,  by  a  majority 
of  one  hundred  and  one  to  five,  that  the  design  and 
tendency  of  them  were  to  subvert  the  constitution,  and 
introduce  arbitrary  power.  Their  committee  upon  this 
matter  reported  this  day  a  number  of  resolutions,  which 
are  to  be  printed  by  to-morrow  morning,  and  every 
member  furnished  with  a  copy,  that  they  may  compare 
them  with  the  letters ;  and  to-morrow  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  is  the  time  appointed  to  decide  upon 
the  report.  The  acceptance  of  it  by  a  great  major- 
ity is  not  doubted. 

VOL.  I.  46  EE 


362  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1773. 

"Nothing  could  have  been  more  seasonable  than 
the  arrival  of  these  letters.  They  have  had  great  ef- 
fect; they  make  deep  impressions  wherever  they  are 
known ;  they  strip  the  mask  from  the  writers,  who, 
under  the  professions  of  friendship  to  their  country, 
now  plainly  appear  to  have  been  endeavouring  to  build 
up  themselves  and  their  families  upon  its  ruins.  They 
and  their  adherents  are  shocked  and  dismayed;  the 
confidence  reposed  in  them  by  many  is  annihilated ; 
and  administration  must  soon  see  the  necessity  of  put- 
ting the  provincial  power  of  the  crown  into  other  hands, 
if  they  mean  it  should  operate  to  any  good  effect. 
This,  at  present,  is  almost  the  universal  sentiment." 

The  resolutions  here  mentioned,  as  having  been  re- 
ported by  a  committee  of  the  House,  were  passed 
the  next  day  by  a  very  large  majority,  warmly  cen- 
suring the  letters,  as  having  the  tendency  and  design 
not  only  to  sow  the  seeds  of  discord  and  encourage 
the  oppressive  acts  of  the  British  government,  but  to 
introduce  arbitrary  power  into  the  province,  and  sub- 
vert its  constitution.  A  petition  to  the  King  was  then 
voted  with  the  same  unanimity,  praying  his  Majesty 
to  remove  from  office  Governor  Hutchinson  and  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Oliver,  who,  by  their  conduct,  had 
rendered  themselves  obnoxious  to  the  people,  and  en- 
tirely lost  their  confidence.* 


*  Governor  Hutchinson  says,  that  he  "  received  early  information 
from  whom,  and  to  whom,  these  letters  were  sent,  and  with  what 
injunctions,  from  a  person  let  into  the  secret."  Dr.  Franklin  had,  in- 
deed, written  to  Dr.  Cooper,  that  "the  letters  might  be  shown  to  some 
of  the  Governor's  and  Lieutenant-Governor's  partisans,  and  spoken  of 
to  everybody,  for  there  was  no  restraint  proposed  to  talking  of  them, 
but  only  to  copying."  There  was,  nevertheless,  a  want  of  good  faith 
somewhere,  as  well  in  other  cases  as  in  this.  Copies  of  Franklin's 
letters  were  secretly  procured  and  communicated  to  Hutchinson,  who  ia 
known  to  have  sent  one  of  them  to  the  ministry,  and  it  may  be  pre- 


JET.  67.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  363 

When  the  petition  arrived,  Lord  Dartmouth  was  at 
his  seat  in  the  country.  Dr.  Franklin  transmitted  it  to 
him,  and  his  Lordship,  after  his  return  to  town,  in- 
formed him,  that  it  had  been  presented  to  his  Majes- 
ty ;  but,  from  the  tenor  of  the  minister's  conversation, 
he  was  led  to  suspect,  that  it  would  not  be  complied 
with. 

In  the  mean  time  an  event  took  place,  which  caused 
much  excitement.  Hutchinson's  letters  had  been  print- 
ed in  Boston,  and  copies  of  them  came  over  to  Lon- 
don. Public  curiosity  was  raised,  and  great  inquiry 
was  made,  as  to  the  person  by  whom  they  had  been 
transmitted.  Mr.  Thomas  Whately  was  dead,  and  his 
papers  had  gone  into  the  possession  of  his  brother, 
Mr.  William  Whately,  who  was  censured  for  allowing 
the  letters  to  be  taken  away.  Mr.  Temple  had  asked 
permission  of  him  to  examine  his  brother's  papers, 
with  the  view  of  perusing  a  certain  document  on  co- 
lonial affairs,  which  he  believed  to  be  among  them. 
The  permission  was  granted ;  and  now  Mr.  Whately's 
suspicion  rested  upon  Mr.  Temple,  whom  he  imagined 
to  have  taken  advantage  of  this  opportunity  to  gain 

sumed  that  thia  was  not  a  solitary  instance.  In  his  History  is  publish- 
ed an  extract  from  one  of  Franklin's  letters  to  Dr.  Cooper,  which  could 
hardly  have  been  obtained  otherwise  than  surreptitiously.  And,  what  is 
worse,  there  is  an  omission  and  a  substitution,  which  materially  alter  the 
sense,  and  misrepresent  the  motives  of  the  writer.  The  extract  relates 
to  the  reasons  for  refusing  copies  of  the  letters.  As  printed  in  Hutch- 
inson's History,  it  is  made  to  close  as  follows  ;  — "  And  possibly,  as  dis- 
tant objects  seen  through  a  mist  appear  larger,  the  same  may  happen 
from  the  mystery  in  this  case."  Nothing  like  this  was  written  by  Frank- 
lin. It  was  invented  for  the  occasion.  His  words,  for  which  the  above 
were  substituted,  are  the  following.  "However,  the  terms  given  with 
these  [the  original  letters]  could  only  be  those  with  which  they  were  re- 
ceived." The  design  of  the  forgery  is  obvious.  With  whom  it  origi- 
nated is  uncertain.  It  may  have  been  done  before  the  extract  was  con- 
veyed to  Hutchinson. —  See  Vol.  VIII.  p.  72.  —  History  of  Massachu- 
setts, Vol.  Ill  p.  396. 


364  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1774. 

possession  of  the  letters  in  question.     A  duel  was  the 
consequence,  in  which  Mr.  Whately  was  wounded. 

At  this  crisis  Dr.  Franklin  felt  himself  bound  to  in- 
terfere. He  immediately  published  a  declaration,  in 
which  he  assumed  the  entire  responsibility  of  having 
transmitted  the  letters,  and  said,  that,  as  they  were 
not  among  Mr.  Thomas  Whately's  papers  when  these 
passed  into  the  hands  of  his  brother,  neither  he  nor 
Mr.  Temple  could  have  been  concerned  in  withdraw- 
ing them.  The  whole  tide  of  obloquy  was  now  turned 
against  Dr  Franklin.  He  was  assailed  by  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Whately  for  not  having  prevented  the  duel  by 
an  earlier  declaration ;  and  he  was  vehemently  attacked 
by  the  retainers  of  the  ministry  for  the  part  he  had 
acted  in  procuring  and  sending  the  letters.  To  the 
first  charge  it  is  enough  to  say,  that  he  had  no  inti- 
mation of  the  duel  till  it  was  over.  He  thought  him- 
self entitled  to  the  thanks  of  the  parties,  rather  than 
their  censure,  for  thus  relieving  them  from  suspicion 
in  the  eyes  of  the  public,  and  removing  the  cause  of 
their  personal  difference.  As  to  the  other  charge,  it 
was  no  more  than  he  expected ;  and  he  was  prepared 
to  meet  it  with  a  clear  conscience,  having  no  private 
ends  to  serve  in  the  transaction,  and  no  other  motive 
than  justice  to  his  country. 

Mr.  Whately  did  not  stop  here.  Without  any  pre- 
vious warning  or  complaint,  he  commenced  a  chan- 
cery suit  against  Dr.  Franklin.  The  bill  contained  a 
strange  list  of  false  specifications,  all  of  which  were 
denied  on  oath  by  Dr.  Franklin,  who  affirmed  at  the 
same  time,  in  reference  to  the  letters,  that,  when  they 
were  given  to  him,  no  address  appeared  on  them,  and 
that  he  had  not  previously  any  knowledge  of  their 
existence.  At  this  stage  of  the  business  the  chan- 
cery suit  seems  to  have  been  suspended,  and  it  was 
finally  dropped.  He  considered  this  an  ungrateful,  as 


jEx.68.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  365 

well  as  a  precipitate,  step  of  Mr.  Whately,  to  whom 
he  had  lately  rendered  an  important  service,  by  en- 
abling him  to  secure  a  valuable  property  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Notice  was  at  length  given  to  Dr.  Franklin,  that  his 
Majesty  had  referred  the  petition  to  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil, and  that  a  meeting  would  be  held  in  three  days 
to  take  it  into  consideration  at  the  Cockpit,  where  his 
attendance  was  required.  He  accordingly  appeared 
there  at  the  time  appointed,  January  llth,  1774,  with 
Mr.  Bollan,  the  agent  for  the  Massachusetts  Council. 
The  petition  was  read,  and  Dr.  Franklin  was  asked 
what  he  had  to  offer  in  support  of  it.  He  replied, 
that  Mr.  Bollan  would  speak  in  behalf  of  the  petition- 
ers, this  having  been  agreed  upon  between  them.  Mr. 
Bollan  began  to  speak,  but  he  was  silenced  by  the 
Lords  of  the  Council,  because  he  was  not  the  agent 
for  the  Assembly.  It  then  appeared,  that  Hutchinson 
and  Oliver  had  employed  Mr.  Wedderburn,  the  King's 
solicitor,  as  their  counsel,  who  was  then  present,  and 
ready  to  go  on  with  their  defence.  Authenticated 
copies  of  the  letters  were  produced,  and  some  con- 
versation ensued,  in  which  Mr.  Wedderburn  advanced 
divers  cavils  against  them,  and  said  it  would  be  ne- 
cessary to  know  how  the  Assembly  came  by  them, 
through  whose  hands  they  had  passed,  and  to  whom 
they  were  addressed.  To  this  the  Lord  Chief  Jus- 
tice assented. 

When  Mr.  Wedderburn  proceeded  to  speak  fur- 
ther, Dr.  Franklin  interrupted  him,  and  said  he  had 
not  understood  that  counsel  was  to  be  employed  against 
the  petition.  He  did  not  conceive,  that  any  point 
of  law  or  right  was  involved,  which  required  the  ar- 
guments of  lawyers,  but  he  supposed  it  to  be  rather 
"  a  question  of  civil  and  political  prudence " ;  in  which 
No.  8.  EE* 


366  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  [1774. 

their  Lordships  would  decide,  from  the  state  of  facts 
presented  in  the  papers  themselves,  whether  the  com- 
plaints of  the  petitioners  were  well  founded,  and  wheth- 
er the  Governor  and  Lieu  tenant- Governor  had  so  far 
rendered  themselves  obnoxious  to  the  people,  as  to 
make  it  for  the  interest  of  his  Majesty's  service  to 
remove  them.  He  then  requested,  that  counsel  might 
likewise  be  heard  in  behalf  of  the  Assembly.  The 
request  was  granted,  and  three  weeks  were  allowed 
for  preparation. 

"A  report  now  prevailed  through  the  town,"  Dr. 
Franklin  afterwards  wrote,  "that  I  had  been  grossly 
abused  by  the  solicitor-general,  at  the  Council  Board. 
But  this  was  premature.  He  had  only  intended  it, 
and  mentioned  that  intention.  I  heard,  too,  from  all 
quarters,  that  the  ministry  and  all  the  courtiers  were 
highly  enraged  against  me  for  transmitting  those  let- 
ters. I  was  called  an  incendiary,  and  the  papers  were 
filled  with  invectives  against  me.  Hints  were  given 
me,  that  there  were  some  thoughts  of  apprehending 
me,  seizing  my  papers,  and  sending  me  to  Newgate. 
I  was  well  informed,  that  a  resolution  was  taken  to 
deprive  me  of  my  place;  it  was  only  thought  best 
to  defer  it  till  after  the  hearing;  I  suppose,  because 
I  was  there  to  be  so  blackened,  that  nobody  should 
think  it  injustice.  Many  knew,  too,  how  the  petition 
was  to  be  treated;  and  I  was  told,  even  before  the 
first  hearing,  that  it  was  to  be  rejected  with  some  epi- 
thets, the  Assembly  to  be  censured,  and  some  honor 
done  the  governors.  How  this  could  be  known,  one 
cannot  say.  It  might  be  only  conjecture." 

Mr.  Dunning  and  Mr.  John  Lee,  two  eminent  bar- 
risters, were  the  counsel  employed  for  the  Assembly. 
They  concluded  to  rest  the  argument  on  the  facts 
stated  in  the  petition  and  the  Assembly's  other  pa- 
pers, showing  the  discontents  of  the  people,  and  the 


jfiT.  68.]  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  367 

expediency  of  removing  officers,  whose  conduct  had 
made  them  so  odious,  that  their  usefulness  was  at 
an  end ;  and  not  to  touch  upon  the  objectionable  parts 
of  the  letters,  these  being  of  a  political  nature,  the 
falsehood  of  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  prove.  Nor, 
indeed,  would  any  proof  be  satisfactory  to  judges,  who 
deemed  these  very  offences,  so  much  detested  by  the 
people,  as  meritorious  acts  in  support  of  the  arbitrary 
designs  of  the  government.  If  this  was  not  manifest 
from  what  had  already  passed,  it  was  made  so  by 
the  manner  in  which  the  petition  was  treated,  when 
it  came  again  to  be  considered  by  the  Council.  This 
extraordinary  scene  was  described  by  Dr.  Franklin,  a 
few  days  after  its  occurrence. 

"Notwithstanding  the  intimations  I  had  received,  I 
could  not  believe  that  the  solicitor-general  wrould  be 
permitted  to  wander  from  the  question  before  their 
Lordships,  into  a  new  case,  the  accusation  of  another 
person  for  another  matter,  not  cognizable  before  them, 
who  could  not  expect  to  be  there  so  accused,  and 
therefore  could  not  be  prepared  for  his  defence.  And 
yet  all  this  happened,  and  in  all  probability  was  pre- 
concerted ;  for  all  the  courtiers  were  invited,  as  to  an 
entertainment,  and  there  never  was  such  an  appear- 
ance of  privy  counsellors  on  any  occasion,  not  less 
than  thirty-five,  besides  an  immense  crowd  of  other 
auditors. 

"The  hearing  began  by  reading  my  letter  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  enclosing  the  petition,  then  the  petition 
itself,  the  resolves,  and  lastly  the  letters,  the  solicitor- 
general  making  no  objections,  nor  asking  any  of  the 
questions  he  had  talked  of  at  the  preceding  board. 
Our  counsel  then  opened  the  matter,  upon  their  general 
plan,  and  acquitted  themselves  very  handsomely ;  only 
Mr.  Dunning,  having  a  disorder  on  his  lungs,  that 
weakened  his  voice  exceedingly,  was  not  so  perfectly 


368  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1774. 

heard  as  one  could  have  wished.  The  solicitor-general 
then  went  into  what  he  called  a  history  of  the  prov- 
ince for  the  last  ten  years,  and  bestowed  plenty  of 
abuse  upon  it,  mingled  with  encomium  on  the  gover- 
nors. But  the  favorite  part  of  his  discourse  was  lev- 
elled at  your  agent,  who  stood  there  the  butt  of  his 
invective  ribaldry  for  near  an  hour,  not  a  single  Lord 
adverting  to  the  impropriety  and  indecency  of  treating 
a  public  messenger  in  so  ignominious  a  manner,  who 
was  present  only  as  the  person  delivering  your  peti- 
tion, with  the  consideration  of  which  no  part  of  his 
conduct  had  any  concern.  If  he  had  done  a  wrong, 
in  obtaining  and  transmitting  the  letters,  that  was  not 
the  tribunal  where  he  was  to  be  accused  and  tried. 
The  cause  was  already  before  the  Chancellor.  Not 
one  of  their  Lordships  checked  and  recalled  the  ora- 
tor to  the  business  before  them,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
a  very  few  excepted,  they  seemed  to  enjoy  highly  the 
entertainment,  and  frequently  burst  out  in  loud  ap- 
plauses. This  part  of  his  speech  wras  thought  so 
good,  that  they  have  since  printed  it,  in  order  to  de- 
fame me  everywhere,  and  particularly  to  destroy  my 
reputation  on  your  side  of  the  water;  but  the  grosser 
parts  of  the  abuse  are  omitted,  appearing,  I  suppose, 
in  their  own  eyes,  too  foul  to  be  seen  on  paper;  so 
that  the  speech,  compared  to  what  it  was,  is  now  per- 
fectly decent.  I  send  you  one  of  the  copies.  My 
friends  advise  me  to  write  an  answer,  which  I  purpose 
immediately. 

"The  reply  of  Mr.  Dunning  concluded.  Being  very 
ill,  and  much  incommoded  by  standing  so  long,  his 
voice  was  so  feeble,  as  to  be  scarce  audible.  What 
little  I  heard  was  very  well  said,  but  appeared  to  have 
little  effect. 

"  Their  Lordships'  Report,  which  I  send  you,  is  dated 
the  same  day.  It  contains  a  severe  censure,  as  you 


^Ex.  68.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  369 

will  see,  on  the  petition  and  the  petitioners,  and,  as  I 
think,  a  very  unfair  conclusion  from  my  silence,  that 
the  charge  of  surreptitiously  obtaining  the  letters  was 
a  true  one;  though  the  solicitor,  as  appears  in  the 
printed  speech,  had  acquainted  them  that  that  matter 
was  before  the  Chancellor ;  and  my  counsel  had  stated 
the  impropriety  of  my  answering  there  to  charges  then 
trying  in  another  court.  In  truth,  I  came  by  them 
honorably,  and  my  intention  in  sending  them  was  vir- 
tuous, if  an  endeavour  to  lessen  the  breach  between 
two  states  of  the  same  empire  be  such,  by  showing 
that  the  injuries  complained  of  by  one  of  them  did 
not  proceed  from  the  other,  but  from  traitors  among 
themselves'." 

After  this  judicial  farce,  no  one  could  be  surprised 
at  the  result.  Their  Lordships  reported,  "that  the 
petition  was  founded  upon  resolutions  formed  upon 
false  and  erroneous  allegations,  and  that  the  same  was 
groundbss,  vexatious,  and  scandalous,  and  calculated 
only  for  the  seditious  purpose  of  keeping  up  a  spirit 
of  clamor  and  discontent  in  the  provinces."  The  King 
approved  the  Report,  and  the  petition  was  dismissed. 
And  such  was  the  language,  which  the  British  rulers 
thought  proper  to  use  in  replying  to  the  respectful 
complaints  of  an  ancient  and  populous  province.  If 
the  people  would  bear  this,  they  might  well  say,  that 
their  long  cherished  freedom  had  become  an  empty 
sound  and  a  mockery.  Let  history  tell  how  they  bore 
it,  and  how  long. 

The  next  day  Dr.  Franklin  was  officially  informed 
of  his  being  dismissed  from  the  place  of  deputy  post- 
master-general. For  this  manifestation  of  the  royal 
displeasure  he  was  prepared,  as  well  by  previous  in- 
timations as  by  the  proceedings  of  the  Council.  It 
cannot  be  supposed,  that  he  was  callous  to  these  in- 

VOL.  i.  47 


LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1774. 

dignities,  especially  as  they  were  intended  to  over- 
whelm him  with  disgrace,  and  ruin  his  credit  and 
influence.  But  he  suppressed  his  resentment,  and 
took  no  steps  either  to  vindicate  himself,  or  to  coun- 
teract the  malicious  arts  of  his  enemies,  conscious  of 
having  done  only  what  his  duty  required.  When  the 
facts  came  to  be  known  and  understood,  his  conduct 
was  applauded  by  every  friend  of  liberty  and  justice 
in  both  countries.  He  gained  new  credit,  instead  of 
losing  what  he  possessed,  thus  baffling  the  iniquitous 
schemes  of  his  adversaries,  whom  he  lived  to  see 
entangled  in  their  own  toils,  and  whose  disgraceful 
overthrow  it  was  his  fortune  to  be  a  principal  instru- 
ment in  effecting. 

From  this  time  he  kept  aloof  from  the  ministers, 
going  no  more  to  their  levees,  nor  seeking  any  fur- 
ther intercourse  with  them.  He  contemplated  bring- 
ing his  affairs  to  a  close  in  England  and  returning 
home ;  and  with  this  view  he  put  the  papers  relating 
to  the  Massachusetts  agency  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Arthur  Lee,  who  had  been  appointed  to  succeed  him 
whenever  he  should  retire.  Mr.  Lee  went  over  to  the 
continent,  to  be  absent  several  months ;  and  then  Dr. 
Franklin  took  upon  himself  again  the  business  of  the 
agency,  thinking  it  improper  to  leave  the  post  vacant, 
till  the  Assembly  should  be  apprized  of  the  absence 
of  Mr.  Lee,  and  of  his  own  wish  to  withdraw.* 

*  The  following  extract  from  a  letter,  written  by  Dr.  Rush  to  Arthur 
LtJe,  will  show  the  estimation  in  which  Dr.  Franklin  was  at  this  time 
held  by  his  countrymen.  "  There  is  a  general  union  among  the  colo- 
nies," says  Dr.  Rush,  «  which  no  artifices  of  a  ministry  will  be  able  to 
break.  Dr.  Franklin  is  a  very  popular  character  in  every  part  of  Amer- 
ica. He  will  be  received,  and  carried  in  triumph  to  his  house,  when 
he  arrives  amongst  us.  It  is  to  be  hoped  he  will  not  consent  to  hold 
any  more  offices  under  government.  No  step  but  this  can  prevent  his 
being  handed  down  to  posterity  among  the  first  and  greatest  characters 
,in  the  world."  —Philadelphia,  May  4th,  1774. 


68.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  371 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Franklin  remains  in  England  to  await  the  Result  of  the  Continental 
Congress. — Josiah  Quincy,  Junior.  —  Anecdotes. — Death  of  Dr.  Frank- 
lin's Wife. — Family  Incidents.  —  He  receives  and  presents  the  Pe- 
tition of  Congress.  —  Rejected  by  Parliament.  —  Galloway's  Plan  of 
Union.  —  Franklin's  Attempts  to  promote  a  Reconciliation  between 
the  two  Countries.  —  Visits  Lord  Chatham.  —  Remarks  on  Indepen- 
dence.—  Mrs.  Howe.  —  He  draws  up  Articles  as  the  Basis  of  a  Ne- 
gotiation, at  the  Request  of  Dr.  Fothergill  and  Mr.  Barclay  —These 
Articles  shown  to  the  Ministers,  and  various  Conferences  concerning 
them. —  Interviews  with  Lord  Howe  respecting  some  Mode  of  Rec- 
onciliation. —  He  drafts  another  Paper  for  that  Purpose.  —  Lord 
Chatham's  Approval  of  the  Proceedings  of  Congress. — Lord  Cam- 
den.  —  Lord  Chatham's  Motion  in  Parliament.  —  Franklin's  Interviews 
with  him  in  forming  a  Plan  of  Reconciliation.  —  This  Plan  offered  to 
Parliament,  and  rejected.  —  Negotiation  resumed  and  broken  off.  — 
Franklin  sails  from  England  and  arrives  in  Philadelphia. 

IN  the  mean  time  the  news  arrived,  that  a  Conti- 
nental Congress  was  about  to  convene,  and,  by  the 
advice  of  his  friends,  Dr.  Franklin  concluded  to  wait 
the  issue  of  that  event.  "My  situation  here,"  he  ob- 
serves, "  is  thought  by  many  to  be  a  little  hazardous ; 
for  if,  by  some  accident,  the  troops  and  people  of 
New  England  should  come  to  blows,  I  should  proba- 
bly be  taken  up ;  the  ministerial  people  affecting  ev- 
erywhere to  represent  me  as  the  cause  of  all  the 
misunderstanding ;  and  I  have  been  frequently  cau- 
tioned to  secure  my  papers,  and  by  some  advised  to 
withdraw.  But  I  venture  to  stay,  in  compliance  with 
the  wish  of  others,  till  the  result  of  the  Congress  ar- 
rives, since  they  suppose  my  being  here  might  on  that 
occasion  be  of  use;  and  I  confide  in  my  innocence, 
that  the  worst  which  can  happen  to  me  will  be  an 
imprisonment  upon  suspicion,  though  that  is  a  thing 


372  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1774, 

I  should  much  desire  to  avoid,  as  it  may  be  expensive 
and  vexatious,  as  well  as  dangerous  to  my  health." 
In  this  state  of  uncertainty  and  suspense  he  was 
greatly  cheered  by  the  arrival  of  Josiah  Quincy,  Junior, 
from  Boston,  the  son  of  his  old  and  valued  friend, 
Josiah  Quincy,  of  Braintree.  Among  the  patriots  of 
Massachusetts,  who  had  signalized  themselves  in  op- 
posing the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  British  government, 
Josiah  Quincy,  Junior,  was  second  to  no  one  in  tal- 
ents, zeal,  and  activity.  Having  taken  a  conspicuous 
part  in  the  late  transactions,  he  was  enabled  to  inform 
Dr.  Franklin  of  all  that  had  been  done,  and  of  the 
character  and  purposes  of  the  prominent  leaders ;  and 
it  was  a  source  of  mutual  satisfaction  to  find  a  per- 
fect harmony  of  sentiment  between  themselves  on  the 
great  subject,  which  had  now  become  of  vital  impor- 
tance to  their  country.  In  one  of  his  letters,  dated 
November  27th,  Mr.  Quincy  says,  "Dr.  Franklin  is 
an  American  in  heart  and  soul ;  you  may  trust  him ; 
his  ideas  are  not  contracted  within  the  narrow  limits 
of  exemption  from  taxes,  but  are  extended  upon  the 
broad  scale  of  total  emancipation.  He  is  explicit  and 
bold  upon  the  subject,  and  his  hopes  are  as  sanguine 
as  my  own,  of  the  triumph  of  liberty  in  America."* 
Mr.  Quincy  was  in  England  four  months,  and  held 
almost  daily  intercourse  with  Dr.  Franklin.  He  also 
visited  Lord  North,  Lord  Dartmouth,  and  some  of  the 
other  ministers,  at  their  request,  conversed  frequently 
with  members  of  Parliament,  and  on  all  occasions  de- 
fended the  rights  and  conduct  of  his  countrymen  with 

*  Dr.  Gordon,  who  had  imbibed  the  prejudices  of  a  party  against 
Dr.  Franklin,  as  is  obvious  in  various  parts  of  his  History,  omits  in  quot- 
ing this  passage,  the  clause,  —  "  you  may  trust  him,"  —  and  also,  — 
"his  hopes  are  as  sanguine  as  my  own,  of  the  triumph  of  liberty  in 
America." — GORDON'S  History,  1st  ed.,  Vol.  I.  p.  434. 


^T.  68.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  373 

the  same  freedom   and  firmness,  that   he  would  have 
used  among  his  most  intimate  friends  in  Boston.* 

While  Dr.  Franklin  was  making  preparations  to 
leave  England  early  in  the  spring,  and  looking  for- 
ward to  a  happy  meeting  with  his  family,  from  whom 
he  had  been  separated  ten  years,  he  received  the  af- 
flicting intelligence  of  the  death  of  his  wife.  She  was 
attacked  with  a  paralytic  stroke,  which  she  survived 
only  five  days.  For  some  months  she  had  com- 
plained of  occasional  ill  health,  but  nothing  serious 
was  apprehended  by  her  friends,  although  she  was 


*  He  relates  the  following  anecdote.  "  In  the  course  of  conversation 
Dr.  Franklin  said,  that  more  than  sixteen  years  ago,  long  before  any 
dispute  with  America,  the  present  Lord  Camden,  then  Mr.  Pratt,  said 
to  him,  '  For  all  what  you  Americans  say  of  your  loyalty,  and  all  that, 
I  know  you  will  one  day  throw  off  your  dependence  on  this  country ; 
and,  notwithstanding  your  hoasted  affection  for  it,  you  will  set  up  for 
independence.'  Dr.  Franklin  said  that  he  answered  him,  'No  such 
idea  was  ever  entertained  by  the  Americans,  nor  will  any  such  ever 
enter  their  heads,  unless  you  grossly  abuse  them.'  'Very  true,'  re- 
plied Mr.  Pratt,  'that  is  one  of  the  main  causes  I  see  will  happen, 
and  will  produce  the  event.'" — Journal,  Dec.  14th. 

Two  years  before  Mr.  Quincy's  voyage  to  England,  he  made  a  tour 
for  his  health  through  the  southern  and  middle  provinces.  At  Phil- 
adelphia he  fell  in  company  with  some  of  the  Proprietary  party,  who 
spoke  disparagingly  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  he  wrote  down  an  opinion  of 
that  kind  in  his  Journal.  On  the  same  page  of  the  Journal  he  after- 
wards made  the  following  record.  — "  London,  January^  1775.  I  am 
now  very  well  satisfied,  that  the  abovenamed  Doctor  has  been  gross- 
ly calumniated ;  and  I  have  one  more  reason  to  induce  me  to  be  cau- 
tious how  I  hearken  to  the  slander  of  envious  or  malevolent  tongues. 
This  minute  I  thought  it  but  justice  to  insert,  in  order  to  take  off  any 
impression  to  the  disadvantage  of  Dr.  Franklin,  who  I  am  now  fully 
convinced  is  one  of  the  wisest  and  best  of  men  upon  earth ;  one,  of 
whom  it  may  be  said  that  this  world  is  not  worthy." — MS.  Journal 

Mr.  Quincy's  health  rapidly  declined  in  England,  and  the  voyage 
homeward  exhausted  him  so  much,  that  he  died  a  few  hours  before 
the  vessel  entered  the  harbour  of  Cape  Ann,  on  the  26th  of  April,  1775, 
at  the  early  age  of  thirty -one.  The  Memoir  of  his  Life,  by  his  son, 
is  a  valuable  tribute  to  his  memory,  interesting  in  its  details,  and  a 
rich  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  country. 
VOL.  I.  FF 


374  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1774 

heard  to  express  a  conviction,  that  she  should  not 
recover.  They  had  been  married  forty-four  years,  and 
lived  together  in  a  state  of  uninterrupted  harmony  and 
happiness. 

Their  correspondence  during  his  long  absence,  a 
great  part  of  which  has  been  preserved,  is  affection- 
ate on  both  sides,  exhibiting  proofs  of  an  unlimited 
confidence  and  devoted  attachment.  He  omitted  no 
opportunity  to  send  her  whatever  he  thought  would 
contribute  to  her  convenience  and  comfort,  accompa- 
nied by  numerous  little  tokens  of  remembrance  and 
affection.  So  much  did  he  rely  on  her  prudence  and 
capacity,  that,  when  abroad,  he  intrusted  to  her  the 
management  of  his  private  affairs.  Many  years  after 
her  death,  in  writing  to  a  young  lady,  he  said ;  "  Fru- 
gality is  an  enriching  virtue;  a  virtue  I  never  could 
acquire  myself;  but  I  was  once  lucky  enough  to  find 
it  in  a  wife,  who  therefore  became  a  fortune  to  me." 
The  little  song,  which  he  wrote  in  her  praise,  is  mark- 
ed with  a  playful  tenderness,  and  contains  sentiments 
creditable  to  his  feelings  as  a  man  and  a  husband. 
In  his  autobiography  and  letters  he  often  mentions  his 
wife,  and  always  with  a  kindness  and  respect,  which 
could  proceed  only  from  genuine  sensibility  and  a  high 
estimate  of  her  character  and  virtues.* 

A  late  English  writer,  who  in  the  main  has  done 
justice  to  Franklin,  thinks  it  strange,  that  so  little  has 
been  said  of  his  family  connexions ;  and  insinuates,  that, 
in  his  days  of  prosperity,  he  was  less  attentive  to  his 
poor  relations,  than  would  be*  expected  from  one, 
so  remarkable  for  benevolence  and  philanthropy  in  his 


*  Mrs.  Franklin  died  at  Philadelphia,  December  19th,  1774,  and  was 
buried  in  the  cemetery  of  Christ's  Church,  on  the  side  next  to  Arch 
Street. 


MT.  68.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  375 

intercourse  with  society  and  in  all  his  public  acts. 
To  remove  such  a  suspicion,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
peruse  his  writings,  and  study  his  history.  The  tale 
of  his  early  years  is  told  by  himself  in  his  own  sim- 
ple and  expressive  language,  and  no  one  will  say, 
that  it  is  deficient  in  a  lively  concern  for  the  welfare 
of  his  relatives,  or  in  the  natural  sympathies  of  a  son 
and  a  brother.  His  circumstances  were  as  humble,  and 
his  fortunes  as  adverse,  as  those  of  any  of  his  family ; 
and,  before  he  had  gained  a  competency,  many  of 
them  had  passed  off  the  stage.  When  his  wife  died, 
the  last  of  his  sixteen  brothers  and  sisters,  except 
the  youngest,  had  been  dead  eight  years,  his  father 
twenty-eight,  and  his  mother  twenty. 

Neither  his  parents,  nor  more  than  two  or  three  of 
his  brothers  and  sisters,  needed  his  assistance.  His 
brother  James  died  at  Newport  in  Rhode  Island, 
leaving  a  widow  and  children,  whom  he  befriended 
and  aided  many  years.  His  brother  Peter  died  at  an 
advanced  age  in  Philadelphia,  having  been  established 
there  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  assisted  by  him  in  pro- 
curing a  support.  His  youngest  sister,  Jane,  who  mar- 
ried Edward  Mecom,  resided  the  most  of  her  life  in 
Boston,  and  was  left  a  widow  with  several  children. 
Her  means  of  support  were  small,  and  her  misfor- 
tunes many ;  but  she  was  sustained  by  his  affectionate 
kindness  and  liberal  bounty  as  long  as  he  lived,  of 
which  there  are  abundant  evidences  in  her  letters  of 
grateful  acknowledgment.  More  than  any  others  of 
the  family,  she  resembled  him  in  the  strength  of  her 
character  and  intellect.  Her  eldest  son  found  a  home 
in  his  family,  till  he  had  learned  the  printer's  trade, 
when  he  was  set  up  in  business  by  his  uncle.  Dr. 
Franklin  met  in  England  a  relation  of  the  same  name, 
but  of  another  branch  of  the  family,  old  and  poor, 


376  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1774. 

who  had  an  only  daughter  eleven  years  of  age.  This 
child  he  took  home  to  his  lodgings  in  London,  with  no 
other  than  charitable  motives,  and  had  her  educated 
and  maintained  at  his  charge  till  she  was  married. 

No  father  was  ever  more  kind,  devoted,  or  gener- 
ous to  his  own  children.  His  eldest  son,  William, 
was  his  constant  companion  at  home  and  abroad  in 
his  youth,  and  afterwards  the  object  of  his  confidence 
and  paternal  regard,  till  he  estranged  himself  by  his 
violent  political  conduct,  sacrificing  the  ties  of  kindred 
to  the  schemes  of  ambition.  Francis  Folger,  his  sec- 
ond son,  died  when  he  was  only  four  years  old,  of 
whom  his  father  said,  "Though  now  dead  thirty-six 
years,  to  this  day  I  cannot  think  of  him  without  a 
sigh."  His  daughter,  Sarah,  alone  remained  to  soothe 
his  old  age,  and  administer  to  his  last  wants  in  a 
lingering  disease.  From  her  birth  she  experienced 
from  him  all  that  a  father's  fondness,  indulgence,  and 
counsel  could  bestow,  and  he  bequeathed  to  her  the 
principal  part  of  the  fortune,  which  he  had  acquired 
by  years  of  laborious  industry,  and  by  the  habitual 
practice  of  his  rigid  maxims  of  economy  and  prudence. 

On  all  occasions  he  was  prompt  to  assist  the  ne- 
cessitous, and  liberal  in  his  benefactions  and  deeds  of 
charity.  For  public  objects  his  contributions  were  in 
full  proportion  to  his  means.  He  had  a  delicate  way 
of  giving  money,  which  he  called  lending  it  for  the 
good  of  mankind.  To  an  English  clergyman,  a  pris- 
oner in  France,  whose  wants  he  relieved  by  a  sum 
of  money,  he  wrote ;  "  Some  time  or  other  you  may 
have  an  opportunity  of  assisting  with  an  equal  sum  a 
stranger  who  has  equal  need  of  it.  Do  so.  By  that 
means  you  will  discharge  any  obligation  you  may  sup- 
pose yourself  under  to  me.  Enjoin  him  to  do  the 
same  on  occasion.  By  pursuing  such  a  practice,  much 


/Er.68.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  377 

good  may  be  done  with  little  money.  Let  kind  offi- 
ces go  round.  Mankind  are  all  of  a  family."  This 
was  a  common  practice  with  him,  by  which  he  could 
spare  the  feelings  of  the  receiver,  and  practically  in- 
culcate the  maxim  of  doing  good. 

About  the  middle  of  December,  1774,  Dr.  Franklin 
received  the  petition  of  the  first  Continental  Congress 
to  the  King,  with  a  letter  from  the  president  of  Con- 
gress to  the  several  colonial  agents  in  London,  re- 
questing them  to  present  the  petition.  All  the  agents, 
except  Franklin,  Bollan,  and  Lee,  declined  acting  in 
the  business,  alleging  that  they  had  no  instructions. 
These  three  gentlemen,  however,  carried  it  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  who,  after  retaining  it  one  day  for  peru- 
sal, during  which  a  cabinet  council  was  held,  agreed 
to  deliver  it ;  and  in  a  short  time  he  informed  them, 
that  his  Majesty  had  been  pleased  to  receive  it  "  very 
graciously,"  and  would  lay  it  before  both  Houses  of 
Parliament.  This  was  accordingly  done,  but  without 
any  allusion  to  it  in  the  King's  speech,  or  any  mes- 
sage calling  the  attention  of  Parliament  to  the  subject. 
It  was  sent  down  with  a  mass  of  letters  of  intelli- 
gence, newspapers,  and  pamphlets,  and  laid  upon  the 
table  undistinguished  from  the  other  papers  with  which 
it  was  accompanied.  The  agents  requested  to  be 
heard  at  the  bar  of  the  House  in  support  of  the  pe- 
tition, but  were  refused.  When  it  came  up  for  con- 
sideration, it  was  rejected  by  an  overwhelming  major- 
ity, after  a  heated  debate,  in  which  the  ministerial 
members  spoke  contemptuously  of  the  Americans  and 
of  their  pretended  grievances,  and  insisted  on  reduc- 
ing them  to  obedience  at  all  events,  and  by  force  of 
arms  if  that  were  necessary. 

While  the  first  Congress  was  sitting,  Galloway, 
who  was  a  member  from  Pennsylvania,  proposed  a 

VOL.  i.  48  FF* 


378  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1774. 

plan  of  union  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies, 
which  met  with  so  little  success,  that  there  was  al- 
most a  unanimous  voice  for  not  permitting  it  to  be 
entered  in  the  journals.  Piqued  at  this  slight,  and  at 
the  defeat  of  a  scheme  from  which  he  had  formed 
high  expectations,  Galloway  caused  his  plan  to  be 
printed,  in  connexion  with  disrespectful  observations 
on  the  proceedings  of  Congress.  He  sent  a  copy  of 
it  to  Dr.  Franklin,  who,  in  his  reply,  without  touch- 
ing upon  its  merits,  gave  his  ideas  of  some  prelimina- 
ry articles,  which  he  said  ought  to  be  agreed  to  be- 
fore any  plan  of  union  could  be  established.  These 
articles  included  a  repeal  of  the  Declaratory  Act,  and 
of  all  the  acts  of  Parliament  laying  duties  on  the  colo- 
nies, all  acts  altering  the  charter,  constitution,  or  laws 
of  any  colony,  all  acts  restraining  manufactures,  with 
a  modification  of  the  navigation  acts,  which  should 
be  reenacted  by  the  legislatures  of  both  countries.  It 
was  his  opinion,  however,  that  no  benefit  would  re- 
sult to  America  by  a  closer  union  with  Great  Britain 
than  already  existed. 

For  the  year  past,  Dr.  Franklin  had  foreseen,  that, 
if  the  ministers  persevered  in  their  mad  projects  against 
the  colonies,  a  rupture  between  the  two  countries  and 
a  civil  war  would  soon  follow ;  and  he  used  all  the 
means  in  his  power  to  induce  a  change  of  measures. 
This  was  known  to  gentlemen  of  influence  in  the  op- 
position, who  were  striving  to  effect  the  same  end, 
and  who  accordingly  sought  his  counsel  and  cooper- 
ation. Lord  Chatham  was  among  those,  who  con- 
demned the  policy  and  acts  of  the  administration ;  and 
he  was  resolved  to  make  a  strenuous  effort  in  Par- 
liament to  avert  the  calamity,  which  he  saw,  as  he 
thought,  impending  over  the  nation.  In  the  month 
of  August,  1774,  while  Dr.  Franklin  was  on  a  visit 


^Ex.  68.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  379 

to  Mr.  Sargent,  at  his  seat  in  Kent,  he  received  an 
invitation  from  Lord  Chatham  to  visit  him  at  Hayes, 
his  Lordship's  residence,  which  was  not  far  distant. 
Lord  Stanhope  called  on  Dr.  Franklin  the  next  day, 
and  accompanied  him  to  Hayes. 

The  conversation  turned  on  American  affairs.  Lord 
Chatham  spoke  feelingly  of  the  late  laws  against  Mas- 
sachusetts; censured  them  with  severity,  and  said  he 
had  a  great  esteem  for  the  people  of  that  country,  and 
"hoped  they  would  continue  firm,  and  unite  in  de- 
fending, by  all  practicable  and  legal  means,  their  con- 
stitutional rights."  Dr.  Franklin  said  he  was  convinced 
they  would  do  so,  and  then  proceeded  to  explain  the 
nature  and  grounds  of  their  complaints,  the  unconsti- 
tutional encroachments  of  Parliament,  and  the  injustice 
and  impolicy  of  the  measures,  which  the  ministers 
were  rashly  enforcing,  and  which  would  inevitably 
alienate  the  affections  of  the  colonists,  and  drive  them 
to  desperation  and  open  resistance. 

His  Lordship  seemed  pleased  writh  his  frankness, 
assented  to  some  of  his  statements,  and  raised  que- 
ries respecting  others.  He  mentioned  an  opinion  pre- 
vailing in  England,  that  the  Americans  were  aiming 
to  set  up  an  independent  state.  Dr.  Franklin  assured 
him,  that  he  had  at  different  times  travelled  from  one 
end  of  the  continent  to  the  other,  conversed  with  all 
descriptions  of  people,  and  had  never  heard  a  hint  of 
this  kind  from  any  individual.  This  declaration  refer- 
red to  the  past,  and  to  the  actual  disposition  towards 
the  mother  country  before  the  late  events,  and  not  to 
the  temper  which  had  been  excited  by  the  novel  ag- 
gressions of  the  British  government ;  for  Dr.  Franklin 
himself,  at  this  very  time,  as  we  learn  from  his  con- 
versation with  Mr.  Quincy,  was  looking  forward  to 
independence,  because  he  was  satisfied  that  the  min- 


380  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1774. 

istry  would  not  relax  from  their  tyrannical  measures, 
and  that  the  people  would  not  endure  them.  On  this 
ground  alone  he  expected  independence,  and  not  from 
any  thing  that  had  as  yet  been  done  or  resolved  by 
the  colonists.* 

Lord  Chatham  was  affable,  professed  to  be  much 
pleased  with  the  visit,  and  politely  told  Dr.  Franklin, 
that  he  should  be  glad  to  see  him  whenever  his  con- 
venience would  permit. 

Some  time  after,  when  he  was  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Royal  Society,  Mr.  Raper,  one  of  the  members,  pro- 
posed to  introduce  him  to  a  certain  lady,  \yho,  he 
said,  wished  to  play  with  him  at  chess.  This  lady 
was  Mrs.  Howe,  a  sister  of  Lord  Howe.  Being  fond 
of  chess,  and  having  no  reason  to  decline  such  an 
invitation,  he  accepted  the  challenge,  not  dreaming 
that  any  thing  more  was  intended  than  a  little  recre- 
ation. He  called  on  her  with  his  friend,  played  a 
few  games,  and,  finding  her  agreeable  and  intelligent, 
agreed  to  resume  the  amusement  on  another  day. 

He  went  accordingly,  and  played  as  before.  The 
chess-board  being  laid  aside,  Mrs.  Howe  began  a  con- 
versation, first  on  a  mathematical  problem,  then  on 
political  affairs,  and  at  last  she  said,  "What  is  to  be 
done  with  this  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies  ?  I  hope  we  are  not  to  have  a  civil  war." 
"  They  should  kiss  and  be  friends,"  said  Franklin ; 
"what  can  they  do  better?  Quarrelling  can  be  of 
service  to  neither,  but  it  is  ruin  to  both."-  "I  have 
often  said,"  she  replied,  "  that  I  wished  government 

*  The  above  declaration,  respecting  the  time  when  the  Americans 
first  conceived  the  idea  of  independence,  is  confirmed  by  the  testimo- 
ny of  Washington,  John  Adams,  Jay,  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  others 
who  acted  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  Revolution.  These  all  affirm,  that, 
before  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  they  aimed  only  at  a  redress 
of  grievances  and  a  restoration  to  their  former  rights.  —  See  SPARKS'S 
edition  of  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  II.  p.  496. 


^Er.  68.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  381 

would  employ  you  to  settle  the  dispute  for  them ;  I 
am  sure  nobody  could  do  it  so  well.  Do  you  not 
think  that  the  thing  is  practicable  ?  "  "  Undoubtedly, 
Madam,"  he  rejoined,  "if  the  parties  are  disposed  to 
reconciliation ;  for  the  two  countries  have  really  no 
clashing  interests  to  differ  about.  It  is  rather  a  mat- 
ter of  punctilio,  which  two  or  three  reasonable  people 
might  settle  in  half  an  hour.  I  thank  you  for  the 
good  opinion  you  are  pleased  to  express  of  me ;  but 
the  ministers  will  never  think  of  employing  me  in  that 
good  work ;  they  choose  rather  to  abuse  me."  "  Ay," 
said  she,  "  they  have  behaved  shamefully  to  you ;  and, 
indeed,  some  of  them  are  now  ashamed  of  it  them- 
selves." As  this  conversation  was  apparently  inciden- 
tal, he  drew  no  inferences  from  it,  but  assented  again 
to  the  lady's  request  to  renew  their  game  of  chess 
on  a  future  occasion. 

In  the  mean  time  two  of  his  friends,  Dr.  Fothergill 
and  David  Barclay,  jointly  expressed  to  him  great 
concern  at  the  present  state  of  the  colonial  dispute, 
and  urged  him  with  much  solicitude  to  make  a  new 
and  formal  attempt  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation, 
saying  that  he  understood  the  business  better  than 
anybody  else,  and  could  manage  it  more  effectually, 
and  that  it  seemed  to  be  his  duty  to  leave  no  expe- 
dient untried,  which  would  tend  to  promote  an  object 
of  so  great  moment  to  both  countries.  At  first  he 
objected  to  any  further  interference,  believing  the  min- 
istry were  not  in  the  least  inclined  to  an  accommoda- 
tion, but  that  they  wished  rather  to  irritate  the  colo- 
nists and  push  them  to  acts  of  resistance,  that  they 
might  have  a  pretence  for  using  force  to  reduce  them 
to  submission. 

Dr.  Fothergill  and  Mr.  Barclay  were  of  a  different 
opinion,  and  were  convinced,  that,  whatever  might  be 


382  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  [1774. 

the  designs  of  some  of  the  ministers,  others  seriously 
desired  a  reconciliation,  and  would  listen  to  any  rea- 
sonable propositions  for  that  end.  They  entreated 
him  to  think  of  the  matter,  and  to  sketch  a  plan,  such 
as  he  should  be  willing  to  support,  and  as  in  his 
opinion  would  be  acceptable  to  the  colonies.  With 
some  reluctance  he  yielded  to  their  solicitation,  and 
promised  to  prepare  a  draft,  and  show  it  to  them  at 
their  next  meeting. 

He  drew  up  a  paper,  consisting  of  seventeen  arti- 
cles, which  he  called  Hints,  but  which  embodied  the 
elements  of  a  compact.  He  consented  that  the  tea, 
which  had  been  destroyed  in  the  harbour  of  Boston, 
should  be  paid  for;  but  he  required  the  tea  act,  and 
all  the  acts  restraining  manufactures,  the  laws  against 
Massachusetts  and  the  Quebec  act,  to  be  repealed, 
and  all  the  acts  for  regulating  trade  to  be  reenact- 
ed  by  the  colonial  legislatures.  He  insisted,  that  all 
duties  collected  in  the  colonies  should  be  paid  into 
the  colonial  treasuries,  and  that  the  custom-house  offi- 
cers should  be  appointed  by  the  governors;  that  no 
requisitions  should  be  made  in  time  of  peace,  and  that 
no  troops  should  enter  any  colony  without  the  con- 
sent of  its  legislature;  that  in  time  of  war  the  re- 
quisitions should  be  in  proportion  to  those  in  Great 
Britain ;  that  the  governors  and  judges  should  be  ap- 
pointed during  good  behaviour,  and  receive  their  sal- 
aries from  the  Assemblies ;  and  that  Parliament  should 
claim  no  power  over  the  internal  legislation  of  the 
colonies.  These  were  the  principal  points,  though 
there  were  some  others  of  minor  importance. 

At  the  time  appointed  he  met  Dr.  Fothergill  and 
Mr.  Barclay,  produced  his  Hints,  and  explained  and 
defended  each  article.  They  objected  to  some  parts, 
and  doubted  as  to  others ;  yet  they  thought  it  worth 


^Ex.  68.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  383 

while  to  make  the  experiment,  as  a  preliminary  step 
towards  a  negotiation,  and  asked  permission  to  take 
copies  of  his  paper,  intimating  an  intention  to  show 
it  in  the  ministerial  circles.  Dr.  Fothergill  was  on 
terms  of  intimacy  with  Lord  Dartmouth  and  some  of 
the  other  ministers;  and  Mr.  Barclay  wished  it  to  be 
seen  by  Lord  Hyde,  with  whom  he  was  acquainted. 
Dr.  Franklin,  submitting  to  the  discretion  of  his  friends, 
did  not  object  to  this  proposal,  and  two  copies  were 
transcribed  in  the  handwriting  of  Mr.  Barclay. 

It  was  now  time  to  fulfil  his  engagement  to  Mrs. 
Howe.  He  called  at  her  house,  but  had  scarcely  en- 
tered the  room,  when  she  said  that  her  brother,  Lord 
Howe,  would  be  glad  to  make  his  acquaintance. 
He  could  only  reply,  that  he  should  be  proud  of  such 
an  honor.  "  He  is  just  by,"  said  she  ;  "  will  you  give 
me  leave  to  send  for  him  ?  "  "  By  all  means,  Mad- 
am," he  answered,  "if  you  think  proper."  She  ac- 
cordingly despatched  a  message  to  her  brother,  who 
arrived  in  a  few  minutes. 

His  Lordship  began  the  conversation  with  some  po- 
lite compliments,  and  said  his  particular  motive  for  de- 
siring an  interview  at  this  time  was  the  alarming  state 
of  American  affairs,  and  that  he  hoped  to  obtain  Dr. 
Franklin's  sentiments  on  the  best  means  of  reconciling 
the  differences,  being  persuaded  that  no  other  person 
could  do  so  much  towards  healing  the  breach,  which 
threatened  the  most  mischievous  consequences,  unless 
some  speedy  remedy  could  be  applied.  A  long  dis- 
course ensued,  in  which  Lord  Howe  requested  him 
to  put  in  writing  such  propositions,  as  he  conceived 
would  lead  to  a  good  understanding  between  the  two 
countries,  which  they  might  consider  at  another  inter- 
view. This  he  agreed  to  undertake. 

According  to  his  promise,  he  had  communicated  to 


384  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1775 

Lord  Chatham  the  late  American  papers  which  he 
had  received ;  and  he  went  a  week  afterwards  to 
Hayes,  where  he  was  extremely  gratified  with  the 
manner  in  which  that  great  man  spoke  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Congress.  "They  had  acted,"  he 
said,  "  with  so  much  temper,  moderation,  and  wisdom, 
that  he  thought  it  the  most  honorable  assembly  of 
statesmen  since  those  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans in  the  most  virtuous  times."  He  professed  a 
warm  regard  for  the  Americans,  and  hearty  wishes 
for  their  prosperity,  and  added,  that  when  Parliament 
assembled  he  should  have  something  to  offer,  upon 
which  he  should  previously  want  Dr.  Franklin's  sen- 
timents. 

On  his  way  home  he  passed  the  night  with  Lord 
Camden,  at  Chislehurst.  This  nobleman  agreed  en- 
tirely with  Lord  Chatham  in  his  opinion  of  Congress, 
and  of  the  transactions  in  America. 

He  returned  to  town  in  time  to  meet  Lord  Howe 
according  to  appointment,  but  was  obliged  to  apolo- 
gize for  not  being  ready  with  his  propositions.  Lord 
Howe  said,  he  could  now  assure  him,  that  both  Lord 
North  and  Lord  Dartmouth  were  sincerely  disposed 
to  an  accommodation.  He  then  asked  Dr.  Franklin 
what  he  thought  of  a  project  for  sending  over  a  com- 
missioner empowered  to  inquire  into  the  grievances  of 
the  Americans,  and  to  agree  with  them  upon  some 
mode  of  reconciliation.  Franklin  seemed  to  approve 
the  idea.  Mrs.  Howe  was  present.  "I  wish,  brother," 
said  she,  "you  were  to  be  sent  thither  on  such  a 
service ;  I  should  like  that  much  better  than  General 
Howe's  going  to  command  the  army  there."  "  I  think, 
Madam,"  replied  Franklin,  "  they  ought  to  provide  for 
General  Howe  some  more  honorable  employment." 
Lord  Howe  then  drew  out  a  paper,  which  proved  to 


/E-T.69.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  385 

be  a  copy  of  the  Hints,  in  David  Barclay's  handwrit- 
ing. He  remarked,  that  these  terms  were  so  hard,  as 
to  afford  little  hope  of  their  being  obtained,  and  he 
begged  Dr.  Franklin  to  turn  his  thoughts  to  another 
plan. 

To  satisfy  his  Lordship,  he  consented  to  make  a 
second  trial ;  but  he  confessed,  that  he  did  not  think 
he  should  produce  any  thing  more  acceptable.  He 
drew  up  a  series  of  propositions,  founded  mainly  on 
the  petition  of  Congress  to  the  King,  and  such  other 
papers  as  Congress  had  published.  He  sent  the  prop- 
ositions to  Lord  Howe,  and  both  these  and  the  Hints 
were  communicated  to  some  of  the  ministers,  to  Lord 
Hyde,  and  to  a  few  other  persons  of  high  political 
standing. 

Soon  afterwards  he  was  informed  by  Lord  Stan- 
hope, that  Lord  Chatham  would  offer  a  motion  to 
the  House  of  Lords  the  following  day,  and  desired 
his  attendance.  The  next  morning,  January  20th,  he 
likewise  received  a  message  from  Lord  Chatham,  tell- 
ing him,  that  if  he  would  be  in  the  lobby  at  two 
o'clock,  he  would  introduce  him.  "I  attended,"  says 
Dr.  Franklin,  "  and  met  him  there  accordingly.  On 
my  mentioning  to  him  what  Lord  Stanhope  had  writ- 
ten to  me,  he  said,  '  Certainly ;  and  I  shall  do  it  with 
the  more  pleasure,  as  I  am  sure  your  being  present 
at  this  day's  debate  will  be  of  more  service  to  Amer- 
ica than  mine;'  and  so  taking  me  by  the  arm  was 
leading  me  along  the  passage  to  the  door  that  enters 
near  the  throne,  when  one  of  the  door-keepers  fol- 
lowed, and  acquainted  him,  that,  by  the  order,  none 
were  to  be  carried  in  at  that  door  but  the  eldest 
sons  or  brothers  of  peers ;  on  which  he  limped  back 
with  me  to  the  door  near  the  bar,  where  were  stand- 
ing a  number  of  gentlemen,  waiting  for  the  peers  who 

VOL.   I.  49  GG 


386  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1775 

were  to  introduce  them,  and  some  peers  waiting  for 
friends  they  expected  to  introduce ;  among  whom  he 
delivered  me  to  the  door-keepers,  saying  aloud,  'This 
is  Dr.  Franklin,  whom  I  would  have  admitted  into 
the  House ; '  when  they  readily  opened  the  door  for 
me  accordingly.  As  it  had  not  been  publicly  known, 
that  there  was  any  communication  between  his  Lord- 
ship and  me,  this,  I  found,  occasioned  some  specula- 
tion." Lord  Chatham  moved,  that  the  troops  should 
be  withdrawn  from  Boston.  This  gave  rise  to  a  warm 
debate,  in  which  the  motion  was  ably  and  eloquent- 
ly sustained  by  the  mover  and  Lord  Camden,  but  it 
was  lost  by  a  large  majority. 

In  the  course  of  his  remarks  Lord  Chatham  men- 
tioned, that  this  motion  was  introductory  to  a  general 
plan  for  a  reconciliation,  which  he  proposed  to  lay 
before  Parliament.  This  was  the  subject,  in  regard 
to  which  he  had  before  intimated  to  Dr.  Franklin  that 
he  should  want  his  advice  and  assistance.  A  week 
after  the  debate  on  the  motion,  he  spent  a  day  with 
his  Lordship,  who  showed  him  the  outlines  of  his 
plan,  and  asked  his  opinion  and  observations  upon  all 
its  principal  points.  Lord  Chatham  next  called  at  his 
lodgings  in  town,  and  passed  nearly  two  hours  with 
him  on  the  same  business.  The  draft  of  his  plan  was 
now  completed,  and  he  left  a  copy  of  it  with  Dr. 
Franklin,  requesting  him  to  consider  it  maturely,  and 
suggest  any  alterations  or  additions  that  might  occur 
to  him.  He  made  another  visit  to  Hayes,  where  the 
plan  was  again  discussed,  and  the  work  was  finished. 

He  did  not  approve  the  plan  in  all  its  parts,  nor 
believe  it  would  be  acceptable  to  the  colonies ;  and 
he  freely  stated  his  objections.  But  it  was  necessary 
to  conform  in  Some  degree  to  the  prejudices  prevail- 
ing in  Parliament,  or  there  would  be  no  hope  of  gain- 


yEr.  CO.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  387 

ing  the  attention  of  that  body  to  any  propositions ; 
and  Lord  Chatham  himself  did  not  suppose,  that,  in 
any  event,  his  plan  would  be  adopted  precisely  as  he 
should  present  it.  His  aim  was  to  open  the  way  to 
an  accommodation,  and  amendments  might  be  intro- 
duced in  its  progress  through  the  House.  Little  else 
was  to  be  expected,  than  that  it  might  serve  as  the 
basis  of  a  treaty.  And  in  the  mean  time,  before  it 
passed,  the  Americans  would  have  an  opportunity  of 
knowing  what  it  was,  and  of  making  objections  and 
propositions. 

This  plan  was  submitted  to  the  House  of  Lords, 
in  the  form  of  a  bill,  on  the  1st  of  February.  Lord 
Stanhope,  at  the  request  of  Lord  Chatham,  accompa- 
nied Dr.  Franklin  to  the  House,  and  procured  him 
admittance.  The  House  was  very  full.  Lord  Chat- 
ham exerted  all  his  powers  of  eloquence  and  argu- 
ment in  support  of  his  plan.  It  was  vehemently  as- 
sailed by  the  ministers  and  their  adherents ;  and  was 
defended  by  the  Dukes  of  Richmond  and  Manchester, 
Lord  Shelburne,  Lord  Camden,  Lord  Temple,  and 
others.  The  ministerial  influence  was  so  great,  how- 
ever, that  it  was  not  even  allowed  to  lie  on  the  table 
for  future  consideration,  but  was  rejected  by  a  major- 
ity of  two  to  one. 

The  speech  of  Lord  Sandwich  was  passionate  and 
abusive.  He  could  not  believe,  he  said,  that  the  bill 
proceeded  from  a  British  peer ;  it  was  more  likely  the 
work  of  some  American ;  and,  turning  towards  Dr. 
Franklin,  who  was  leaning  on  the  bar,  said  "  he  fan- 
cied he  had  in  his  eye  the  person  who  drew  it  up, 
one  of  the  bitterest  and  most  mischievous  enemies 
this  country  had  ever  known."  In  reply  to  this  illib- 
eral insinuation,  Lord  Chatham  "declared,  that  it  was 
entirely  his  own ;  a  declaration  he  thought  himself  the 


JK  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1775 

more  obliged  to  make,  as  many  of  their  Lordships  ap- 
peared to  have  so  mean  an  opinion  of  it ;  for,  if  it  was 
so  weak  or  so  bad  a  thing,  it  was  proper  in  him  to 
take  care  that  no  other  person  should  unjustly  share 
in  the  censure  it  deserved.  That  it  had  been  hereto- 
fore reckoned  his  vice,  not  to  be  apt  to  take  advice; 
but  he  made  no  scruple  to  declare,  that,  if  he  were 
the  first  minister  of  this  country,  and  had  the  care  of 
settling  this  momentous  business,  he  should  not  be 
ashamed  of  publicly  calling  to  his  assistance  a  person 
so  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  whole  of  American 
affairs  as  the  gentleman  alluded  to,  and  so  injuriously 
reflected  on ;  one,  he  was  pleased  to  say,  whom  all 
Europe  held  in  high  estimation  for  his  knowledge  and 
wisdom,  and  ranked  with  our  Boyles  and  Newtons; 
who  was  an  honor,  not  to  the  English  nation  only, 
but  to  human  nature!" 

After  this  proceeding,  Dr.  Franklin  did  not  expect 
to  hear  any  thing  more  of  proposals  for  a  negotiation ; 
but,  a  day  or  two  after,  he  was  again  invited  by  Dr. 
Fothergill  and  Mr.  Barclay  to  meet  and  consult  with 
them  on  the  subject  of  the  Hints.  It  appears  that 
conferences  had  been  held  about  them ;  and  these  gen- 
tlemen handed  him  a  paper,  which  purported  to  come 
from  high  authority,  and  in  which  some  of  his  articles 
were  approved,  and  others  rejected  or  modified.  He 
read  the  paper  and  agreed  to  consider  it.  His  opin- 
ion of  its  contents  may  be  drawn  from  his  remarks  on 
this  interview. 

"  We  had  not  at  this  time,"  he  says,  "  a  great  deal 
of  conversation  upon  these  points ;  for  I  shortened  it 
by  observing,  that,  while  the  Parliament  claimed  and 
exercised  a  power  of  altering  our  constitutions  at 
pleasure,  there  could  be  no  agreement;  for  we  were 
rendered  unsafe  in  every  privilege  we  had  a  right 


^ET.  69.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  389 

to,  and  were  secure  in  nothing.  And,  it  being  hinted 
how  necessary  an  agreement  was  for  America,  since 
it  was  so  easy  for  Britain  to  burn  all  our  seaport 
towns,  I  grew  warm,  said  that  the  chief  part  of  my 
little  property  consisted  of  houses  in  those  towns ;  that 
they  might  make  bonfires  of  them  whenever  they 
pleased ;  that  the  fear  of  losing  them  would  never  al- 
ter my  resolution  to  resist  to  the  last  that  claim  of 
Parliament ;  and  that  it  behoved  this  country  to  take 
care  what  mischief  it  did  us  ;  for  that,  sooner  or  later, 
it  would  certainly  be  obliged  to  make  good  all  dam- 
ages  with  interest!" 

The  negotiation  continued  thus  informally  for  some 
time  longer.  Another  paper  was  produced,  which  was 
understood  to  come  from  the  ministry,  and  various 
efforts  were  made  to  induce  Dr.  Franklin  to  relax 
from  some  of  his  terms.  But  all  the  proposed  modi- 
fications seemed  to  him  of  intrinsic  importance,  and 
such  as  his  countrymen  would  not  and  ought  not  to 
accept.  Several  conferences  followed,  in  some  of  which 
Lord  Howe  and  Lord  Hyde  took  a  part.  It  turned 
out,  that  Lord  Howe  had  conceived  a  strong  desire 
to  be  sent  over  to  America  as  a  commissioner;  and 
this  explains  the  warm  interest  he  took  in  the  sub- 
ject, as  well  as  the  contrivance  of  his  sister  to  bring 
him  acquainted  with  Dr.  Franklin,  in  a  way  that 
should  not  excite  a  suspicion  of  her  motives.  Gover- 
nor Pownall  had  formed  a  similar  project  for  himself; 
and  it  is  probable,  that  the  ministry  seriously  thought 
of  this  step,  if  they  could  obtain  such  propositions 
from  Dr.  Franklin,  as  would  afford  a  reasonable  pros- 
pect of  accomplishing  their  wishes ;  it  being  sup- 
posed, that  he  would  express  the  sentiments  of  the 
Americans  on  all  the  essential  points  of  difference. 
When  they  ascertained  the  extent  of  his  claims,  and 


390  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1775 

found  him  unyielding,  the  scheme  was  abandoned. 
And,  indeed,  before  the  negotiation  was  at  an  end, 
he  became  tired  of  it  himself,  believing  it  utterly  fruit- 
less ;  and  he  said,  if  any  thing  more  •  was  to  be  done, 
the  ministers  ought  to  be  directly  concerned  in  it,  and 
there  should  be  a  full  understanding  of  the  disposi- 
tions and  designs  of  both  parties. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  this  negotiation  as  an 
affair  of  diplomacy,  or  of  the  aims  of  those  connected 
with  it  on  the  British  side,  there  can  be  but  one 
opinion  as  to  the  manner  in  which  it  was  conducted 
by  Franklin.  It  was  creditable  to  his  patriotism  and 
sagacity.  He  had  been  absent  ten  years  from  Ameri- 
ca, and  could  know  the  opinions  and  feelings  of  his 
countrymen  only  from  the  reports  of  their  proceedings 
and  published  papers.  He  was  beyond  the  reach  of 
the  enthusiasm  naturally  inspired  by  a  union  of  num- 
bers in  defending  rights  and  resisting  oppression ;  yet 
no  American  could  have  placed  the  demands  of  the 
colonies  on  a  broader  foundation,  or  supported  them 
with  a  more  ardent  zeal,  or  insisted  on  them  with  a 
more  determined  resolution. 

These  transactions  detained  him  longer  in  England 
than  he  had  expected.  He  was  now  ready  for  his 
departure,  and  he  received  a  message  from  Dr.  Foth- 
ergill  for  their  mutual  friends  in  Philadelphia.  "Tell 
them,"  said  he,  "that,  whatever  specious  pretences  are 
offered,  they  are  all  hollow."  Dr.  Fothergill  was  as 
much  disgusted,  as  disappointed,  with  the  ministerial 
manoeuvres,  which  he  had  discovered  in  the  course  of 
the  late  negotiation. 

The  day  before  Franklin  left  London,  he  wrote  as 
follows  to  Arthur  Lee.  "I  leave  directions  with  Mrs. 
Stevenson  to  deliver  to  you  all  the  Massachusetts  pa- 
pers, when  you  please  to  call  for  them.  I  am  sorry 


^Er.  69.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  391 

that  the  hurry  of  preparing  for  my  voyage,  and  the 
many  hindrances  I  have  met  with,  prevented  my  meet- 
ing with  you  and  Mr.  Bollan,  and  conversing  a  little 
more  on  our  affairs,  before  my  departure.  I  wish  to 
both  of  you  health  and  happiness,  and  shall  be  glad 
to  hear  from  you  by  every  opportunity.  I  shall  let 
you  know  how  I  find  things  in  America.  I  may  pos- 
sibly return  again  in  the  autumn,  but  you  will,  if  you 
think  fit,  continue  henceforth  the  agent  for  Massa- 
chusetts, an  office  which  I  cannot  again  undertake." 
In  a  letter  to  a  friend  on  the  continent,  he  likewise 
mentions  it  as  probable  that  he  should  return  in  the 
autumn.  But  he  did  not  then  foresee  the  memorable 
day  at  Lexington,  which  occurred  a  month  afterwards, 
nor  the  new  scene  of  action  that  awaited  him  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  He  sailed  from  Eng- 
land on  the  21st  of  March,  1775,  and  arrived  at  Phila- 
delphia on  the  5th  of  May,  employing  himself  during 
a  long  voyage  in  writing  an  account  of  his  recent 
attempts  to  establish  peace  and  harmony  between  the 
two  countries ;  but  this  paper  was  not  published  till 
after  his  death. 

He  also  made  experiments  with  a  thermometer,  to 
ascertain  the  temperature  of  the  ocean  in  different 
places,  by  which  he  found  that  the  water  in  the  Gulf 
Stream  is  warmer  than  the  sea  on  each  side  of  it. 
This  result,  which  he  considered  "a  valuable  philo- 
sophical discovery,"  was  confirmed  by  similar  experi- 
ments repeated  in  two  other  voyages.  His  inference 
was,  that  the  body  of  water,  constituting  the  Gulf 
Stream,  retains  a  portion  of  its  warmth  while  it  pass- 
es from  the  tropics  to  the  northern  seas,  thus  afford- 
ing seamen  the  means  of  knowing  when  they  are  in 
the  Stream  by  the  temperature  of  the  water.  By  the 
same  warmth,  as  he  supposed,  the  air  above  is  rare- 


392  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1775. 

fied  and  rendered  lighter;  currents  of  wind  flow  in 
from  opposite  directions,  and  produce  the  tornadoes 
and  water-spouts  so  common  over  the  Gulf  Stream 
in  southern  latitudes.  Further  north,  the  warm  air 
mingles  with  the  cold,  and  is  condensed  into  the  fogs, 
which  prevail  so  remarkably  on  the  Banks  of  New- 
foundland. 


jEx.69.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  393 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Chosen  a  Member  of  Congress.  —  Proceedings  of  Congress.  —  Prepara- 
tions for  Military  Defence.  —  Petition  to  the  King.' — Franklin  assists 
in  preparing  for  the  Defence  of  Pennsylvania,  as  a  Member  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety.  —  Drafts  a  Plan  of  Confederation.  —  His  Services 
in  Congress.  —  Goes  to  the  Camp  at  Cambridge  on  a  Committee  from 
Congress.  —  Chosen  a  Member  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly.  — 
Writes  Letters  to  Europe  for  the  Committee  of  Secret  Correspon- 
dence.—  His  Journey  to  Canada  as  a  Commissioner  from  Congress.— 
Declaration  of  Independence.  —  Anecdotes.  —  President  of  the  Con- 
vention of  Pennsylvania  for  forming  a  Constitution.  —  His  Opinion  of 
a  Single  Legislative  Assembly.  —  Opposes  the  Practice  of  voting  by 
States  in  Congress.  —  His  Correspondence  with  Lord  Howe,  and  In- 
terview with  him  on  Staten  Island.  —  Appointed  a  Commissioner  to 
the  Court  of  Versailles.  —  Lends  Money  to  Congress. 

THE  next  day  after  his  arrival,  Dr.  Franklin  was 
unanimously  chosen  by  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania 
a  delegate  to  the  second  Continental  Congress,  which 
was  to  meet  at  Philadelphia  on  the  10th  of  May. 
At  this  time  the  whole  country  was  thrown  into  a 
state  of  extreme  agitation  by  the  news  of  the  conflict 
at  Lexington  and  Concord,  in  which  the  British  troops 
were  the  aggressors.  The  yeomanry  of  New  Eng- 
land, as  if  moved  by  a  simultaneous  impulse,  seized 
their  arms,  and  hastened  to  the  scene  of  action.  The 
indignation  of  the  people  was  everywhere  roused  to 
the  highest  pitch,  and  the  cry  of  war  resounded  from 
one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other.  A  few  days 
after  he  landed,  Dr.  Franklin  wrote  as  follows  to  Dr. 
Priestley. 

"  You  will  have  heard,  before  this  reaches  you,  of  a 
march  stolen  by  the  regulars  into  the  country  by  night, 
and  of  their  expedition  back  again.  They  retreated 
twenty  miles  in  six  hours.  The  governor  had  called 
the  Assembly  to  propose  Lord  North's  pacific  plan, 

VOL.  i.  50 


394  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1775 

but,  before  the  time  of  their  meeting,  began  cutting 
of  throats.  You  know  it  was  said  he  carried  the 
sword  in  one  hand,  and  the  olive  branch  in  the  other ; 
and  it  seems  he  chose  to  give  them  a  taste  of  the 
sword  first.  He  is  doubling  his  fortifications  at  Bos- 
ton, and  hopes  to  secure  his  troops  till  succour  arrives. 
The  place  indeed  is  naturally  so  defensible,  that  I 
think  them  in  no  danger.  All  America  is  exasperated 
by  his  conduct,  and  more  firmly  united  than  ever. 
The  breach  between  the  two  countries  is  grown  wider, 
and  in  danger  of  becoming  irreparable." 

When  the  second  Congress  assembled,  the  relations 
between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain  had  assumed 
a  new  character.  The  blood  of  American  freemen 
had  been  shed  on  their  own  soil  by  a  wanton  exer- 
cise of  military  power,  and  they  were  regarded  as 
having  fallen  martyrs  in  the  cause  of  liberty.  This 
rash  act  dissolved  the  charm,  which  had  hitherto 
bound  the  affections  of  many  a  conscientious  Ameri- 
can to  the  British  crown,  under  the  long  revered 
name  of  loyalty.  It  was  evident  to  every  reflecting 
man,  that  the  hour  of  trial  had  come,  that  a  degrad- 
ing submission,  or  a  triumph  of  strength,  in  a  hard 
and  unequal  struggle,  was  the  only  alternative.  A 
large  majority  of  the  nation  and  of  Congress  were 
ready  to  meet  the  contest  by  prompt  and  decided 
measures  of  resistance,  convinced  that  any  further  at- 
tempts for  a  reconciliation  would  be  utterly  unavailing. 
Among  the  foremost  of  this  number  was  Franklin. 
Yet  there  were  some,  whose  fears  ran  before  their 
hopes ;  and  others,  whose  interests  outweighed  their 
patriotism.  Many  of  the  timid  were  good  patriots,  but 
they  dreaded  the  gigantic  power  of  England,  which 
they  believed  to  be  irresistible. 

After  an  animated  debate,  which  continued   several 


^ET.  69.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  395 

days,  it  was  declared  that  hostilities  had  commenced, 
on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  with  the  design  of  en- 
forcing "the  unconstitutional  and  oppressive  acts  of 
Parliament";  and  it  was  then  resolved,  with  great 
unanimity,  that  the  colonies  should  be  immediately  put 
in  a  state  of  defence.  This  was  all,  that  the  most 
ardent  friends  of  liberty  desired,  since  it  enabled  them 
to  organize  an  army  and  make  preparations  for  war. 
Having  gained  this  point,  they  were  the  more  ready 
to  yield  another,  for  the  sake  of  harmony,  to  the 
moderate  party,  at  the  head  of  which  was  John  Dick- 
inson. It  was  urged  by  this  party,  that  they  never 
had  anticipated  resistance  by  force,  but  had  always 
confided  so  much  in  the  justice  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment, as  to  believe,  that,  when  they  fairly  under- 
stood the  temper  and  equitable  claims  of  the  colonists, 
they  would  come  to  a  reasonable  compromise.  An- 
other opportunity,  it  was  said,  ought  to  be  offered, 
and  to  this  end  they  were  strenuous  for  sending  a 
petition  to  the  King. 

The  party  in  favor  of  energetic  action  represented 
the  inconsistency  and  futility  of  this  step.  To  take  up 
arms  and  then  petition  was  an  absurdity.  It  could 
do  little  harm,  however,  since  it  would  not  retard  the 
military  operations ;  and,  as  to  the  petition  itself,  there 
was  not  the  least  likelihood  that  his  Majesty  would 
pay  any  more  attention  to  it,  than  he  had  paid  to  the 
one  sent  to  him  the  year  before,  which  he  treated  with 
contempt.  The  dignity  of  Congress  would  suffer  a 
little,  to  be  sure,  by  again  resorting  to  a  petition,  after 
being  thus  slighted ;  yet  this  was  a  small  sacrifice  to 
make,  if  it  would  produce  union  and  concert  in  affairs 
of  greater  moment.  Besides,  it  was  supposed  that 
there  were  tender  consciences  in  the  country,  which 
would  be  better  reconciled  to  the  strong  measures  of 


396  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1775. 

Congress,  if  accompanied  by  this  appeal,  as  from  loyal 
subjects. 

Franklin  was  on  the  committee  for  reporting  a  draft, 
which  would  seem  to  imply  that  he  did  not  resist  the 
proposal;  but  how  far  he  actually  approved  it,  is  un- 
certain. In  writing  to  a  friend  he  said ;  "  It  has  been 
with  difficulty,  that  we  have  carried  another  humble 
petition  to  the  crown,  to  give  Great  Britain  one  more 
chance,  one  opportunity  more,  of  recovering  the  friend- 
ship of  the  colonies ;  which,  however,  I  think  she  has 
not  sense  enough  to  embrace,  and  so  I  conclude  she 
has  lost  them  for  ever."  Mr.  Jay  was  likewise  a 
member  of  the  committee,  and  was  in  favor  of  the 
petition.  But  its  most  zealous  advocate  was  John 
Dickinson,  by  whom  it  was  drafted.  It  has  been 
said,  indeed,  that  this  token  of  humility  was  yielded 
mainly  to  gratify  his  wishes.  The  uprightness  of  his 
character,  his  singleness  of  heart,  and  the  great  ser- 
vices he  had  rendered  to  his  country  by  his  talents 
and  his  pen,  claimed  for  him  especial  consideration. 
The  tone  and  language  of  the  petition  were  suffi- 
ciently submissive,  and  it  stands  in  remarkable  con- 
trast, hi  the  Journals,  with  other  papers,  and  the  re- 
solves for  warlike  preparations.  Mr.  Jefferson  tells  us, 
that  Mr.  Dickinson  was  so  much  pleased  when  it  was 
adopted  by  a  vote  of  the  House,  that  he  could  not 
forbear  to  express  his  satisfaction  by  saying ;  "  There 
is  but  one  word,  Mr.  President,  in  the  paper,  which 
I  disapprove,  and  that  word  is  Congress"  Whereup- 
on Mr.  Harrison  of  Virginia  rose  and  said  ;  "  There  is 
but  one  word  in  the  paper,  Mr.  President,  which  I 
approve,  and  that  word  is  Congress." 

In  addition  to  his  duties  in  Congress,  Dr.  Franklin 
had  a  very  laborious  service  to  perform  as  chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  appointed  by  the  Assem- 


jEt.  69.]  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  397 

bly  of  Pennsylvania.  This  committee  consisted  of 
twenty-five  members.  They  were  authorized  to  call 
the  militia  into  actual  service,  whenever  they  should 
judge  it  necessary,  to  pay  and  furnish  them  with  sup- 
plies, and  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  province. 
Bills  of  credit,  to  the  amount  of  thirty-five  thousand 
pounds,  were  issued  and  put  into  their  hands,  to  pay 
the  expenses  incurred  for  these  objects.  This  was 
a  highly  responsible  and  important  trust.  Franklin 
labored  in  it  incessantly  during  eight  months,  till  he 
was  called  away  upon  another  service.  "My  time," 
says  he,  "  was  never  more  fully  employed ;  in  the 
morning  at  six,  I  am  at  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
which  committee  holds  till  near  nine,  when  I  am  at 
Congress,  and  that  sits  till  after  four  in  the  afternoon. 
Both  these  bodies  proceed  with  the  greatest  unanimi- 
ty." The  attention  of  the  committee  was  especially  di- 
rected to  the  protection  of  the  city,  by  sinking  chevaux- 
de-frise  in  the  Delaware,  constructing  and  manning 
armed  boats,  and  erecting  fortifications.  These  works 
were  executed  with  surprising  despatch,  and  so  ef- 
fectually, that,  when  the  enemy's  fleet  entered  the 
river,  after  the  battle  of  the  Brandywine,  it  was  re- 
tarded by  them  nearly  two  months. 

While  thus  actively  engaged,  Dr.  Franklin  drew  up 
and  presented  to  Congress,  on  the  21st  of  July,  a 
plan  of  confederation.  It  was  not  acted  upon  at  that 
time,  but  it  served  as  a  basis  for  a  more  extended 
plan,  when  Congress  were  better  prepared  to  consid- 
er the  subject.  In  some  of  its  articles  it  differed  es- 
sentially from  the  one  that  was  finally  adopted,  and 
approached  more  nearly  to  the  present  constitution. 
Taxes  for  national  purposes  were  to  be  levied,  and 
members  of-  Congress  were  to  be  chosen,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  number  of  male  inhabitants  between  the 

VOL.  I.  HH 


398  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN  [1775. 

ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty;  and  each  member  was  to 
have  one  vote  in  Congress.  Taken  in  all  its  parts, 
this  plan  was  little  else  than  a  virtual  declaration  of 
independence.  It  was  to  be  perpetual,  unless  the 
British  government  should  agree  to  such  terms  of  rec- 
onciliation, as  had  been  claimed  by  the  colonies.* 

The  postoffice  establishment,  which  had  existed  un- 
der the  British  government,  was  broken  up  by  the 
disorders  of  the  times.  Congress  made  provision  for 
a  new  one,  and  appointed  Dr.  Franklin  postmaster- 
general,  with  a  salary  of  one  thousand  dollars  a  year. 
The  entire  management  of  the  business  was  put  un- 
der his  control,  with  power  to  establish  such  post 
routes,  and  appoint  as  many  deputies,  as  he  should 
think  proper. 

For  several  months  the  proceedings  of  Congress 
turned  mostly  on  military  affairs.  An  army  was  to  be 
raised,  organized,  and  provided  for.  The  wisdom,  ex- 
perience, and  mental  resources  of  every  member  were 
in  as\  much  demand,  as  diligence,  resolution,  zeal,  and 
public  spirit.  We  find  Franklin,  notwithstanding  his 
advanced  age,  taking  a  part  in  almost  every  important 
measure  with  all  the  ardor  and  activity  of  youth.  He 
was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Commissioners  for  In- 
dian affairs  in  the  middle  department;  and  few  of  the 
younger  members  served  on  so  many  committees  re- 
quiring energy,  industry,  and  close  application.  Among 
these  were  the  committees  for  devising  ways  and 
means  to  protect  the  commerce  of  the  colonies,  for 

*  This  plan  of  confederation  was  published,  and  it  was  soon  after 
reprinted  in  England,  as  an  appendix  to  the  seventh  edition  of  a  popu- 
lar pamphlet,  entitled  "The  Rights  of  Great  Britain  asserted  against 
the  Claims  of  America."  The  author  speaks  of  it  as  an  additional 
proof  of  the  "  real  designs  of  the  Americans."  He  had  been  industri- 
ous in  searching  for  such  proofs,  which  constitute  the  principal  burden 
of  his  pamphlet. 


MT.  69]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  399 

reporting  on  the  state  of  trade  in  America  and  on 
Lord  North's  motion  in  Parliament,  for  employing 
packet  ships  and  disposing  of  captured  vessels,  for 
establishing  a  war-office,  for  drawing  up  a  plan  of  trea- 
ties to  be  proposed  to  foreign  powers,  for  preparing 
the  device  of  a  national  seal,  and  many  others. 

A  Secret  Committee  was  appointed,  of  which  he 
was  a  member.  At  first,  it  was  the  province  of  this 
committee  to  import  ammunition,  cannon,  and  mus- 
kets ;  but  its  powers  and  duties  were  enlarged,  so  as 
to  include  the  procuring  of  all  kinds  of  military  sup- 
plies, and  the  distributing  of  them  to  the  troops,  the 
Continental  armed  vessels,  and  privateers,  and  also  the 
manufacturing  of  saltpetre  and  gunpowder.  The  coun- 
try was  alarmingly  deficient  in  all  these  articles;  and 
it  wras  necessary  to  procure  them  from  abroad  by 
contracts  with  foreign  merchants,  and  to  have  them 
shipped  as  secretly  as  possible,  that  they  might  not 
be  intercepted  and  captured  by  the  enemy.  Remit- 
tances were  made  in  tobacco  and  other  produce,  ei- 
ther directly  or  through  such  channels  as  would  ren- 
der them  available  for  the  payments. 

As  soon  as  Congress  had  determined  to  raise  an 
army,  and  had  appointed  a  commander-in-chief  and 
the  other  principal  officers,  they  applied  themselves  to 
the  business  of  finance,  and  emitted  two  millions  of 
dollars  in  bills  of  credit.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
the  Continental  paper-money  system.  Dr.  Franklin 
entered  deeply  into  the  subject,  but  he  did  not  al- 
together approve  the  principle  upon  which  the  bills 
were  emitted.  He  proposed  that  they  should  bear  in- 
terest, but  this  was  rejected.  After  the  first  emission, 
he  recommended  that  the  bills  already  in  circulation 
should  be  borrowed  on  interest,  instead  of  issuing  a 
larger  quantity.  This  plan  was  not  followed  at  the 


400  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1775. 

time,  but,  when  the  bills  began  to  sink  in  value,  it  was 
resorted  to,  and  he  then  proposed  to  pay  the  interest 
in  hard  dollars,  which  would  be  likely  to  fix  the  val- 
ue of  the  principal.  This  was  deemed  impracticable, 
although  Congress  came  into  the  proposal  afterwards; 
but  not  till  it  was  too  late  to  check  the  rapid  prog- 
ress of  depreciation. 

The  army  at  Cambridge,  employed  in  besieging  the 
British  forces  in  Boston,  was  adopted  by  Congress  as 
a  Continental  army  before  General  Washington  took 
the  command.  This  army  would  cease  to  exist  at 
the  end  of  the  year,  by  the  expiration  of  the  periods 
for  which  the  soldiers  were  enlisted.  Thus  the  ardu- 
ous task  of  organizing  and  recruiting  a  new  army  de- 
volved on  the  Commander-in-chief.  To  assist  him  in 
this  work,  Congress  deputed  three  of  their  body,  Dr. 
Franklin,  Thomas  Lynch,  and  Benjamin  Harrison,  to 
proceed  to  the  camp,  and  confer  with  him  on  the 
most  efficient  mode  of  continuing  and  supporting  a 
Continental  army.  They  met  at  head-quarters,  on  the 
18th  of  October,  where  they  were  joined  by  dele- 
gates from  each  of  the  New  England  governments. 
The  conference  lasted  several  days,  and  such  a  sys- 
tem was  matured,  as  was  satisfactory  to  General  Wash- 
ington, and  as  proved  effectual  in  attaining  the  object.  * 

*  See  an  account  of  these  proceedings  in  Sparks's  edition  of  Wash- 
ington's Writings,  Vol.  III.  p.  133. 

It  was  probably  about  this  time,  that  Dr.  Franklin  drew  up  the  fol- 
lowing resolves,  which  have  been  found  in  his  handwriting.  It  is  un- 
certain whether  they  were  adopted  in  Congress,  but  they  were  publish- 
ed, except  the  last  paragraph,  with  considerable  modifications,  and  were 
reprinted  in  England. 

"  Resolved,  that,  from  and  after  the  20th  of  July,  1776,  being  one 
full  year  after  the  day  appointed  by  a  late  act  of  the  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain  for  restraining  the  trade  of  the  confederate  colonies, 
all  the  custom-houses  in  the  said  colonies  shall  be  shut  up,  and  all 
the  officers  of  the  same  be  discharged  from  the  exercise  of  their  sev- 


£Jx.  69.]  LIFE    OF    I RANKLIN.  401 

Some  time  before,  Dr.  Franklin  had  received  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  pounds  sterling,  sent  to  him  by 
benevolent  persons  in  England,  as  a  donation  for  the 
relief  of  those,  who  had  been  wounded  in  the  en- 
counters with  the  British  troops  on  the  day  of  their 
march  to  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  of  the  widows 
and  children  of  such  as  had  been  slain.  While  he 
was  in  the  camp  at  Cambridge,  he  paid  this  money 
over  to  a  committee  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly. 

During  his  absence,  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania 
met,  and  by  the  returns  of  the  election  it  appeared 
that  he  had  been  chosen  a  representative  for  the  city 
of  Philadelphia.  He  was  now  a  member  of  three 
public  bodies,  which  convened  daily  for  business,  that 
is,  Congress,  the  Assembly,  and  the  Committee  of 
Safety;  but  he  usually  attended  in  Congress  when- 
ever the  times  of  meeting  interfered  with  each  other. 

eral  functions  ;  and  all  the  ports  of  the  said  colonies  are  hereby  declared 
to  be  thenceforth  open  to  the  ships  of  every  State  in  Europe,  that  will 
admit  our  commerce  and  protect  it,  who  may  bring  in  and  expose  to 
sale,  free  of  all  duties,  their  respective  produce  and  manufactures,  and 
every  kind  of  merchandise,  excepting  teas  and  the  merchandise  of 
Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  the  British  West  India  Islands. 

"  Resolved,  that  we  will,  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  maintain  and 
support  the  freedom  of  commerce  for  two  years  certain,  after  its  com- 
mencement, and  as  much  longer  as  the  late  acts  of  Parliament  for  re- 
straining the  commerce  and  fishery,  and  altering  the  laws  and  charters 
of  any  of  the  colonies,  shall  continue  unrepealed. 

"  And  whereas,  whenever  kings,  instead  of  protecting  the  lives  and 
properties  of  their  subjects,  as  is  their  bounden  duty,  do  endeavour  to 
perpetrate  the  destruction  of  either,  they  thereby  cease  to  be  kings, 
become  tyrants,  and  dissolve  all  ties  of  allegiance  between  themselves 
and  their  people ;  we  hereby  further  solemnly  declare,  that,  whenever  it 
shall  appear  clearly  to  us,  that  the  King's  troops  and  ships  now  in 
America,  or  hereafter  to  be  brought  there,  do,  by  his  Majesty's  orders, 
destroy  any  town  or  the  inhabitants  of  any  town  or  place  in  America, 
or  that  the  savages  have  been  by  the  same  orders  hired  to  assassinate 
our  poor  out-settlers  and  their  families,  we  will  from  that  time  renounce 
all  allegiance  to  Great  Britain,  so  long  as  that  kingdom  shall  submit  to 
him,  or  any  of  his  descendants,  as  its  sovereign." 

VOL.  I.  51  HH* 


402  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1776 

As  soon  as  Congress  had  put  their  military  affairs 
in  train,  they  began  to  think  of  foreign  alliances.  On 
the  29th  of  November,  they  appointed  a  Committee  of 
Secret  Correspondence,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing 
and  keeping  up  an  intercourse  with  the  friends  of  the 
American  cause  in  England,  Ireland,  and  other  parts 
of  Europe.  Dr.  Franklin's  long  residence  abroad,  his 
extensive  acquaintance  with  men  of  character  there, 
and  his  knowledge  of  their  political  sentiments,  natu- 
rally qualified  him  for  acting  a  principal  part  in  this 
committee.  He  wrote  letters  to  some  of  his  friends 
in  Europe,  on  whose  discretion  and  fidelity  he  could 
rely,  requesting  them  to  watch  the  current  of  events, 
and  the  tendency  of  public  opinion,  in  regard  to  the 
American  controversy;  to  ascertain,  as  far  as  it  could 
be  done,  the  designs  of  men  in  power,  and  to  com- 
municate intelligence  on  these  points  for  the  use  of 
Congress.  To  Mr.  Dumas,  at  the  Hague,  whom  he 
had  known  in  Holland,  he  sent  particular  instructions, 
investing  him,  in  the  name  of  the  committee,  with 
certain  powers  as  a  political  agent,  by  which  he  was 
authorized  and  desired  to  seek  opportunities  for  dis- 
covering, through  the  ambassadors  at  that  place,  the 
disposition  of  the  European  courts  and  the  proba- 
bility of  their  rendering  assistance  to  the  Americans. 
Mr.  Dumas  accepted  this  commission  and  executed  it 
faithfully.  He  continued  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States  throughout  the  Revolution,  and  for  some  years 
afterwards. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  contest,  many  efforts 
had  been  made  to  induce  the  Canadians  to  join  the 
other  colonies ;  and  it  was  proposed  to  them,  that  they 
should  send  delegates  to  Congress.  A  hope  of  this 
union  was  entertained  for  a  time,  but  it  was  finally  dis- 
appointed. The  hostile  attitude,  in  which  the  Canadi- 


JET.  70.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  403 

ans  and  English  colonists  had  been  placed  towards 
each  other  on  various  occasions,  in  addition  to  the  in- 
herited national  antipathy  on  both  sides,  had  produced 
an  alienation,  which  could  not  easily  be  softened  in- 
to a  fraternal  fellowship;  and  the  obstacles  were  mul- 
tiplied by  religious  animosities.  In  the  first  year  of  the 
war,  while  the  Americans  had  an  army  in  Canada,  there 
was  some  show  of  a  party  in  their  favor;  but  this 
party  was  by  no  means  an  index  of  the  popular  will 
or  feeling,  and  it  soon  dwindled  away  and  disappeared. 

The  military  successes,  which  had  put  nearly  the 
whole  of  Canada  into  the  possession  of  the  Americans, 
terminated  with  the  fall  of  Montgomery  under  the  walls 
of  Quebec.  More  troops  were  sent  forward  in  the 
heart  of  winter;  but,  when  the  spring  opened,  rein- 
forcements arrived  from  England,  threatening  disas- 
ter and  defeat  to  the  American  army.  At  this  junc- 
ture Congress  appointed  commissioners  to  go  to  Can- 
ada, with  full  powers  to  regulate  the  operations  of  the 
army,  and  especially  to  assist  the  Canadians  in  form- 
ing a  civil  government,  and  to  pledge  all  the  support 
and  protection  that  could  be  rendered  by  the  united 
colonies.  Dr.  Franklin,  Samuel  Chase,  and  Charles 
Carroll,  were  selected  for  this  mission.  Mr.  John  Car- 
roll, a  Catholic  clergyman,  afterwards  Archbishop  of 
Baltimore,  was  invited  to  accompany  them.  He  had 
been  educated  in  France,  and  it  was  supposed  that 
this  circumstance,  added  to  his  religious  profession  and 
character,  would  enable  him  to  exercise  a  salutary  in- 
fluence with  the  priests  in  Canada,  who  were  known 
to  control  the  people.  Among  other  things  a  printing- 
press  was  to  be  established,  and  Mesplet,  a  French 
printer,  was  engaged  to  undertake  this  business,  with 
a  promise  that  his  expenses  should  be  paid. 

The  commissioners  left  Philadelphia  about  the  20th 


LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1776. 

of  March,  1776,  but  they  did  not  reach  Montreal  till 
near  the  end  of  April.  The  badness  of  the  roads  at 
that  season  of  the  year,  and  the  obstruction  to  navi- 
gation in  Lake  Champlain,  occasioned  by  the  broken 
ice,  retarded  their  progress,  and  made  their  journey 
tedious  and  toilsome.  And,  after  all,  the  commission 
produced  very  little  effect.  The  American  army  had 
already  begun  its  retreat  from  Quebec,  pursued  by  an 
enemy  superior  in  numbers,  well  disciplined,  and  am- 
ply supplied.  In  this  state  of  affairs  it  was  not  to  be 
expected,  that  the  Canadians  would  venture  upon  the 
hazardous  experiment  of  setting  up  a  new  govern- 
ment, and  joining  the  colonies,  even  if  they  had  been 
previously  inclined  to  take  such  a  step.  But,  in  real- 
ity, a  few  individuals  excepted,  they  never  had  been 
thus  inclined.  Intelligence,  a  knowledge  of  their  rights, 
love  of  freedom,  liberal  sentiments,  and  a  spirit  of  en- 
terprise, were  elements  requisite  for  a  political  change, 
which  they  did  not  possess. 

Dr.  Franklin's  health  was  much  impaired  by  the 
hardships  of  the  journey.  He  had  been  exposed  to 
the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  and  in  some  parts  of 
the  route  he  was  obliged  to  lodge  in  the  woods.  He 
stayed  a  fortnight  at  Montreal,  and  then,  in  company 
with  Mr.  John  Carroll,  he  set  out  on  his  way  home- 
ward, leaving  the  other  commissioners  behind,  who 
remained  in  Canada  till  near  the  time  it  was  evacuat- 
ed by  the  American  troops.  With  some  difficulty  he 
proceeded  to  Albany,  From  that  place  to  New  York 
he  was  conveyed  in  a  private  carriage,  with  which  he 
had  been  accommodated  by  the  kindness  of  General 
Schuyler.  He  arrived  at  Philadelphia  early  in  June. 
The  most  agreeable  incident  during  this  tour  was  a 
visit  to  his  old  friend,  Dr.  John  Bard,  with  whom  he 
had  been  long  and  intimately  acquainted  in  Philadel- 


jE-r.  70.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  405 

phia,'butwho  had  removed  some  years  before  to  New 
York,  and  had  lately  given  up  his  business,  and 
sought  retirement  at  his  beautiful  seat  on  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson  at  Hyde  Park ;  a  man  distinguished 
for  skill  in  his  profession,  his  respectable  character, 
and  all  the  estimable  qualities,  which  adorn  private 
life. 

Before  he  left  home,  Dr.  Franklin  had  withdrawn 
from  the  Assembly  and  Committee  of  Safety,  not 
knowing  how  long  he  should  be  absent,  and  deeming 
it  improper  to  hold  public  stations  the  duties  of  which 
he  could  not  discharge.  In  his  letter  of  resignation 
he  said ;  "I  am  extremely  sensible  of  the  honor  done 
me  by  my  fellow  citizens,  in  choosing  me  their  rep- 
resentative in  Assembly,  and  of  that  lately  conferred 
on  me  by  the  House,  in  appointing  me  one  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety  for  this  province,  and  a  delegate 
in  Congress.*  It  would  be  a  happiness  to  me,  if  I 
could  serve  the  public  duly  in  all  those  stations ;  but, 
aged  as  I  now  am,  I  feel  myself  unequal  to  so  much 
business,  and  on  that  account  think  it  my  duty  to  de- 
cline a  part  of  it.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  the  House 
will  be  so  good  as  to  accept  my  excuse  for  not  at- 
tending as  a  member  of  the  present  Assembly,  and, 
if  they  think  fit,  give  orders  for  the  election  of  an- 
other in  my  place,  that  the  city  may  be  more  com- 
pletely represented.  I  request,  also,  that  the  House 
would  be  pleased  to  dispense  with  my  further  attend- 
ance as  one  of  the  Committee  of  Safety."  On  his 
return,  therefore,  he  was  at  liberty  to  give  his  undi- 
vided attention  to  the  national  counsels  in  Congress. 
He  was  chosen  a  member  of  one  of  the  committees, 
which  assembled  in  June  from  the  several  counties  of 

*  The  allusion  here  is  to  his  second  appointment  to  these  two  offices. 


406  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1776. 

Pennsylvania,  for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  on  the 
mode  of  summoning  a  convention  to  form  a  new  con- 
stitution ;  but  the  conference  was  short,  and,  Jf  he  at- 
tended at  all,  he  took  little  part  in  the  proceedings. 

A  subject  of  the  greatest  importance  was  now 
brought  before  Congress.  For  some  months  past,  there 
had  been  much  discussion  in  the  newspapers,  in  pam- 
phlets, and  at  public  meetings,  as  well  as  in  private 
circles,  about  independence.  It  was  evident,  that  a 
large  majority  of  the  nation  was  prepared  for  that  meas- 
ure. At  length  the  legislature  of  Virginia  instruct- 
ed their  delegates  to  propose  it  in  Congress.  This 
was  done  by  Richard  Henry  Lee ;  and  a  debate  ensued, 
which  elicited  the  opinions  of  the  prominent  mem- 
bers. All  agreed,  that,  sooner  or  later,  this  ground  must 
be  taken;  but  a  few  believed  that  the  time  had  not 
yet  come.  Among  the  doubters  was  the  virtuous,  the 
patriotic,  the  able,  but  irresolute  John  Dickinson.  His 
objections,  and  those  of  his  party,  were  met  by  the 
fervid  zeal  and  powerful  arguments  of  John  Adams, 
the  persuasive  eloquence  of  Lee,  and  the  concurring 
voice  of  many  others.  On  this  side  was  Franklin, 
whose  sentiments  have  been  sufficiently  indicated  in 
the  preceding  pages.  A  committee  of  five  was  chosen 
to  prepare  a  Declaration,  consisting  of  Jefferson,  John 
Adams,  Franklin,  Sherman,  and  Livingston.  The  his- 
tory of  this  transaction  is  too  well  known  to  need  a 
repetition  of  it  in  this  place.  The  Declaration,  drafted 
by  Jefferson,  was  reported  as  it  came  from  his  pen, 
except  a  few  verbal  alterations  suggested  by  Adams 
and  Franklin.  It  was  debated  three  days,  and  passed 
on  the  4th  of  July,  when  the  United  States  were 
declared  to  be,  and  became  in  fact,  an  independent 
nation. 

Mr.   Jefferson    relates  a  characteristic   anecdote   of 


jET.  70.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  40? 

Franklin,  connected  with  this  subject.  Being  annoyed 
at  the  alterations  made  in  his  draft,  while  it  was  under 
discussion,  and  at  the  censures  freely  bestowed  upon 
parts  of  it,  he  began  to  fear  it  would  be  dissected 
and  mangled  till  a  skeleton  only  would  remain.  "I 
was  sitting,"  he  observes,  "by  Dr.  Franklin,  who  per- 
ceived that  I  was  not  insensible  to  these  mutilations. 
'I  have  made  it  a  rule,'  said  he,  'whenever  in  my 
power,  to  avoid  becoming  the  draftsman  of  papers  to 
be  reviewed  by  a  public  body.  I  took  my  lesson  from 
an  incident,  which  I  will  relate  to  you.  When  I  was 
a  journeyman  printer,  one  of  my  companions,  an  ap- 
prentice hatter,  having  served  out  his  time,  was  about 
to  open  shop  for  himself.  His  first  concern  was  to 
have  a  handsome  sign-board,  with  a  proper  inscription. 
He  composed  it  in  these  words,  John  Thompson,  Hat- 
ter, makes  and  sells  Hats  for  ready  Money,  with  a 
figure  of  a  hat  subjoined.  But  he  thought  he  would 
submit  it  to  his  friends  for  their  amendments.  The 
first  he  showed  it  to,  thought  the  word  hatter  tautol- 
ogous,  because  followed  by  the  words  makes  hats, 
which  showed  he  was  a  hatter.  It  was  struck  out. 
The  next  observed,  that  the  word  makes  might  as 
well  be  omitted,  because  his  customers  would  not  care 
who  made  the  hats ;  if  good  and  to  their  mind,  they 
would  buy,  by  whomsoever  made.  He  struck  it  out. 
A  third  said  he  thought  the  words  for  ready  money 
were  useless,  as  it  was  not  the  custom  of  the  place 
to  sell  on  credit.  Every  one,  who  purchased,  expect- 
ed to  pay.  They  were  parted  with ;  and  the  inscrip- 
tion now  stood,  "  John  Thompson  sells  hats."  "  Sells 
hats  1 "  says  his  next  friend ;  "  why,  nobody  will  ex- 
pect you  to  give  them  away.  What  then  is  the  use 
of  that  word  ? "  It  was  stricken  out,  and  hats  follow- 
ed, the  rather,  as  there  was  one  painted  on  the  board. 


408  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1776. 

So  his  inscription  was  reduced  ultimately  to  John 
Thompson,  with  the  figure  of  a  hat  subjoined. ' "  * 

There  is  also  another  anecdote  related  of  Franklin, 
respecting  an  incident  which  took  place  when  the 
members  were  about  to  sign  the  Declaration.  "We 
must  be  unanimous,"  said  Hancock ;  "  there  must  be 
no  pulling  different  ways ;  we  must  all  hang  together." 
"  Yes,"  replied  Franklin,  "  we  must,  indeed,  all  hang 
together,  or  most  assuredly  we  shall  all  hang  separ- 
ately." 

Nearly  two  months  before  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, Congress  had  recommended  that  new  sys- 
tems of  government  should  be  framed  and  adopted 
by  the  representatives  of  the  people,  in  the  colonies 
where  a  change  was  required  by  the  exigencies  of 
their  affairs.  In  conformity  with  this  recommendation, 
delegates  from  the  counties  of  Pennsylvania  met  in 
convention  at  Philadelphia,  about  the  middle  of  July, 
to  form  a  constitution.  Dr.  Franklin  was  chosen  pres- 
ident. The  convention  sat  more  than  two  months, 
but  the  President  was  occasionally  absent  in  Congress. 
The  part  he  actually  took  in  framing  the  constitution 
is  not  known,  but  it  has  generally  been  supposed, 
that  its  principles  were  approved  by  him.  This  opin- 
ion is  in  some  degree  confirmed  by  his  having  defend- 
ed it  late  in  life,  when  a  change  was  contemplated. 
Rotation  of  office  was  one  of  its  provisions;  and  the 
right  of  suffrage,  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  re- 
ligious toleration  were  secured  on  the  most  liberal 
scale. 

He  is  reported  to  have  been  the  author  of  the  most 
remarkable  feature  in  this  constitution,  that  is,  a  sin- 


*  See  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  first  number  of  Walsh's 
National  Gazette 


/ET.  70.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  409 

gle  legislative  Assembly,  instead  of  two  branches,  which 
other  statesmen  have  considered  preferable,  and  which 
have  since  been  adopted  in  all  the  States  of  the  Union, 
as  well  as  in  other  countries  where  the  experiment 
of  popular  forms  has  been  tried.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  this  was  a  favorite  theory  with  him,  because  he 
explained  and  gave  his  reasons  for  it  on  another 
occasion.  The  perpetual  conflict  between  the  two 
branches  under  the  proprietary  government  of  Penn- 
sylvania, in  wrhich  the  best  laws,  after  having  been 
passed  by  the  representatives  of  the  people,  were  con- 
stantly defeated  by  the  veto  of  the  Governor  and 
Council,  seems  to  have  produced  a  strong  impression 
on  his  mind.  He  also  referred  to  the  British  Parlia- 
ment as  a  proof,  that  the  voice  of  the  people,  ex- 
pressed by  their  representatives,  is  often  silenced  by 
an  order  of  men  in  the  legislature,  who  have  interests 
to  serve  distinct  from  those  of  the  body  of  the  nation. 
In  his  opinion,  the  collected  wisdom  of  the  law-makers 
could  be  turned  to  a  better  account  by  their  meeting 
in  one  assembly,  where  they  could  profit  by  each 
other's  intelligence  and  counsels.  He  disapproved,  also, 
of  the  distinctions  of  rank  incident  to  two  assemblies, 
one  being  called  the  Upper  and  the .  other  the  Lower 
House,  as  having  an  aristocratical  tendency,  unfavora- 
ble to  the  liberty  and  equality,  which  are  the  essence 
of  republican  institutions. 

The  point  is  said  to  have  been  carried  in  the  con- 
vention by  a  brief  speech  from  the  President,  who 
compared  a  legislature  with  two  branches  to  a  loaded 
wagon  with  a  team  at  each  end,  pulling  in  opposite 
directions.  At  another  time,  in  referring  to  the  same 
subject,  he  illustrated  it  by  what  he  called  the  fable 
of  the  snake  with  two  heads  and  one  body.  "She 
was  going  to  a  brook  to  drink,  and  hi  her  way  was 

VOL.I.  52  ii 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1776. 

to  pass  through  a  hedge,  a  twig  of  which  opposed 
her  direct  course ;  one  head  chose  to  go  on  the  right 
side  of  the  twig,  the  other  on  the  left;  so  that  time 
was  spent  in  the  contest,  and,  before  the  decision  was 
completed,  the  poor  snake  died-  with  thirst." 

This  theory  of  a  single  assembly  has  been  combat- 
ed by  able  writers.  Mr.  Adams  has  encountered  it 
with  great  force  in  his  "Defence  of  the  American 
Constitutions,"  and  appears  to  have  exhausted  the  sub- 
ject, as  far  as  it  could  be  done  by  argument  and  his- 
torical proofs.  It  found  advocates  in  France,  and  was 
extolled  by  such  men  as  Turgot,  Condorcet,  and  La 
Rochefoucauld.  These  philosophers  saw  in  it  the  per- 
fection of  simplicity,  by  which  the  machine  of  govern- 
ment was  divested  of  the  numerous  clogs  and  coun- 
terpoises, which  had  hitherto  obstructed  its  free  and 
natural  movements.  "Franklin,"  says  La  Rochefou- 
cauld, "was  the  first  who  dared  to  put  this  idea  in 
practice.  The  respect,  which  the  Pennsylvanians  en- 
tertained for  him,  induced  them  to  adopt  it ;  but  the 
other  States  were  terrified  at  it,  and  even  the  consti- 
tution of  Pennsylvania  has  since  been  altered.  In 
Europe  this  opinion  has  been  more  successful."  This 
was  said,  after  the  National  Assembly  of  France  had 
adopted  the  constitution,  in  which  the  idea  was  again 
put  in  practice,  as  much  by  his  influence  as  by  that 
of  any  other  individual.  It  speedily  crumbled  and  fell, 
involving  in  its  ruins,  among  others,  the  amiable  La 
Rochefoucauld  himself,  the  friend  of  liberty  and  the 
friend  of  man.  The  experiment  of  a  single  assembly 
in  France  was  not  such  as  to  encourage  imitation,  and 
in  America  even  the  theory  has  been  exploded. 

By  a  rule  of  the  first  Congress,  which  was  contin- 
ued afterwards  till  the  constitution  of  the  United  States 
went  into  operation,  each  Colony  or  State  had  a  sin- 


MT.  70.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  411 

gle  vote.  When  the  delegates  assembled  for  the  first 
time,  it  was  found  that  the  colonies  were  very  un- 
equally represented,  and,  if  a  vote  had  been  allowed 
to  each  member,  an  undue  preponderance  would  have 
been  given  to  the  colonies  which  sent  the  largest 
numbers ;  for  it  had  not  been  attempted  at  the  elec- 
tions to  regulate  the  number  of  delegates  by  the  rela- 
tive importance  of  a  colony,  either  in  regard  to  the 
amount  of  its  population,  its  extent,  or  wealth.  Nor 
was  it  possible  at  that  time  for  Congress  to  fix  any 
such  proportion.  From  the  necessity  of  the  case,  there- 
fore, it  was  agreed,  that  each  colony  should  have  one 
vote.  When  the  delegates  from  any  colony  were  not 
unanimous,  the  vote  was  decided  by  a  majority  of 
those  delegates ;  if  they  were  equally  divided,  the  vote 
was  lost. 

A  few  days  after  the  declaration  of  independence, 
a  plan  of  confederation  was  reported  to  Congress,  and 
this  provision  of  a  single  vote  for  each  State  constitut- 
ed one  of  its  articles.  Franklin  opposed  it  strenuous- 
ly in  the  debates,  as  unjust  and  preposterous,  since  it 
gave  to  the  smallest  State  the  same  power  as  to  the 
largest.  He  said,  that,  if  the  practice  had  heretofore 
been  necessary,  it  was  no  longer  so,  because  it  was 
easy  to  ascertain  the  comparative  importance  of  the 
States,  and  to  adjust  the  representation  according  to 
the  number  of  inhabitants,  and  the  degree  of  strength 
afforded  by  them  respectively  to  the  united  body ;  and 
that  each  delegate  ought  to  have  a  vote  in  Congress. 
Moreover,  this  method  of  voting  by  States  had  a  mis- 
chievous effect  in  another  point  of  view.  The  dele- 
gates acted  as  representatives  of  States,  and  not  of 
the  people,  and  were  naturally  biased  by  local  partiali- 
ties and  a  tenacious  adherence  to  State  rights,  which 
it  was  extremely  desirable  to  keep  out  of  sight  at  this 


412  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1776. 

time  of  common  peril  and  calamity,  and  even  for  ever, 
if  it  was  intended  to  strengthen  and  perpetuate  the 
union. 

So  lively  an  interest  did  he  take  in  this  subject, 
and  so  strongly  was  he  convinced  that  the  system  of 
representation  must  be  equitably  balanced,  before  any 
hope  of  a  lasting  union  could  be  entertained,  that, 
while  the  convention  of  Pennsylvania  was  sitting,  he 
drew  up  a  Protest,  containing  the  principal  arguments 
against  the  plan  of  voting  by  States,  which  was  de- 
signed to  be  presented  by  the  convention  to  Congress, 
as  affording  the  reasons  why  Pennsylvania  could  not 
enter  into  the  confederation,  if  this  article  were  retain- 
ed. He  was  dissuaded  from  endeavouring  to  carry  it 
through,  however,  on  account  of  the  critical  situation 
of  the  country,  at  a  time  when  harmony  between  the 
parts  was  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  whole.  The 
evil  was  left  to  encumber  and  obstruct  the  operations 
of  government,  and  impede  the  prosperity  of  the  na- 
tion, till  it  was  remedied  by  the  Federal  Constitution. 

From  the  King's  speech  at  the  opening  of  Parlia- 
ment it  appeared,  that  he  contemplated  sending  out 
commissioners  to  America,  with  power  to  grant  par- 
don to  such  persons  as  they  should  think  fit,  and  to 
receive  the  submission  of  such  as  should  be  disposed 
to  return  to  their  allegiance.  In  the  early  part  of  the 
session,  Lord  North  brought  forward  his  Prohibitory 
Bill,  interdicting  all  trade  and  intercourse  with  the 
colonies.  By  an  awkward  association,  he  incorporated 
into  this  bill  a  provision  for  appointing  commissioners 
to  effect  the  object  mentioned  in  the  King's  speech. 

In  the  spring  of  1776,  the  main  body  of  the  Amer- 
ican army  under  General  Washington  was  stationed 
at  New  York.  General  Howe  arrived  there  with  his 
army  from  Halifax  in  June,  and  he  was  soon  after 


jET.  70.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  413 

joined  by  his  brother,  Lord  Howe,  at  the  head  of  a 
fleet  with  troops  from  Europe.  The  two  brothers  had 
been  appointed  commissioners.  Lord  Howe  immedi- 
ately sent  on  shore  a  despatch,  containing  a  circular 
letter  to  the  colonial  governors,  and  a  "Declaration," 
stating  the  nature  of  his  mission  and  his  powers,  and 
requesting  that  the  declaration  should  be  published. 
The  commissioners  were  not  instructed  to  negotiate 
with  any  particular  public  body.  Pardon  was  of- 
fered to  all,  who  should  be  penitent  and  submissive ; 
to  provinces,  towns,  assemblies,  and  individuals.  This 
despatch  was  conveyed  to  General  Washington,  by 
whom  it  was  forwarded  to  Congress.  It  occasioned 
but  little  debate.  The  letter  and  declaration  were  di- 
rected to  be  published,  "that  the  few,"  as  expressed 
in  the  resolve,  "  who  still  remain  suspended  by  a 
hope,  founded  either  in  the  justice  or  moderation  of 
their  late  King,  may  now  at  length  be  convinced, 
that  the  valor  alone  of  their  country  is  to  save  its 
liberties." 

Lord  Howe  likewise  wrote  a  private  and  friendly 
letter  to  Dr.  Franklin,  evincing  respect  for  his  charac- 
ter, and  an  earnest  desire  that  all  the  differences  be- 
tween the  two  countries  might  be  accommodated  in 
the  way  now  proposed.  It  was  answered  by  Dr. 
Franklin  in  a  spirit  not  less  friendly  and  respectful; 
but,  in  regard  to  the  public  communications,  he  said, 
he  was  sorry  to  find  them  of  such  a  nature,  since 
"it  must  give  his  Lordship  pain  to  be  sent  so  far  on 
so  hopeless  a  business."  After  some  other  remarks, 
touching  the  conduct  and  designs  of  the  ministry,  he 
added ; 

"Long  did  I  endeavour,  with  unfeigned  and  un- 
wearied zeal,  to  preserve  from  breaking  that  fine  and 
noble  China  vase,  the  British  empire ;  for  I  knew,  that, 

n* 


414  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1776. 

being  once  broken,  the  separate  parts  could  not  retain 
even  their  share  of  the  strength  or  value  that  existed 
in  the  whole,  and  that  a  perfect  reunion  of  those  parts 
could  scarce  ever  be  hoped  for.  Your  Lordship  may 
possibly  remember  the  tears  of  joy  that  wet  my  cheek, 
when,  at  your  good  sister's  in  London,  you  once  gave 
me  expectations  that  a  reconciliation  might  soon  take 
place.  I  had  the  misfortune  to  find  those  expectations 
disappointed,  and  to  be  treated  as  the  cause  of  the 
mischief  I  wras  laboring  to  prevent.  My  consolation 
under  that  groundless  and  malevolent  treatment  was, 
that  I  retained  the  friendship  of  many  wise  and  good 
men  in  that  country,  and,  among  the  rest,  some  share 
in  the  regard  of  Lord  Howe." 

The  door  to  a  negotiation  being  closed,  the  battle 
of  Long  Island  was  fought,  in  which  General  Sullivan 
was  taken  prisoner.  He  was  conveyed  on  board  Lord 
Howe's  ship,  and  discharged  on  parole.  Lord  Howe 
intrusted  to  him  a  verbal  message  for  Congress,  the 
purport  of  which  was,  that  he  should  be  glad  to  con- 
fer with  some  of  the  members  in  their  private  capaci- 
ty, and  would  himself  meet  them  in  that  capacity  at 
such  time  and  place  as  they  might  appoint.  Congress 
accordingly  deputed  three  of  their  number,  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  to  go  and 
learn  what  propositions  he  had  to  offer.  The  inter- 
view took  place,  September  llth,  at  a  house  within 
the  British  lines  on  Staten  Island,  opposite  to  Amboy, 
where  they  were  politely  received  and  entertained. 

His  Lordship  began  the  conversation  by  informing 
them,  that  he  could  not  treat  with  them  as  a  commit- 
tee of  Congress,  but  that  his  powers  authorized  him 
to  confer  and  consult  with  any  private  gentlemen  in 
the  colonies  on  the  means  of  reconciling  the  differ- 
ences and  restoring"  peace.  The  committee  replied, 


JET.  70.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  415 

that  it  was  their  business  to  hear  what  he  had  to 
propose ;  that  he  might  look  upon  them  in  what  light 
he  chose;  that  they  were,  nevertheless,  members  of 
Congress,  and,  being  appointed  by  that  body,  they 
must  consider  themselves  in  that  character.  After  the 
conference  was  ended,  the  committee  passed  over  to 
Amboy  in  Lord  Howe's  boat,  went  back  to  Congress, 
and  reported,  that  his  Lordship  had  made  no  explicit 
proposition  for  peace,  and  that,  as  far  as  they  could 
discover,  his  powers  did  not  enable  him  to  do  any 
thing  more,  than  to  grant  pardon  upon  submission. 
This  was  the  last  attempt  of  the  commissioners  to 
effect  what  Mr.  Burke  called  in  Parliament  an  "  arm- 
ed negotiation " ;  and  it  would  be  allowing  too  little 
credit  to  the  understanding  of  the  ministers  themselves, 
to  suppose  that  they  did  not  anticipate  its  failure  when 
they  set  it  on  foot. 

At  this  time  Congress  had  under  consideration  the 
subject  of  foreign  alliances.  The  American  States 
being  now  an  independent  power,  declared  to  be  such 
by  the  solemn  act  of  a  united  people,  they  might 
properly  assume  and  maintain  this  character  in  rela- 
tion to  other  governments.  Aids  in  money  and  all 
kinds  of  military  supplies  were  wanted.  Congress  had 
the  benefits  of  a  lucrative  commerce  to  offer  in  ex- 
change. It  was  decided  to  make  the  first  application 
to  the  court  of  France,  and  to  proffer  a  commercial 
treaty,  which  should  be  mutually  advantageous  to  the 
two  countries.  The  hard  terms,  which  England  had 
extorted  from  the  misfortunes  of  France  in  the  treaty 
at  the  close  of  the  last  war,  as  impolitic  on  the  part  of 
the  former  as  they  were  humiliating  to  the  latter,  af- 
forded but  a  feeble  guaranty  of  a  lasting  peace.  Time 
and  reflection  had  increased  the  discontent,  which  was 
manifested  by  loud  complaints  when  the  treaty  was 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1776. 

made.  It  was  believed  that  France,  in  this  temper, 
would  not  view  with  indifference  the  contest  between 
England  and  her  colonies,  nor  forego  so  good  an  op- 
portunity of  contributing  to  weaken  the  power  of  a 
rival,  against  whom  she  had  laid  up  heavy  charges  for 
a  future  adjustment. 

Congress  deemed  it  advisable,  at  all  events,  to  act 
upon  this  presumption.  They  appointed  three  com- 
missioners, Dr.  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee, 
"to  transact  the  business  of  the  United  States  at  the 
court  of  France."  They  were  furnished  with  the  draft 
of  a  treaty,  credentials,  and  instructions.  The  mem- 
bers enjoined  secrecy  on  themselves  in  regard  to  these 
proceedings.  Silas  Deane  was  already  in  France,  hav- 
ing been  sent  thither  as  a  commercial .  and  political 
agent,  instructed  to  procure  munitions  of  war  and  for- 
ward them  to  the  United  States,  and  to  ascertain,  as 
far  as  he  could,  the  views  and  disposition  of  the 
French  court.  Arthur  Lee  was  in  England.  Frank- 
lin made  immediate  preparations  for  his  voyage.  He 
left  Philadelphia  on  the  26th  of  October,  accompanied 
by  two  of  his  grandsons,  William  Temple  Franklin 
and  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache.  They  passed  the  night 
at  Chester,  and  the  next  day  embarked  on  board  the 
Continental  sloop  of  war  Reprisal,  carrying  sixteen 
guns,  and  commanded  by  Captain  Wickes. 

As  a  proof  of  Franklin's  zeal  in  the  cause  of  his 
country,  and  of  his  confidence  in  the  result,  it  may  be 
stated,  that,  before  he  left  Philadelphia,  he  raised  all 
the  money  he  could  command,  being  between  three 
and  four  thousand  pounds,  and  placed  it  as  a  loan  at 
the  disposal  of  Congress. 


.  70.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  417 


CHAPTER  X. 

Voyage  to  France.  —  Arrives  at  Nantes.  —  Proceeds  to  Paris,  anc  takes 
up  his  Residence  at  Passy. — His  Reception  in  France.  —  Influence 
of  his  Name  and  Character.  —  Pictures,  Busts,  and  Prints  of  him. — 
Interview  with  Count  de  Vergennes.  —  Money  obtained  from  the 
French  Court,  and  Military  Supplies  sent  to  the  United  States. — 
Contract  with  the  Farmers-General.  —  Franklin  disapproves  the  Poli- 
cy of  seeking  Alliances  with  the  European  Powers.  —  Lord  Stormont. 
—  Application  of  Foreign  Officers  for  Employment  in  the  American 
Army.  —  Lafayette.  —  Reasons  why  the  French  delay  to  enter  into  a 
Treaty  with  the  United  States.  —  Interview  with  Count  de  Vergennes 
on  that  Subject.  —  Treaty  of  Amity  and  Commerce.  —  Treaty  of  Al- 
liance. —  Franklin  and  the  other  Commissioners  introduced  at  Court. 

AFTER  a  boisterous  passage  of  thirty  days  from  the 
Capes  of  Delaware,  the  Reprisal  came  to  anchor  in 
Quiberon  Bay,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Loire.  While 
crossing  the  Gulf  Stream,  Dr.  Franklin  repeated  the 
experiments  which  he  had  made  on  his  last  voyage 
from  England,  for  ascertaining  the  temperature  of  the 
sea.  The  result  was  the  same  as  he  had  then  found 
it.  The  water  was  warmer  in  the  Gulf  Stream,  than 
in  other  parts  of  the  ocean.  The  sloop  was  some- 
times chased  by  British  cruisers,  and  Captain  Wickes 
prepared  for  action ;  but  he  had  been  instructed  to 
avoid  an  engagement  if  possible,  and  to  proceed  direct- 
ly to  the  coast  of  France.  By  good  management  he 
escaped  his  pursuers,  and  no  action  occurred  during 
the  voyage.  Two  days  before  he  came  in  sight  of 
land  he  took  two  prizes,  brigantines,  one  belonging 
to  Cork,  the  other  to  Hull,  laden  with  cargoes  ob- 
tained in  French  ports. 

The  wind  being  contrary,  Captain  Wickes  could 
not  sail  up  the  river  to  Nantes,  the  port  to  which  he 
was  bound.  After  a  detention  of  four  days  in  Qui- 

VOL.  i.   No.  9.  53 


418  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1776 

beron  Bay,  Dr.  Franklin  was  set  on  shore  with  his 
grandsons  at  the  little  town  of  Auray.  Thence  he 
travelled  by  land  to  Nantes,  a  distance  of  seventy  miles, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  7th  of  December. 

His  arrival  in  France  was  entirely  unexpected.  The 
news  of  his  appointment  had  not  preceded  him,  this 
having  been  kept  secret  in  Congress.  It  was  easily 
conjectured,  however,  that  he  would  not  come  so  far 
without  being  invested  with  some  important  public 
mission,  and  the  friends  of  America  greeted  him  with 
cordiality  and  lively  expressions  of  joy.  The  event 
was  celebrated  by  a  dinner,  at  which  he  was  invited 
to  be  present,  arid  which  was  attended  by  a  large 
number  of  persons.  Fatigued  with  the  voyage  and 
his  journey  from  Auray,  he  sought  repose  for  a  short 
time  at  the  country-seat  of  M.  Gruel,  near  the  town ; 
but  in  this  retreat  many  visiters  called  to  see  him,  as 
well  to  testify  their  personal  respect,  as  to  make 
inquiries  concerning  the  state  of  affairs  in  America. 
From  Nantes  he  wrote  as  follows  to  the  President  of 
Congress. 

"  Our  voyage,  though  not  long,  was  rough,  and  I 
feel  myself  weakened  by  it ;  but  I  now  recover  strength 
daily,  and  in  a  few  days  shall  be  able  to  undertake 
the  journey  to  Paris.  I  have  not  yet  taken  any  pub- 
lic character,  thinking  it  prudent  first  to  know  whether 
the  court  is  ready  and  willing  to  receive  ministers 
publicly  from  the  Congress ;  that  we  may  neither  em- 
barrass it  on  the  one  hand,  nor  subject  ourselves  to 
the  hazard  of  a  disgraceful  refusal  on  the  other.  I 
have  despatched  an  express  to  Mr.  Deane,  with  the 
letters  that  I  had  for  him  from  the  Committee,  and  a 
copy  of  our  commission,  that  he  may  immediately  make 
the  proper  inquiries,  and  give  me  information.  In  the 
mean  time  I  find  it  generally  supposed  here,  that  I 


jE-r.  70.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  419 

am  sent  to  negotiate ;  and  that  opinion  appears  to  give 
great  pleasure,  if  I  can  judge  by  the  extreme  civili- 
ties I  meet  with  from  numbers  of  the  principal  peo- 
ple, who  have  done  me  the  honor  to  visit  me." 

He  stayed  eight  days  at  Nantes,  and  then  set  off 
for  Paris,  and  reached  that  city  on  the  21st  of  De- 
cember.* He  found  Mr.  Deane  there,  and  Mr.  Lee 
joined  them  the  next  day,  so  that  the  commissioners 
were  prepared  to  enter  immediately  upon  their  official 
duties.  Shortly  afterwards  Dr.  Franklin  removed  to 
Passy,  a  pleasant  village  near  Paris,  and  took  lodgings 
in  a  commodious  house  belonging  to  M.  Leray  de 
Chaumont,  a  zealous  friend  to  the  American  cause. 
He  remained  at  that  place  during  the  whole  of  his 
residence  in  France. 

The  intelligence  of  Franklin's  arrival  at  Paris  was 
immediately  published  and  circulated  throughout  Eu- 
rope. His  brilliant  discoveries  in  electricity,  thirty  years 
before,  had  made  him  known  as  a  philosopher  wher- 
ever science  was  studied  or  genius  respected.  His 
writings  on  this  subject  had  already  been  translated 
into  many  languages ;  and  also  his  Poor  Richard,  and 
some  other  miscellaneous  pieces,  clothed  in  a  style  of 
surpassing  simplicity  and  precision,  and  abounding  in 
sagacious  maxims  relating  to  human  affairs  and  the 
springs  of  human  action,  which  are  almost  without  a 

*  Madame  du  Deffand  says,  in  a  letter  dated  on  the  18th  of  December; 
"The  object  of  Dr.  Franklin's  visit  is  still  problematical;  and  what  is 
the  most  singular  of  all  is,  that  no  one  can  tell  whether  he  is  actually 
in  Paris  or  not.  For  three  or  four  days  it  has  been  said  in  the  morn- 
ing that  he  had  arrived,  and  in  the  evening  that  he  had  not  yet  come." 
Again,  on  the  22d,  she  writes;  "Dr.  Franklin  arrived  in  town  yester- 
day, at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon ;  he  slept  the  night  before  at  Ver- 
sailles. He  was  accompanied  by  two  of  his  grandsons,  one  seven  years 
old,  the  other  seventeen,  and  by  his  friend,  M.  Penct.  He  lias  taken 
lodgings  in  the  Rue  de  PUniversite."  —  Lettres  de  la  Marquise  du  Def- 
find  il  Horace  Walpole,  Tom.  III.  p.  343. 


420  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1776. 

parallel  in  any  other  writer.*  The  history  of  his  re* 
cent  transactions  in  England,  his  bold  and  uncompro- 
mising defence  of  his  country's  rights,  his  examination 
before  Parliament,  and  the  abuse  he  had  received  from, 
the  ministers,  were  known  everywhere,  and  had  added 
to  the  fame  of  a  philosopher  and  philanthropist  that  of 
a  statesman  and  patriot.  A  French  historian,  of  the 
first  celebrity,  speaks  of  him  as  follows ; 

"  By  the  effect  which  Franklin  produced  in  France, 
one  might  say  that  he  fulfilled  his  mission,  not  with  a 
court,  but  with  a  free  people.  Diplomatic  etiquette 
did  not  permit  him  often  to  hold  interviews  with  the 
ministers,  but  he  associated  with  all  the  distinguished 
personages,  who  directed  public  opinion.  Men  imag- 
ined they  saw  in  him  a  sage  of  antiquity,  come  back 
to  give  austere  lessons  and  generous  examples  to  the 
moderns.  They  personified  in  him  the  republic,  of 
which  he  was  the  representative  and  the  legislator. 
They  regarded  his  virtues  as  those  of  his  countrymen, 
and  even  judged  of  their  physiognomy  by  the  impos- 
ing and  serene  traits  of  his  own.  Happy  was  he,  who 
could  gain  admittance  to  see  him  in  the  house  which 
he  occupied  at  Passy.  This  venerable  old  man,  it 
was  said,  joined  to  the  demeanor  of  Phocion  the  spir- 
it of  Socrates.  Courtiers  were  struck  with  his  native 
dignity,  and  discovered  in  him  the  profound  statesman. 
Young  officers,  impatient  to  signalize  themselves  in 
another  hemisphere,  came  to  interrogate  him  respect- 
ing the  military  condition  of  the  Americans ;  and,  when 

*  There  are  three  separate  translations  of  Poor  Richard  in  the  French 
language ;  one  by  Dubourg,  another  by  Quetant,  and  a  third  by  Cast6- 
ra.  Many  editions  have  been  printed,  and  some  of  them  in  a  beauti- 
ful style  of  typography.  It  has  also  been  translated  into  modern  Greek; 
and  a  new  translation  has  been  recently  made  from  the  French  into 
Spanish  by  Mangino,  and  published,  with  a  selection  from  Franklin's 
miscellaneous  writings,  in  the  same  language. 


JEr.  70.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  421 

he  spoke  to  them  with  deep  concern  and  a  manly 
frankness  of  the  recent  defeats,  which  had  put  his 
country  in  jeopardy,  this  only  excited  in  them  a  more 
ardent  desire  to  join  and  assist  the  republican  soldiers. 

"  After  this  picture,  it  would  be  useless  to  trace  the 
history  of  Franklin's  negotiations  with  the  court  of 
France.  His  virtues  and  his  renown  negotiated  for 
him ;  and,  before  the  second  year  of  his  mission  had 
expired,  no  one  conceived  it  possible  to  refuse  fleets 
and  an  army  to  the  compatriots  of  Franklin."* 

The  commissioners  were  furnished  by  Congress,  in 
the  first  place,  with  the  plan  of  a  treaty  of  commerce, 
which  they  were  to  propose  to  the  French  govern- 
ment. They  were  likewise  instructed  to  procure  from 
that  court,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States,  eight 
line-of-battle  ships,  well  manned  and  fitted  for  service ; 
to  borrow  money;  to  procure  and  forward  military 

*  Histoire  de  France,  par  CHARLES  LACRETELLE,  Tom.  V.  p.  92.  — The 
same  historian  adds,  that  portraits  of  Franklin  were  everywhere  to  be  seen, 
with  the  sublime  inscription,  which  was  first  applied  to  him  by  Turgot ; 
"  Eripuit  cceZo  fulmen,  sceptrumque  tyrannis" 

A  variety  of  medallions  were  likewise  made,  on  which  his  head  was 
represented,  of  various  sizes,  suitable  to  be  set  in  the  lids  of  snuffbox- 
es, or  to  be  worn  in  rings ;  and  vast  numbers  were  sold ;  as  well  as 
numerous  copies  of  pictures,  busts,  and  prints,  in  which  the  artists  vied 
with  each  other  to  attain  beauty  of  execution  and  accuracy  of  resem- 
blance. While  he  resided  in  England,  he  wore  a  wig,  according  to  the 
fashion  of  the  times,  of  somewhat  formidable  dimensions.  His  head  is 
thus  covered  in  the  portraits  by  Chamberlin  and  Martin,  both  of  which 
are  deemed  good  likenesses.  In  another  picture  of  him,  by  West,  paint- 
ed in  England,  which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Edward  D.  In- 
graham,  of  Philadelphia,  the  wig  is  likewise  retained.  After  he  went  to 
France  he  laid  aside  this  appendage,  and  supplied  its  place  with  a  fur 
cap,  which  is  seen  in  some  of  the  engravings.  But  at  length  this  was 
dispensed  with.  The  portrait  by  Duplessis  is  considered  the  best  that 
was  taken  in  France,  and  in  this  he  appears  with  his  own  hair,  thin  at 
the  top,  but  flowing  down  the  sides  of  his  head  and  neck  nearly  to  the 
shoulders.  During  the  latter  years  of  his  life  he  seldom  went  abroad 
without  spectacles,  fitted  by  an  invention  of  his  own,  for  rendering  ob- 
jects distinctly  visible  at  different  distances  from  the  eye. 

VOL.    I.  JJ 


422  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [177G. 

supplies ;  and  to  fit  out  armed  vessels  under  the  flag 
of  the  United  States,  provided  the  French  court  should 
not  disapprove  this  measure.  They  were,  moreover, 
authorized  to  ascertain  the  views  of  other  European 
powers,  through  their  ambassadors  in  France,  and  to 
endeavour  to  obtain  from  them  a  recognition  of  the 
independence  and  sovereignty  of  the  United  States; 
and  to  enter  into  treaties  of  amity  and  commerce  with 
such  powers,  if  opportunities  should  present  themselves. 
It  was  expected,  that  remittances  would  be  made  to 
them  from  time  to  time,  in  American  produce,  to  meet 
their  expenses  and  pecuniary  engagements. 

The  Count  de  Vergennes  was  the  minister  of  for- 
eign affairs  in  the  French  cabinet,  and  from  first  to 
last  the  principal  mover  in  what  related  to  the  Amer- 
ican war.  On  the  28th  of  December,  he  admitted 
the  commissioners  to  an  audience  at  Versailles.  He 
received  them  with  marked  civility,  and  conversed  with 
them  freely.  They  laid  before  him  their  commission 
and  the  plan  of  a  treaty.  He  assured  them,  that  they 
might  depend  on  the  protection  of  the  court  while 
they  were  in  France ;  that  due  attention  would  be 
given  to  what  they  had  offered;  and  that  all  the  fa- 
cilities would  be  granted  to  American  commerce  and 
navigation  in  French  ports,  which  were  compatible 
with  the  treaties  existing  between  France  and  Great 
Britain.  He  requested  them  to  draw  up  a  memoir, 
containing  an  account  of  the  situation  of  affairs  in  the 
United  States.  This  was  presented  a  few  days  after- 
wards, with  the  part  of  their  instructions  relating  to 
ships  of  war.  No  direct  answer  was  returned,  the 
French  government  not  being  yet  prepared  openly  to 
espouse  the  cause  of  the  Americans,  which  would  ne- 
cessarily bring  on  a  war  with  England.  By  the  ad- 
vice of  Count  de  Vergennes,  they  had  an  interview 


.Ex.  71.]  LIFE   OP    FRANKLIN.  423 

with  Count  d'Aranda,  the  Spanish  ambassador,  who 
promised  to  forward  copies  of  their  memorials  to  his 
court,  which  he  said  would  act  in  concert  with  that 
of  France. 

Notwithstanding  this  reserve,  the  court  of  France 
had  resolved  to  assist  the  Americans.  A  million  of 
livres  had  already  been  secretly  advanced  to  Beau- 
marchais  for  this  purpose.  Munitions  of  war  to  a  large 
amount  were  purchased  by  him,  in  part  with  this  mon- 
ey, and  in  part  with  such  other  means  as  he  could 
command.  By  an  arrangement  with  Mr.  Deane,  he 
shipped  these  articles  to  the  United  States,  and  Con- 
gress was  to  pay  for  them  by  remitting  tobacco  and 
other  American  produce.  Before  the  commissioners 
arrived,  Mr.  Deane  had  procured,  on  these  conditions, 
thirty  thousand  fusils,  two  hundred  pieces  of  brass 
cannon,  thirty  mortars,  four  thousand  tents,  clothing 
for  thirty  thousand  men,  and  two  hundred  tons  of 
gunpowder.  They  were  shipped  in  different  vessels, 
the  most  of  which  arrived  safely  in  the  United  States. 

The  French  government  did  not  grant  the  ships  of 
war  requested  by  Congress,  but  the  commissioners 
were  informed,  through  a  private  channel,  that  they 
would  receive  two  millions  of  livres  in  quarterly  pay- 
ments, to  be  expended  for  the  use  of  the  United 
States.  At  first  it  was  intimated  to  them,  that  this 
money  was  a  loan  from  generous  individuals,  who 
wished  well  to  the  Americans  in  their  struggle  for 
freedom,  and  that  it  was  not  expected  to  be  repaid 
till  after  the  peace.  In  fact,  however,  it  was  drawn 
from  the  King's  treasury,  and  the  payments  of  half  a 
million  quarterly  were  promptly  made.  The  commis- 
sioners likewise  entered  into  a  contract  with  the  Far- 
mers-General, by  which  it  was  agreed  to  furnish  them 
with  five  thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco  at  a  stipulated 


424  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1777. 

price.  One  million  of  livres  was  advanced  on  this 
contract.  Within  a  few  months  they  were  thus  put 
in  possession  of  three  millions  of  livres. 

With  this  money  they  continued  to  purchase  arms, 
clothing  for  soldiers,  all  kinds  of  military  equipments, 
and  naval  stores,  which  they  sent  to  America.  They 
built  a  frigate  at  Amsterdam,  and  another  at  Nantes. 
They  also  contributed  the  means  for  supplying  Ameri- 
can cruisers,  that  came  into  French  ports.  In  these 
operations  they  were  often  embarrassed.  Every  thing 
was  done  with  as  much  secrecy  as  possible ;  but  Lord 
Stormont,  the  British  ambassador,  had  spies  in  all  the 
principal  ports,  and  gained  a  knowledge  of  their  pro- 
ceedings. His  remonstrances  to  the  court  were  lis- 
tened to,  and  were  followed  by  orders  for  detaining 
the  vessels  which  the  commissioners  had  provided. 
Sometimes  the  goods  would  be  taken  out  and  put  on 
shore,  and  at  other  times  they  would  be  stopped  in 
their  transportation  from  place  to  place.  The  Amer- 
ican cruisers  brought  in  prizes  and  effected  sales. 
This  drew  fresh  remonstrances  from  the  British  am- 
bassador; and,  on  one  occasion,  Count  de  Vergennes 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  commissioners  censuring  this  con- 
duct, and  declaring  that  no  transactions  could  be  al- 
lowed, which  infringed  upon  treaties.  Knowing  the 
actual  disposition  of  the  court,  however,  they  were 
not  deterred  by  these  obstacles.  They  continued,  by 
pursuing  a  prudent  course,  to  ship  to  the  United  States 
all  the  articles  they  procured,  which  were  of  the  ut- 
most importance  to  the  American  army. 

The  business  was  chiefly  managed  by  Dr.  Franklin 
and  Mr.  Deane.  The  commissioners  being  authorized 
by  their  instructions  to  make  application  to  any  of  the 
European  powers  and  to  solicit  aids  for  prosecuting 
the  war,  Mr.  Lee  was  accordingly  deputed  by  them 


JET.  71.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  425 

to  undertake  this  service,  first  in  Spain  and  afterwards 
in  Prussia.  On  these  missions  he  was  absent  nearly 
all  the  spring  and  summer.  Dr.  Franklin  disapproved 
the  policy  of  seeking  foreign  alliances,  and  he  had  op- 
posed this  measure  when  it  was  under  discussion  in 
Congress.  He  thought  the  dignity  of  the  United 
States  would  be  better  sustained  by  waiting  for  the 
advances  of  other  governments.  The  majority,  how- 
ever, were  of  a  different  opinion,  and  commissioners 
or  ministers  to  different  courts  in  Europe  were  from 
time  to  time  appointed.  Very  little  success  attended 
these  applications.* 

Dr.  Franklin  had  been  but  a  few  weeks  in  France, 
when  he  received  from  Congress  a  commission  to 
treat  with  the  court  of  Spain,  with  the  proper  creden- 
tials and  instructions ;  but,  this  affair  being  already  in 
the  hands  of  Mr.  Lee,  and  there  being  no  sufficient 
evidence  that  his  Catholic  Majesty  was  ready,  either 
to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  United  States,  or  to 
contribute  essential  aid  for  carrying  on  the  war,  he 
declined  acting  under  the  commission,  and  gave  such 
reasons  as  were  satisfactory  to  Congress.  He  con- 
sulted Count  d'Aranda,  the  Spanish  ambassador,  who 
discouraged  any  immediate  attempt  to  negotiate  with 
his  court. 

It  was  reported  to  the  commissioners,  that  Ameri- 
can prisoners,  who  had  been  captured  at  sea,  were 
treated  with  unjustifiable  severity  in  England ;  that  some 
of  them  were  compelled  to  enter  the  navy  and  fight 
against  their  friends,  and  that  others  were  sent  to  the 
British  settlements  in  Africa  and  Asia.  They  wrote 
to  Lord  Stormont,  suggesting  an  exchange  of  seamen 
thus  captured  for  an  equal  number  of  British  prison- 

*  See  remarks  on  this  subject  in  SPARKS'S  Life  of  Gouverneur  Mor- 
ris, Vol.  I.  p.  205. 

VOL.  i.  54  JJ* 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1777. 

ers,  who  had  been  brought  into  France  by  an  Amer- 
ican cruiser.  His  Lordship  did  not  condescend  to  re- 
turn an  answer.  They  wrote  again,  and  drew  from 
him  the  following  laconic  reply.  "The  King's  ambas- 
sador receives  no  applications  from  rebels,  unless  they 
come  to  implore  his  Majesty's  mercy."  The  paper, 
containing  this  piece  of  insolence,  was  sent  back.  "  In 
answer  to  a  letter,"  say  they,  "  which  concerns  some 
of  the  most  material  interests  of  humanity,  and  of  the 
two  nations,  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  we 
received  the  enclosed  indecent  paper,  which  we  return 
for  your  Lordship's  more  mature  consideration."  The 
British  ministry,  however,  did  not  long  uphold  the  ar- 
rogance of  their  ambassador.  The  number  of  cap- 
tures made  at  sea  by  the  American  cruisers  soon 
convinced  them  of  the  policy,  if  not  of  the  humanity, 
of  exchanging  prisoners,  according  to  the  common 
usage  of  nations  at  war.* 

The  multitude  of  foreign  officers  applying  for  letters 
of  recommendation  to  Congress,  or  to  General  Wash- 
ington, was  so  great,  as  to  be  a  source  of  unceasing 
trouble  and  embarrassment.  Scarcely  had  Dr.  Frank- 
lin landed  in  France  when  applications  began  to 
throng  upon  him  for  employment  in  the  American  ar- 
my. They  continued  to  the  end  of  the  war,  coming 
from  every  country,  and  written  in  almost  every  lan- 
guage, of  Europe.  Some  of  the  writers  told  only  the 
story  of  their  own  exploits ;  others  enclosed  the  cer- 
tificates of  friends,  or  of  generals  under  whom  they  had 
served ;  while  others  were  backed  by  the  interest  of 
persons  of  high  rank  and  influence,  whom  it  was  im- 

*  After  Dr.  Franklin's  arrival  in  France,  a  stove  invented  by  him 
became  fashionable  and  was  much  used.  One  of  the  ministers  was 
asked  whether  he  would  have  one.  "By  no  means,"  said  he;  "Lord 
Stormont  will  then  never  warm  himself  at  my  fire." 


fix.  71.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  427 

possible  to  gratify,  and  disagreeable  to  refuse.  It  was 
in  vain  that  he  assured  them,  that  he  had  no  power 
to  engage  officers,  that  the  army  was  already  full,  that 
his  recommendation  could  not  create  vacancies,  and 
that  they  would  inevitably  be  disappointed  when  they 
arrived  in  America.  Writing  to  a  friend  on  this  sub- 
ject, he  says ;  "  Not  a  day  passes  in  which  I  have  not 
a  number  of  soliciting  visits,  besides  letters.  You 
can  have  no  idea  how  I  am  harassed.  All  my  friends 
are  sought  out  and  teased  to  tease  me.  Great  officers 
of  rank  in  all  departments,  ladies,  great  and  small,  be- 
sides professed  solicitors,  worry  me  from,  morning  to 
night."  To  a  person,  who  importuned  him  in  this 
way,  he  wrote  as  follows. 

"You  demand  whether  I  will  support  you  by  my 
authority  in  giving  you  letters  of  recommendation.  I 
doubt  not  your  being  a  man  of  merit ;  and,  knowing 
it  yourself,  you  may  forget  that  it  is  not  known  to 
everybody ;  but  reflect  a  moment,  Sir,  and  you  will 
be  convinced,  that,  if  I  were  to  practise  giving  letters 
of  recommendation  to  persons  of  whose  character  I 
knew  no  more  than  I  do  of  yours,  my  recommenda- 
tions would  soon  be  of  no  authority  at  all.  I  thank 
you,  however,  for  your  kind  desire  of  being  service- 
able to  my  countrymen ;  and  I  wish  in  return,  that  I 
could  be  of  service  to  you  in  the  scheme  you  have 
formed  of  going  to  America.  But  numbers  of  experi- 
enced officers  here  have  offered  to  go  over  and  join 
our  army,  and  I  could  give  them  no  encouragement, 
because  I  have  no  orders  for  that  purpose,  and  I 
know  it  extremely  difficult  to  place  them  when  they 
arrive  there.  I  cannot  but  think,  therefore,  that  it  is 
best  for  you  not  to  make  so  long,  so  expensive,  and 
so  hazardous  a  voyage,  but  to  take  the  advice  of  your 
friends,  and  'stay  in  Franconia.9  n 


428  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1777. 

One  officer,  however,  he  recommended  without  re- 
luctance or  reserve,  and  he  afterwards  had  the  satis- 
faction of  finding,  in  common  with  the  whole  Ameri- 
can people,  that  his  judgment  was  not  deceived,  nor 
his  hopes  disappointed.  In  a  letter  to  Congress,  signed 
by  him  and  Mr.  Deane,  they  say ;  "  The  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,  a  young  nobleman  of  great  family  connex- 
ions here,  and  great  wealth,  is  gone  to  America  in  a 
ship  of  his  own,  accompanied  by  some  officers  of  dis- 
tinction, in  order  to  serve  in  our  armies.  He  is  ex- 
ceedingly beloved,  and  everybody's  good  wishes  at- 
tend him.  We  cannot  but  hope  he  may  meet  with 
such  a  reception  as  will  make  the  country  and  his 
expedition  agreeable  to  him.  Those,  who  censure  it  as 
imprudent  in  him,  do  nevertheless  applaud  his  spir- 
it; and  we  are  satisfied,  that  the  civilities  and  respect, 
that  may  be  shown  him,  will  be  serviceable  to  our 
affairs  here,  as  pleasing  not  only  to  his  powerful  rela- 
tions and  to  the  court,  but  to  the  whole  French  na- 
tion. He  has  left  a  beautiful  young  wife,  and,  for  her 
sake  particularly,  we  hope  that  his  bravery  and  ardent 
desire  to  distinguish  himself  will  be  a  little  restrained 
by  the  General's  prudence,  so  as  not  to  permit  his 
being  hazarded  much,  except  on  some  important  oc- 
casion." 

Dr.  Franklin  had  been  ten  months  in  France  before 
the  court  of  Versailles  manifested  any  disposition  to 
engage  openly  in  the  American  contest.  The  opinion 
of  the  ministers  was  divided  on  this  subject.  Count 
de  Vergennes  and  Count  Maurepas,  the  two  principal 
ministers,  were  decidedly  in  favor  of  a  war  with  Eng- 
land, and  of  bringing  it  on  by  uniting  with  the  Amer- 
icans. Some  of  the  others,  among  whom  was  Turgot 
while  he  was  in  the  cabinet,  disapproved  this  policy, 
and  the  King  himself  came  into  it  with  reluctance. 


JET.  71.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  429 

Moreover,  the  events  of  the  campaign  of  1776  afford- 
ed little  encouragement  to  such  a  step.  The  evacu- 
ation of  Canada  by  the  American  troops,  the  defeat 
on  Long  Island,  the  loss  of  Fort  Washington,  the  re- 
treat of  Washington's  army  through  New  Jersey,  and 
the  flight  of  Congress  from  Philadelphia  to  Baltimore, 
were  looked  upon  in  Europe  as  a  prelude  to  a  speedy 
termination  of  the  struggle.  This  was  not  a  time  to 
expect  alliances.  The  ability  of  the  Americans  to 
maintain  the  war  for  any  length  of  time,  as  well  as 
their  union,  spirit,  and  determination,  was  regarded  as 
extremely  problematical.  The  French  ministry  feared, 
that,  embarrassed  if  not  discouraged  by  their  difficul- 
ties, they  would,  sooner  or  later,  yield  to  the  force  of 
old  habits,  and  seek,  or  at  least  accept,  a  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  mother  country.  This  was  the  main 
reason,  added  to  the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by 
those  who  opposed  a  war  on  grounds  of  policy,  why 
they  did  not  at  an  earlier  day  enter  into  an  alliance 
with  the  United  States.  Had  this  measure  been  pre- 
mature, and,  after  an  alliance  was  formed,  had  the 
Americans  returned  to  their  allegiance  to  the  Brit- 
ish King,  the  French  would  have  found  themselves  in 
an  awkward  position,  with  a  war  on  their  hands 
against  England,  and  the  censure  of  the  world  upon 
them  for  having  recognised  the  independence  and 
taken  up  the  cause  of  insurgent  colonists,  who  had 
neither  the  will,  the  resolution,  nor  the  internal  force 
to  support  the  character  they  had  assumed. 

But  the  tide  of  affairs  soon  began  to  turn  in  an- 
other direction.  In  the  campaign  of  1777,  the  losses 
of  the  preceding  year  were  more  than  retrieved.  The 
capture  of  Burgoyne's  army,  and  the  good  conduct 
of  the  forces  under  General  Washington  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, gave  sufficient  evidence  that  the  Americans  were 


430  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1777. 

in  earnest,  and  that  they  wanted  neither  physical 
strength  nor  firmness  of  purpose.  On  the  4th  of  De- 
cember, an  express  arrived  in  Paris  from  the  United 
States,  bringing  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Burgoyne 
and  the  battle  of  Germantown.  The  commissioners  im- 
mediately communicated  this  intelligence  to  the  French 
court.  Two  days  afterwards,  M.  Gerard,  the  secre- 
tary of  the  King's  Council,  called  on  Dr.  Franklin  at 
Passy,  and  said  he  had  come,  by  order  of  Count  de 
Vergennes  and  Count  Maurepas,  to  congratulate  the 
commissioners  on  the  success  of  their  countrymen,  and 
to  assure  them  that  it  gave  great  pleasure  at  Ver- 
sailles. After  some  conversation,  he  advised  them  to 
renew  their  proposition  for  a  treaty.* 

A  memorial  was  accordingly  prepared  by  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, signed  by  the  commissioners,  and  presented  to 
Count  de  Vergennes;  and,  on  the  12th,  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  that  minister,  a  meeting  took  place  at 
Versailles  between  Count  de  Vergennes  and  M.  Ge- 
rard on  one  part,  and  the  American  commissioners  on 
the  other,  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  prelimina- 


*  When  some  one  mentioned  to  Dr.  Franklin,  that  General  Howe 
had  taken  Philadelphia,  he  replied ;  "  You  are  mistaken ;  Philadelphia 
has  taken  General  Howe."  And  so  it  turned  out,  for  the  British  were 
shut  up  in  that  city  during  eight  months,  and  were  at  last  obliged  to  re- 
treat from  it  precipitately,  without  having  derived  any  advantage  from 
their  conquest  Mr.  Bache  and  his  family  retired  into  the  country  when 
the  enemy  approached,  and  Dr.  Franklin's  house  was  occupied  by  British 
officers.  After  the  evacuation,  Mr.  Bache  wrote  ;  "  I  found  your  house 
and  furniture,  upon  my  return  to  town,  in  much  better  order  than  I  had 
reason  to  expect.  They  carried  off  some  of  your  musical  instruments, 
a  Welch  harp,  a  bell  harp,  the  set  of  tuned  bells  which  were  in  a  box, 
a  viola  a  gamba,  all  the  spare  Armonica  glasses,  and  one  or  two  of 
the  spare  cases.  Your  Armonica  is  safe.  They  took  likewise  the  few 
books  that  were  left  behind.  Some  of  your  electrical  apparatus  is  also 
missing.  A  Captain  Andre  took  with  him  the  picture  of  you,  which 
hung  in  the  dining-room  The  rest  of  the  pictures  are  safe." — July 
14th,  1778 


£!T.  71.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  431 

ries  of  a  treaty.  Count  de  Vergennes  complimented 
them  on  the  prosperous  state  of  their  affairs,  and 
spoke  with  particular  commendation  of  the  movements 
of  Washington's  army  in  the  face  of  a  superior  force. 
He  then  asked  them  what  they  had  to  propose.  Frank- 
lin referred  him  to  the  draft  of  a  treaty,  which  they 
had  brought  from  Congress,  and  said,  if  there  were 
objections  to  any  part  of  it,  they  were  ready  to  con- 
sider them.  Count  de  Vergennes  mentioned  some 
objections,  which  were  examined,  but  these  related 
to  points  of  secondary  importance,  without  touching 
the  fundamental  articles.  The  minister  remarked,  that 
the  relations  between  France  and  Spain  were  of  such 
a  nature,  as  to  render  it  necessary  to  consult  his  Cath- 
olic Majesty  before  a  treaty  could  be  concluded,  and 
to  give  him  an  opportunity  to  join  in  it,  if  he  should 
think  proper ;  and  that  a  courier  would  be  immedi- 
ately despatched  to  Spain,  who  would  be  absent  three 
weeks. 

Before  this  time  expired,  M.  Gerard  called  again 
on  the  commissioners,  and  told  them  that  the  King, 
by  the  advice  of  his  Council,  had  determined  to  ac- 
knowledge the  independence  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with 
them ;  that  it  was  the  desire  and  intention  of  his  Maj- 
esty to  form  such  a  treaty  as  would  be  durable,  and 
this  could  be  done  only  by  establishing  it  on  prin- 
ciples of  exact  reciprocity,  so  that  its  continuance  should 
be  for  the  interest  of  both  parties ;  that  no  advantage 
would  be  taken  of  the  present  situation  of  the  United 
States  to  obtain  terms,  which  they  would  not  willing- 
ly agree  to  under  any  other  circumstances ;  and  that 
it  was  his  fixed  determination  to  support  their  inde- 
pendence by  all  the  means  in  his  power.  This  would 
probably  lead  to  a  war  with  England,  yet  the  King 


432  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1777 

would  not  ask,  or  expect,  any  compensation  for  the 
expense  or  damage  he  might  sustain  on  that  account. 
The  only  condition  required  by  him  would  be,  that 
the  United  States  should  not  give  up  their  indepen- 
dence in  any  treaty  of  peace  they  might  make  with 
England,  nor  return  to  their  subjection  to  the  British 
government. 

It  was  at  length  ascertained,  that  the  King  of  Spain 
was  not  disposed  to  take  any  part  in  the  business. 
The  negotiators  then  proceeded  without  more  delay, 
and  their  work  was  soon  completed.  In  its  essential 
articles  the  treaty  was  the  same  as  the  one  that  had 
been  proposed  by  Congress. 

When  this  was  done,  the  French  minister  produced 
the  draft  of  another  treaty,  called  a  Treaty  of  Alliance. 
The  objects  of  this  treaty  were  in  some  respects  of 
much  greater  importance  than  those  of  the  former.  It 
was  to  be  eventual  in  its  operation,  and  to  take  effect 
only  in  case  of  a  rupture  between  France  and  Eng- 
land ;  and  it  was  designed  to  explain  the  duties  of  the 
two  contracting  parties  in  prosecuting  the  war,  and  to 
bind  them  to  certain  conditions. 

The  first  stipulation  was,  that,  while  the  American 
war  continued,  both  parties  should  make  it  a  common 
cause,  and  aid  each  other  as  good  friends  and  allies. 
To  maintain  effectually  the  liberty,  sovereignty,  and 
independence  of  the  United  States,  was  declared  to 
be  the  essential  and  direct  end  of  the  alliance.  It 
was  agreed,  that,  if  the  Americans  should  gain  pos- 
session of  any  of  the  British  territories  in  the  north- 
ern parts  of  the  continent,  not  included  within  the 
limits  of  the  Thirteen  States,  such  territories  should 
belong  to  the  United  States.  If  the  French  King 
should  conquer  any  of  the  British  Islands  in  or  near 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  they  were  to  be  retained  by  him. 


JET.  71.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  433 

The  contracting  parties  also  agreed,  that  neither  of 
them  should  conclude  a  truce  or  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  without  the  consent  of  the  other  first  obtain- 
ed ;  and  they  mutually  engaged  not  to  lay  down  their 
arms,  until  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
should  be  assured  by  the  treaty  or  treaties,  which 
should  terminate  the  war.  The  United  States  guar- 
antied to  the  King  of  France  all  the  possessions  he 
then  held  in  America,  as  well  as  those  he  should  ac- 
quire by  the  treatv  of  peace ;  and  the  King  guaran- 
tied to  the  United  States  their  liberty,  sovereignty,  and 
independence,  and  all  their  possessions,  and  such  ac- 
quisitions as  they  should  gain  by  conquest  from  the 
dominions  of  Great  Britain  in  America. 

In  both  these  treaties  it  was  the  aim  of  the  parties 
to  adjust  every  point,  as  nearly  as  it  could  be  done, 
upon  principles  of  exact  equality  and  reciprocity.  The 
commercial  treaty  granted  reciprocal  privileges  of  trade ; 
and  each  party  was  at  liberty  to  grant  the  same  privi- 
leges to  any  other  nation.  By  the  treaty  of  alliance 
the  United  States  secured  the  very  great  advantage 
of  the  whole  power  of  France  on  their  side,  till  their 
independence  should  be  confirmed  by  a  treaty  of  peace. 
The  equivalent  expected  by  France  for  this  use  of  her 
means,  and  for  the  losses  and  expenses  she  might  in- 
cur in  the  war,  was  the  separating  of  the  colonies  from 
the  mother  country,  thereby  striking  a  heavy  blow  up- 
on Great  Britain;  and  also  a  due  share  of  the  profits 
of  the  American  trade,  the  whole  of  which  had  hith- 
erto been  poured  into  the  lap  of  England,  increasing 
her  wealth  and  enlarging  her  power.  She  made  no 
provision  for  obtaining  acquisitions  on  the  American 
continent,  either  by  conquest  or  cession,  not  even  Can- 
ada and  the  Islands  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  which  had 
been  taken  from  her  by  the  English  in  the  last  war. 

VOL.  i.  55  K  K 


434  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1778. 

On  the  contrary,  she  disavowed,  in  the  most  positive 
terms,  all  intention  of  seeking  such  conquest  or  ac- 
cepting such  cession ;  and  it  may  be  added,  that  her 
conduqt  during  the  war  and  at  the  peace  was  in  per- 
fect accordance  with  this  declaration. 

The  two  treaties  were  signed  at  Paris  on  the  6th 
of  February,  1778.  They  were  sent  to  America  by 
a  special  messenger,  and  were  immediately  ratified 
by  Congress.  The  event  diffused  joy  throughout 
the  country.  Washington  set  apart  a  day  for  the  re- 
joicings of  the  army  on  the  occasion  at  Valley  Forge. 
All  saw,  or  believed  they  saw,  that,  whatever  might 
be  the  hazards  of  the  war,  independence  in  the  end 
was  certain.  France  was  too  powerful  a  nation  to  be 
conquered,  and  she  had  promised  her  support  to  the 
last.  Her  interest  and  safety  were  deeply  involved  in 
the  contest,  and  her  honor  was  pledged.  *  In  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  moment,  every  heart  was  filled  with 
gratitude  to  the  French  King,  and  every  tongue  spoke 
his  praise.  His  generosity  in  agreeing  to  treaties,  so 
favorable  in  their  conditions  and  so  equitable  in  their 
principles,  wras  lauded  to  the  skies ;  and  we  behold 
the  spectacle  of  two  millions  of  republicans,  becoming 
all  at  once  the  cordial  friends  and  warm  admirers  of 
a  monarch,  who  sat  on  a  throne  erected  by  acts,  sus- 
tained by  a  policy,  and  surrounded  by  institutions, 
which  all  true  republicans  regarded  as  so  many  en- 
croachments upon  the  natural  and  inalienable  rights 
of  mankind.  In  this  instance,  however,  they  had  no 
just  occasion  afterwards  to  regret,  that  their  confidence 
had  been  misplaced,  or  their  gratitude  improperly  be- 
stowed. Every  promise  was  fulfilled,  and  every  pledge 
was  redeemed. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  the  American  commissioners 
were  introduced  to  the  King  at  Versailles,  and  they 


/ET.  72.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  435 

took  their  place  at  court  as  the  representatives  of  an 
independent  power.  A  French  historian,  describing 
this  ceremony,  says  of  Franklin ;  "  He  was  accompa- 
nied and  followed  by  a  great  number  of  Americans 
and  individuals  from  various  countries,  whom  curiosity 
had  drawn  together.  His  age,  his  venerable  aspect, 
the  simplicity  of  his  dress,  every  thing  fortunate  and 
remarkable  in  the  life  of  this  American,  contributed  to 
excite  public  attention.  The  clapping  of  hands  and 
other  expressions  of  joy  indicated  that  warmth  of  en- 
thusiasm, which  the  French  are  more  susceptible  of 
than  any  other  people,  and  the  charm  of  which  is  en- 
hanced to  the  object  of  it  by  their  politeness  and 
agreeable  manners.  After  this  audience,  he  crossed 
the  court  on  his  way  to  the  office  of  the  minister  of 
foreign  affairs.  The  multitude  waited  for  him  in  the 
passage,  and  greeted  him  with  their  acclamations.  He 
met  with  a  similar  reception  wherever  he  appeared  in 
Paris."* 

From  that  time  both  Franklin  and  the  other  Amer- 
ican commissioners  attended  the  court  at  Versailles, 
on  the  same  footing  as  the  ambassadors  of  the  Euro- 
pean powers.  Madame  Campan  says,  that,  on  these 
occasions,  Franklin  appeared  in  the  dress  of  an  Ameri- 
can farmer.  "  His  straight,  unpowdered  hair,  his  round 
hat,  his  brown  cloth  coat,  formed  a  singular  contrast 
with  the  laced  and  embroidered  coats,  and  powdered 
and  perfumed  heads,  of  the  courtiers  of  Versailles."  f 
The  rules  of  diplomatic  etiquette  did  not  permit  the 
ambassadors  of  those  sovereigns,  who  had  not  rec- 
ognised the  independence  of  the  United  States,  to 

*  Essais    Historiques  et  Politiques  sur  la  Revolution  de  1'Amdrique. 
Par  HILLIARD  D'ACBERTEUIL.  Tom.  I.  p.  350. 
f  Mdmoires  de  MADAME  CAMPAX,  Tom.  I.  p.  232. 


436  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1778 

extend  any  official  civilities  to  the  ministers  of  the 
new  republic.  In  private,  however,  they  sought  the 
acquaintance  and  society  of  Franklin,  and  among 
them  were  some  of  his  most  esteemed  and  intimate 
friends.  An  amusing  incident,  illustrative  of  the  re- 
serve of  the  ambassadors  in  their  official  character, 
occurred  to  Dr.  Franklin  some  time  after  he  became 
minister  plenipotentiary.  The  son  of  the  Empress  of 
Russia,  under  the  title  of  Count  du  Nord,  arrived  in 
Paris.  He  sent  round  his  cards  to  the  several  foreign 
ambassadors,  with  his  name  and  that  of  the  Prince 
Bariatinski,  the  Russian  ambassador,  written  upon  them. 
By  some  accident  the  messenger  left  one  of  these 
cards  at  Dr.  Franklin's  house.  As  this  was  the  first 
instance  of  the  kind,  he  knew  not  precisely  in  what 
manner  the  civility  was  to  be  returned.  He  inquired 
of  an  old  minister  at  court,  well  versed  in  the  rules 
of  etiquette,  who  told  him  that  all  he  had  to  do,  was 
to  stop  his  carriage  at  the  ambassador's  door,  and  or- 
der his  name  to  be  written  in  the  porter's  book. 
This  ceremony  he  performed  accordingly.  "  I  thought 
no  more  of  the  matter,"  said  he,  "till  the  servant, 
who  brought  the  card,  came  in  great  affliction,  saying 
he  was  like  to  be  ruined,  and  wishing  to  obtain  from 
me  a  paper,  of  I  know  not  what  kind,  for  I  did  not 
see  him.  In  the  afternoon  came  my  friend,  Mr.  Le 
Roy,  who  is  also  a  friend  of  the  Prince's,  telling  me 
how  much  he,  the  Prince,  was  concerned  at  the  ac- 
cident, that  both  himself  and  the  Count  had  great 
personal  regard  for  me  and  my  character,  but  that, 
our  independence  not  yet  being  acknowledged  by  the 
court  of  Russia,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  permit 
himself  to  make  me  a  visit  as  minister.  I  told  M. 
Le  Roy  it  was  not  my  custom  to  seek  such  honors, 
though  I  was  very  sensible  of  them  when  conferred 


^x.  72.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  437 

upon  me;  that  I  should  not  have  voluntarily  intruded 
a  visit,  and  that,  in  this  case,  I  had  only  done  what 
I  was  informed  the  etiquette  required  of  me ;  but,  if  it 
would  be  attended  with  any  inconvenience  to  Prince 
Bariatinski,  whom  I  much  esteemed  and  respected,  I 
thought  the  remedy  was  easy;  he  had  only  to  erase 
my  name  out  of  his  book  of  visits  received,  and  I 
would  burn  their  card." 


KK 


438  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1778. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Preparations  for  War  between  France  and  England.  —  M.  Gerard.  — 
Mr.  John  Adams.  —  Secret  Advances  made  to  Dr.  Franklin  for  ef- 
fecting a  Reconciliation  between  England  and  the  United  States. — 
Mr.  Hutton.  —  Mr.  Pulteney. — Mr.  Hartley.  —  An  Emissary  in  Dis- 
guise.—  Franklin's  personal  Friends  in  Paris.  —  Interview  with  Vol- 
taire.—  Franklin  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Court  of 
France. — Machinations  of  his  Enemies  to  procure  his  Recall.  —  Mr. 
Arthur  Lee,  —  Mr.  Ralph  Izard.  —  Visit  of  Sir  William  Jones  to  Paris. 
—  Franklin  instructs  the  American  Cruisers  not  to  seize  Captain  Cook'a 
Vessel.  —  Grants  Passports  to  Vessels  carrying  Supplies  to  the  Mo- 
ravian Missionaries  on  the  Coast  of  Labrador.  —  Paul  Jones.  —  The 
Marquis  de  Lafayette. — Paper  on  the  Aurora  Borealis.  —  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Davy. — Mr.  Vaughan's  Edition  of  Franklin's  Political  and  Mis- 
cellaneous Writings. 

THE  French  ambassador  in  London,  as  instructed 
by  his  court,  informed  the  British  ministry,  that  a  trea- 
ty of  amity  and  commerce  had  been  concluded  be- 
tween France  and  the  United  States.  This  was  con- 
sidered tantamount  to  a  declaration  of  war,  and  Lord 
Stormont  was  directed  to  withdraw  from  Paris.  Anti- 
cipating this  event,  the  court  of  Versailles  had  already 
begun  to  prepare  for  hostilities.  A  squadron  was  fit- 
ted out  at  Toulon,  under  the  command  of  Count 
d'Estaing,  which  sailed  from  that  port  for  America 
about  the  middle  of  April.  M.  Gerard  and  Mr.  Deane 
were  passengers  on  board  the  admiral's  ship.  The 
former  went  out  as  minister  to  the  United  States ;  the 
latter  had  been  recalled,  in  consequence  of  the  agree- 
ments he  had  entered  into  with  French  officers  for 
their  serving  in  the  American  army,  by  which  Con- 
gress had  been  much  embarrassed.  His  successor 
was  Mr.  John  Adams,  who  arrived  in  Paris  just  at 
the  time  of  Mr.  Deane's  departure. 

The  British  ministers  were  now  convinced,  that  the 


^Er.  72.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  439 

contest  was  likely  to  be  of  longer  duration  and  more 
serious  than  they  had  apprehended.  There  was  little 
doubt  that  Spain  would  soon  follow  the  example  of 
France.  A  reconciliation  with  the  Americans,  there- 
fore, on  such  terms  as  would  comport  with  the  dig- 
nity of  Parliament  and  the  interests  of  the  crown,  was 
a  thing  most  ardently  to  be  desired.  After  warm  de- 
bates in  Parliament,  it  was  resolved  to  despatch  com- 
missioners to  treat  with  Congress,  invested  with  such 
powers  as,  it  was  fondly  hoped,  would  insure  their 
success. 

In  the  mean  time  other  measures  were  put  in  op- 
eration to  effect  the  same  end  through  the  instrumen- 
tality of  secret  agents.  Their  advances  were  chiefly 
made  to  Dr.  Franklin.  Even  before  the  treaties  were 
signed,  an  emissary  of  this  description  appeared  in 
Paris,  who  endeavoured  to  obtain  from  him  proposi- 
tions, which  he  might  carry  back  to  England.  This 
was  Mr.  Hutton,  secretary  to  the  Society  of  Moravi- 
ans; an  old  friend,  for  whom  he  had  great  esteem;  a 
grave  man,  advanced  in  years,  respected  for  his  vir- 
tues, and  possessing  the  confidence  of  persons  in  pow- 
er. Franklin  replied,  that  neither  he  nor  his  colleagues 
had  any  authority  to  propose  terms,  although  they 
could  listen  to  such  as  should  be  offered,  and  could 
treat  of  peace  whenever  proposals  should  be  made. 
Mr.  Hutton  returned  to  London,  and  immediately  wrote 
to  him,  renewing  his  request  for  some  hints  or  sug- 
gestions upon  which  he  might  proceed,  and  adding, 
that  he  believed  every  thing  satisfactory  to  the  Amer- 
icans, short  of  independence,  might  be  obtained. 

Dr.  Franklin  was  still  reserved,  however,  and  only 
intimated,  that  a  peace  could  not  be  expected  while 
the  cabinet  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  continued 
in  their  present  temper.  Mr.  Hutton  had  asked  his 


440  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1778. 

advice.  He  answered ;  "  I  think  it  is  Ariosto  who 
says,  that  all  things  lost  on  earth  are  to  be  found  in 
the  moon ;  on  which  somebody  remarked,  that  there 
must  be  a  great  deal  of  good  advice  in  the  moon. 
If  so,  there  is  a  good  deal  of  mine,  formerly  given  and 
lost  in  this  business.  I  will,  however,  at  your  request 
give  a  little  more,  but  without  the  least  expectation 
that  it  will  be  followed ;  for  none  but  God  can  at  the 
same  time  give  good  counsel,  and  wisdom  to  make 
use  of  it."  He  then  mentioned,  certain  terms,  which 
he  said  it  would  be  good  policy  for  the  British  gov- 
ernment to  propose,  if  they  meant  to  recover  the  re- 
spect and  affection  of  the  Americans. 

Mr.  Hutton  was  followed  by  Mr.  William  Pulteney, 
a  member  of  Parliament,  who  assumed  in  Paris  the 
name  of  Williams,  and  who  was  understood  to  have 
come  from  Lord  North,  although  not  invested  with 
any  official  character.  He  held  a  long  conversa- 
tion with  Dr.  Franklin,  and  presented  to  him  a  pa- 
per containing  the  outlines  of  a  treaty.  Franklin  told 
him  at  once,  that  every  plan  of  reconciliation  implying 
a  voluntary  return  of  the  United  States  to  a  depend- 
ence on  Great  Britain  was  now  become  impossible. 

"I  see,"  he  remarked,  "by  the  propositions  you 
have  communicated  to  me,  that  the  ministers  cannot 
yet  divest  themselves  of  the  idea,  that  the  power  of 
Parliament  over  us  is  constitutionally  absolute  and  un- 
limited; and  that  the  limitations  they  may  be  willing 
now  to  put  to  it  by  treaty  are  so  many  favors,  or  so 
many  benefits,  for  which  we  are  to  make  compensation. 

"As  our  opinions  in  America  are  totally  different,  a 
treaty  on  the  terms  proposed  appears  to  me  utterly 
impracticable,  either  here  or  there.  Here  we  certain- 
ly cannot  make  it,  having  not  the  smallest  authority 
to  make  even  the  declaration  specified  in  the  proposed 


JET.  72.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  441 

letter,  without  which,  if  I  understood  you  right,  treat- 
ing with  us  cannot  be  commenced. 

"I  sincerely  wish  as  much  for  peace  as  you  do,  and 
I  have  enough  remaining  of  good  will  for  England  to 
wish  it  for  her  sake  as  well  as  for  our  own,  and  for 
the  sake  of  humanity.  In  the  present  state  of  things, 
the  proper  means  of  obtaining  it,  in  my  opinion,  are, 
to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
and  then  enter  at  once  into  a  treaty  with  us  for  a 
suspension  of  arms,  with  the  usual  provisions  relating 
to  distances  ;  and  another  for  establishing  peace,  friend- 
ship, and  commerce,  such  as  France  has  made."* 

The  ministry  were  not  discouraged  by  the  failure 
of  these  attempts.  Mr.  David  Hartley,  likewise  a  mem- 
ber of  Parliament,  was  next  employed  on  a  similar 
mission.  He  had  opposed  all  the  measures  of  gov- 
ernment in  .relation  to  the  American  war;  but  his 
character  was  so  high  and  honorable,  that  he  was 
confided  in  by  both  parties.  An  intimate  friendship 
between  him  and  Dr.  Franklin,  formed  while  the  lat- 
ter resided  in  England,  had  been  preserved  ever  since 
by  a  correspondence  on  public  and  private  affairs. 
His  benevolence  and  philanthropy  were  eminently  mani- 
fested during  the  war,  by  the  lively  interest  he  took 
in  the  condition  of  the  American  prisoners  in  England. 
He  visited  them  often,  collected  money  by  subscrip- 


*  Mr.  Pulteney  had  recently  published  a  pamphlet,  entitled,  "  Thoughts 
on  the  Present  State  of  Affairs  with  America,  and  the  Means  of  Con- 
ciliation." Tho  author's  views  are  expressed  with  moderation  and  ap- 
parent candor.  He  disapproves  the  scheme  of  Parliamentary  taxation, 
which  had  brought  on  the  controversy,  although  he  thinks  the  Ameri- 
cans had  taken  unjustifiable  grounds  in  their  opposition ;  and  he  en- 
deavours to  show,  that  they  did  not  aim  at  independence,  till  after  the 
petitions  of  Congress  to  the  King  had  been  rejected.  He  fortifies  his 
remarks  by  Dr.  Franklin's  celebrated  letters  to  Governor  Shirley,  which 
are  appended  to  the  pamphlet. 

VOL.  i.  56 


442  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1778. 

tion  for  their  relief,  interceded  with  the  ministers  in 
their  behalf,  and  used  his  unremitted  efforts  at  various 
times  to  procure  their  excnange.  He  was  very  prop- 
erly selected,  therefore,  as  a  suitable  person  to  elicit 
Dr.  Franklin's  views  on  the  subject  of  a  reconciliation. 
He  did  not  propose  terms,  but  inquired,  "Whether 
America  would  not,  to  obtain  peace,  grant  some  su- 
perior advantages  in  trade  to  Britain,  and  enter  into 
an  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive ;  and  whether,  if 
war  should  be  declared  against  France,  the  Americans 
had  bound  themselves  by  treaty,  to  join  with  her 
against  England."  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add, 
that  the  first  of  these  queries  was  answered  in  the 
negative.  As  to  the  second,  Dr.  Franklin  assured  his 
friend,  that  peace,  while  a  war  was  waged  against 
France  on  account  of  her  alliance  with  America,  was 
impossible.  In  short,  Mr.  Hartley  obtained  no  more 
satisfaction  than  his  predecessors. 

When  he  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  Paris,  he 
wrote  a  note  to  Dr.  Franklin,  in  which  he  said;  "If 
tempestuous  times  should  come,  take  care  of  your  own 
safety ;  events  are  uncertain,  and  men  are  capricious." 
"I  thank  you  for  your  kind  caution,"  said  Franklin  in 
reply ;  "  but,  having  nearly  finished  a  long  life,  I  set 
but  little  value  upon  what  remains  of  it.  Like  a  dra- 
per, when  one  chaffers  with  him  for  a  remnant,  I  am 
ready  to  say,  '  As  it  is  only  a  fag  end,  I  will  not  dif- 
fer with  you  about  it ;  take  it  for  what  you  please.* 
Perhaps  the  best  use  such  an  old  fellow  can  be  put 
to,  is  to  make  a  martyr  of  him."  It  was  rumored, 
also,  that  he  was  surrounded  with  spies.  Some  time 
after  the  date  of  the  above  note,  an  anonymous  letter 
came  to  a  friend  of  his  in  Paris,  written  in  cipher,  and 
containing  the  following  passage.  "Mr.  Hartley  told 
Lord  Camden  this  morning,  that  he  was  sure  the 


jET.  72.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  443 

commissioners,  and  particularly  Dr.  Franklin,  were  much 
disconcerted  at  Paris;  for  they  might  as  well  live  in 
the  Bastille,  as  be  exposed,  as  they  are,  to  the  per- 
petual observation  of  French  ministerial  spies.  This 
must  not,  however,  be  repeated."  The  letter  was  con- 
veyed to  Dr.  Franklin,  who  replied ;  "  Be  so  good  as 
to  answer  our  friend,  that  it  is  impossible  Mr.  Hart- 
ley could  have  said  what  is  here  represented,  no  such 
thing  having  ever  been  intimated  to  him ;  nor  has  the 
least  idea  of  the  kind  ever  been  in  the  minds  of  the 
commissioners,  particularly  Dr.  Franklin,  who  does  not 
care  how  many  spies  are  placed  about  him  by  the 
court  of  France,  having  nothing  to  conceal  from  them." 
A  more  formidable  advance  was  made  soon  after 
by  a  secret  agent  under  a  fictitious  name.  It  was 
now  thought  proper  to  mingle  threats  with  persuasion. 
Dr.  Franklin  received  a  long  letter  dated  at  Brussels, 
and  signed  Charles  de  Weissenslein,  in  which  was 
sketched  not  only  a  plan  of  reconciliation,  but  the  form 
of  a  future  government  in  America.  The  writer  speaks 
disparagingly  of  the  French,  and  says  they  will  cer- 
tainly deceive  and  betray  their  allies ;  and  he  repre- 
sents the  power  of  England  as  invincible,  by  which 
the  colonies  would  inevitably  be  overwhelmed,  if  they 
continued  obstinate  in  their  resistance.  He  affirms 
that  Parliament  would  never  be  induced  to  acknowl- 
edge their  independence,  and  that,  if  such  a  thing 
were  possible,  the  people  of  England  would  never 
submit  to  it.  "Our  title  to  the  empire,"  he  says,  "is 
indisputable ;  it  will  be  asserted,  either  by  ourselves 
or  successors,  whenever  occasion  presents.  We  may 
stop  awhile  in  our  pursuit  to  recover  breath,  but  we 
shall  assuredly  resume  our  career  again."  After  these 
threats,  he  holds  out  temptations.  By  the  new  plan 
of  government,  now  proposed,  the  Americans  were  to 


444  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1778. 

have  a  Congress,  which  should  assemble  once  in  sev- 
en years,  or  oftener,  if  his  Majesty  should  think  fit 
to  summon  it;  the  distinguished  men,  like  Franklin, 
Washington,  and  Adams,  were  to  have  offices  or  pen- 
sions for  life ;  and  perhaps  there  would  be  an  Ameri- 
can peerage,  by  which  honorary  rewards  would  be 
duly  distributed. 

There  was  little  doubt  in  Franklin's  mind,  that  this 
agent  was  in  Paris,  although  his  letter  was  dated  at 
Brussels.  He  had  good  reason  for  believing,  that  he 
acted  by  the  direction  of  the  British  ministry,  and  he 
framed  his  answer  accordingly. 

"You  think  we  flatter  ourselves,"  said  he,  "and 
are  deceived  into  an  opinion  that  England  must  ac- 
knowledge our  independency.  We,  on  the  other  hand, 
think  you  flatter  yourselves  in  imagining  such  an  ac- 
knowledgment a  vast  boon,  which  we  strongly  desire, 
and  which  you  may  gain  some  great  advantage  by 
granting  or  withholding.  We  have  never  asked  it  of 
you ;  we  only  tell  you,  that  you  can  have  no  treaty 
with  us  but  as  an  independent  state;  and  you  may 
please  yourselves  and  your  children  with  the  rattle  of 
your  right  to  govern  us,  as  long  as  you  have  done 
with  that  of  your  King's  being  King  of  France,  with- 
out giving  us  the  least  concern,  if  you  do  not  attempt 
to  exercise  it." 

"Your  true  way  to  obtain  peace,  if  your  ministers 
desire  it,  is,  to  propose  openly  to  the  Congress  fair 
and  equal  terms,  and  you  may  possibly  come  sooner 
to  such  a  resolution,  when  you  find,  that  personal 
flatteries,  general  cajolings,  and  panegyrics  on  our  vir- 
tue and  wisdom  are  not  likely  to  have  the  effect  you 
seem  to  expect ;  the  persuading  us  to  act  basely  and 
foolishly,  in  betraying  our  country  and  posterity  into 
the  hands  of  our  most  bitter  enemies,  giving  up  or 


jET.  72.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  445 

selling  our  arms  and  warlike  stores,  dismissing  our 
ships  of  war  and  troops,  and  putting  those  enemies 
in  possession  of  our  forts  and  ports." 

The  idea  of  offices,  pensions,  and  a  peerage,  he 
treated  with  a  cutting  severity  of  ridicule  and  sarcasm. 
Indeed,  the  whole  letter  is  one  of  the  best  specimens 
of  the  writer's  peculiar  clearness  and  vigor  of  thought 
and  felicity  of  style. 

Having  now  been  in  France  eighteen  months,  Dr. 
Franklin  had  attracted  around  him  a  large  number  of 
personal  friends.  Among  these  were  Turgot,  Buffon, 
D'Alembert,  Condorcet,  La  Rochefoucauld,  Vicq  d'Azyr, 
Cabanis,  Le  Roy,  Morellet,  Raynal,  Mably,  and  many 
others,  who  were  conspicuous  in  the  political,  scientific, 
and  literary  circles  of  the  great  metropolis  of  France. 
He  was  often  present  at  the  meetings  of  the  Academy, 
where  he  was  honored  with  every  mark  of  considera- 
tion and  respect.  When  Voltaire  came  to  Paris  for 
the  last  time,  to  be  idolized  and  to  die,  he  expressed 
a  desire  to  see  the  American  philosopher.  An  inter- 
view took  place.  Voltaire  accosted  him  in  English, 
and  pursued  the  conversation  in  that  language.  Ma- 
dame Denis  interrupted  him  by  saying,  that  Dr.  Frank- 
lin understood  French,  and  that  the  rest  of  the  com- 
pany wished  to  know  the  subject  of  their  discourse. 
"Excuse  me,  my  dear,"  he  replied,  "I  have  the  vani- 
ty to  show  that  I  am  not  unacquainted  with  the  lan- 
guage of  a  Franklin." 

The  business  of  the  commissioners  continued  nearly 
the  same  as  it  had  been  before  the  treaty  of  alliance. 
There  was  more  to  be  done  in  maritime  affairs,  be- 
cause American  vessels  were  then  freely  admitted  in- 
to the  French  ports.  Cases  of  capture  and  of  the  sale 
of  prizes  were  referred  to  them  for  their  decision. 
With  the  loans  obtained  from  the  French  government, 

VOL.    I.  LL 


446  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1778 

and  comparatively  small  remittances  from  America,  they 
were  enabled  to  refit  public  vessels,  purchase  military 
supplies  for  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States, 
contribute  to  the  relief  of  American  prisoners  in  Eng- 
land, and  pay  the  drafts  of  Congress.  In  all  these 
transactions  Dr.  Franklin  found  an  able,  zealous,  and 
active  coadjutor  in  Mr.  Adams.* 

Both  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams  had  represented 
to  Congress  the  inexpediency  of  employing  three  com- 

*  Dr.  Franklin  was  subject  to  visits  and  calls  from  all  descriptions 
of  persons,  making  applications  and  inquiries  without  number.  The  fol- 
lowing is  the  journal  of  a  day. 

Passy,  December  13th,  1778.  "  A  man  came  to  tell  me  he  had  in- 
vented a  machine,  which  would  go  of  itself,  without  the  help  of  a 
spring,  weight,  air,  water,  or  any  of  the  elements,  or  the  labor  of 
man  or  beast,  and  with  force  sufficient  to  work  four  machines  for  cut- 
ting tobacco ;  that  he  had  experienced  it ;  would  show  it  me  if  I  would 
come  to  his  house,  and  would  sell  the  secret  of  it  for  two  hundred 
louis.  I  doubted  it,  but  promised  to  go  to  him  in  order  to  see  it. 

"  A  Monsieur  Coder  came  with  a  proposition  in  writing,  to  levy  six 
hundred  men,  to  be  employed  in  landing  on  the  coast  of  England  and 
Scotland,  to  burn  and  ransom  towns  and  villages,  in  order  to  put  a  stop 
to  the  English  proceedings  in  that  way  in  America.  I  thanked  him, 
and  told  him  I  could  not  approve  it,  nor  had  I  any  money  at  command 
for  such  purposes;  moreover,  that  it  would  not  be  permitted  by  the 
government  here. 

"  A  man  came  with  a  request  that  I  would  patronize,  and  recommend 
to  government,  an  invention  he  had,  whereby  a  hussar  might  so  con- 
ceal his  arms  and  habiliments,  with  provision  for  twenty-four  hours,  as 
to  appear  a  common  traveller;  by  which  means  a  considerable  body 
might  be  admitted  into  a  town,  one  at  a  time,  unsuspected,  and,  after- 
wards assembling,  surprise  it.  I  told  him  I  was  not  a  military  man,  of 
course  no  judge  of  such  matters,  and  advised  him  to  apply  to  the  Bu- 
reau de  la  Guerre.  He  said  he  had  no  friends,  and  so  could  procure 
no  attention.  The  number  of  wild  schemes  proposed  to  me  is  so  great, 
and  they  have  heretofore  taken  so  much  of  my  time,  that  I  begin  to 
reject  all,  though  possibly  some  of  them  may  be  worth  notice. 

"  Received  a  parcel  from  an  unknown  philosopher,  who  submits  to 
my  consideration  a  memoir  on  the  subject  of  elementary  fire,  containing 
experiments  in  a  dark  chamber.  It  seems  to  be  well  written,  and  is  in 
English,  with  a  little  tincture  of  French  idiom.  I  wish  to  see  the  ex- 
periments, without  which  I  cannot  well  judge  of  it" 

This  "  unknown  philosopher"  was  ascertained  to  be  Marat,  afterwards 


JEt.  72.]  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  447 

missioners  in  a  service,  the  duties  of  which  might  be 
discharged  with  equal  facility  and  at  less  expense  by 
one.  In  conformity  with  this  suggestion,  Dr.  Franklin 
was  appointed  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of 
France  on  the  14th  of  September.  The  commission 
was  dissolved,  and  Mr.  Adams  returned  to  America. 
Mr.  Lee  stayed  some  time  longer,  holding  nominally 
a  commission  to  Spain,  but  never  going  to  that  court. 

It  is  not  the  design  of  this  narrative,  nor  is  it  pos- 
sible within  the  limits  prescribed,  to  write  a  history 
of  the  public  transactions  in  which  Dr.  Franklin  was 
concerned.  Some  of  the  more  prominent  incidents, 
and  those  of  a  personal  nature,  are  all  that  can  be 
introduced.  But  justice  to  his  memory,  as  well  as 
gratitude  for  the  great  services  he  rendered  to  his 
country,  require,  that  some  of  the  particulars  should 
be  stated  in  regard  to  the  means  that  were  used  to 
embarrass  his  proceedings  and  injure  his  character; 

Among  those,  who  took  upon  themselves  this  un- 
worthy task,  the  most  active  and  persevering  was 
Mr.  Arthur  Lee.  This  gentleman  was  a  Virginian  by 
birth,  a  brother  of  Richard  Henry  Lee.  A  few  years 
before  the  war  broke  out,  he  went  to  London,  stud- 
ied law  in  the  Temple,  and  commenced  practice.  His 
talents  and  attainments  were  respectable,  he  was  a 
good  writer,  and  supported  the  cause  of  his  country 
with  ardor  and  a  uniform  consistency.  But  his  temper 
was  restless  and  vehement.  Jealous  of  his  rivals  and 
distrustful  of  everybody,  he  involved  himself,  and  those 
connected  with  him,  in  a  succession  of  disputes  and 
difficulties. 

of  notorious  memory.  At  this  time  he  was  devoted  to  philosophical 
studies,  and  he  wrote  several  treatises  on  light,  heat,  and  electricity, 
which  are  praised  by  his  biographers  for  their  matter  and  style.  He 
occasionally  invited  Dr.  Franklin,  and  other  men  of  science,  to  see  his 
experiments. 


448  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1778. 

His  hostility  to  Franklin  showed  itself  at  an  early 
date.  It  has  been  seen  above,  that,  when  Dr.  Frank- 
lin was  appointed  agent  for  Massachusetts  at  the  court 
of  London,  Mr.  Lee  was  nominated  to  be  his  succes- 
sor whenever  he  should  retire.  Circumstances  detain- 
ed him*1  longer  in  England  than  he  had  expected. 
Mr.  Lee  grew  impatient,  and  fearing,  as  he  said,  that 
Dr.  Franklin  would  never  depart  "till  he  was  gath- 
ered to  his  fathers,"  he  resorted  to  the  dishonorable 
artifice  of  writing  letters  to  one  of  the  principal  mem- 
bers of  the  Massachusetts  legislature,  filled  with  charges 
against  him  in  regard  to  his  official  conduct,  as  desti- 
tute of  foundation  in  point  of  fact,  as  they  were  of 
candor  and  propriety.  This  was  the  more  reprehen- 
sible, as  Dr.  Franklin  consulted  him  on  proper  occa- 
sions respecting  the  affairs  of  the  colony,  treated  him 
as  a  friend  and  considered  him  as  such,  and  spoke 
favorably  of  him  in  his  correspondence.  It  is  true, 
that  these  charges  did  not  then  produce  the  effect 
desired  by  Mr.  Lee ;  yet  they  gave  rise  to  suspicions, 
which  long  existed  in  the  minds  of  the  prominent 
men  of  Massachusetts,  and  which  wrere  utterly  with- 
out any  just  cause. 

Before  Dr.  Franklin's  arrival  in  France,  Mr.  Lee 
had  fallen  into  a  quarrel  with  Mr.  Deane.  Some 
months  previously,  Beaumarchais  had  consulted  him  in 
London  with  respect  to  the  best  mode  of  forwarding 
secret  aids  to  the  United  States.  A  plan  was  partly 
matured,  in  which  Mr.  Lee  supposed  he  was  to  be  a 
principal  actor.  But,  when  Mr.  Deane  appeared  in 
Paris,  as  an  agent  from  Congress,  the  plan  was  changed, 
and  Beaumarchais  completed  his  arrangements  directly 
with  him,  because  he  was  the  only  person  in  Europe 
authorized  by  Congress  to  enter  into  contracts  on 
their  account.  Mr.  Lee,  hearing  of  this  change,  has- 


JEr.  72.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  449 

tened  over  to  Paris,  accused  Mr.  Deane  of  interfering 
in  his  affairs,  and  endeavoured  to  stir  up  a  contention 
between  him  and  Beaumarchais.  Failing  in  this  at- 
tempt, he  returned  to  London,  vexed  at  his  disap- 
pointment and  angry  with  Mr.  Deane. 

Such  was  the  disposition  of  Mr.  Lee  towards  his 
associates,  when  the  commissioners  met  in  Paris.  For 
seven  or  eight  months  there  was  an  apparent  harmo- 
ny, for  Mr.  Lee  was  absent  the  most  of  the  time  in 
Spain  and  Germany,  and  the  business  was  transacted 
by  Franklin  and  Deane.  But  no  sooner  had  he  again 
joined  his  colleagues,  than  his  suspicious  temper  and 
aspiring  ambition  raised  up  new  troubles,  and  he  be- 
gan to  foment  discords  both  in  Europe  and  America, 
which  ultimately  threatened  alarming  consequences  to 
the  foreign  affairs  of  the  United  States.  He  was  dis- 
satisfied with  all  that  his  colleagues  had  done,  found 
fault  with  their  contracts,  and  more  than  insinuated 
that  they  had  been  heedlessly  extravagant,  partial  to 
friends,  and  indulgent  to  themselves,  in  the  expendi- 
ture of  public  money.  This  was  not  the  worst.  His 
letters  to  members  of  Congress  teemed  with  charges 
and  insinuations,  which,  although  they  were  not  sus- 
tained by  any  positive  evidence,  could  not  fail  to  pro- 
duce impressions  as  erroneous,  as  they  were  unjust 
to  those,  whom  he  chose  to  consider  his  enemies, 
and  whom  he  believed  to  stand  in  his  way. 

As  early  as  October,  1777,  his  designs  were  un- 
folded in  letters  to  his  brothers,  and  to  Samuel  Ad- 
ams, who  were  then  members  of  Congress.  He  rep- 
resents the  American  affairs  in  France  to  be  in  the 
utmost  disorder  and  confusion,  by  the  negligence  and 
faithlessness  of  his  associate  commissioners,  who  would 
pay  no  regard  to  his  counsels  and  admonitions,  and 
whom  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  control;  and  he 

VOL.  I.  57  LL* 


450  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1778. 

then  begs  his  friends  to  remember,  that,  if  there  should 
be  a  question  in  Congress  about  his  destination,  he 
should  "prefer  being  at  the  court  of  France"  for  he 
had  discovered  that  court  to  be  "  the  great  wheel," 
by  which  all  the  others  were  moved.  He  recom- 
mended that  Dr.  Franklin  should  be  sent  to  Vienna, 
and  Mr.  Deane  to  Holland.  "In  that  case,"  said  he, 
"I  should  have  it  in  my  power  to  call  those  to  an 
account,  through  whose  hands  I  know  the  public  mon- 
ey has  passed,  and  which  will  either  never  be  account- 
ed for,  or  misaccounted  for,  by  connivance  between 
those,  who  are  to  share  in  the  public  plunder.  If 
this  scheme  can  be  executed,  it  will  disconcert  all  the 
plans  at  one  stroke,  without  an  appearance  of  inten- 
tion^ and  save  both  the  public  and  me."  These  hints 
and  insinuations  require  no  comment. 

He  continued  the  same  manoeuvres  for  several 
months.  At  one  time  he  intimated,  that  Dr.  Franklin 
had  sent  out  a  public  vessel  on  a  "  cruising  job,"  in 
the  profits  of  which  he  was  to  share ;  and,  at  another, 
that  he  and  the  American  banker  in  Paris,  were  in  a 
league  to  defraud  the  public,  and  to  put  money  into 
their  own  pockets.  It  is  needless  to  say,  that  there 
was  not  one  word  of  truth  in  these  charges,  nor  any 
grounds  for  them,  except  in  Mr.  Lee's  heated  pas- 
sions, distempered  imagination,  and  ambitious  hopes. 
He  did  not  succeed  in  his  schemes,  but  he  was  not 
the  less  pertinacious  in  pursuing  them.  His  letters 
produced  a  mischievous  influence,  fanning  the  flame 
of  party,  and  exciting  suspicions  of  almost  every  pub- 
lic agent  abroad,  whom  he  did  not  regard  as  subser- 
vient to  his  views.  It  is  scarcely  too  much  to  say, 
that  the  divisions  and  feuds,  which  reigned  for  a  long 
time  in  Congress,  with  respect  to  the  foreign  affairs 


.ET.  72.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  451 

of  the  United  States,  are  to  be  ascribed  more  to  this 
malign  influence,  than  to  all  other  causes.* 

Another  individual,  who  placed  himself  among  the 
foremost  of  Dr.  Franklin's  enemies,  was  Mr.  Ralph 
Izard.  He  imbibed  his  prejudices  in  the  first  instance 
from  Mr.  Lee.  He  resided  nearly  two  years  in  Paris 
as  commissioner  from  the  United  States  to  the  court 
of  Tuscany ;  but,  having  no  direct  intercourse  with  that 
court,  and  no  encouragement  that  he  would  be  re- 
ceived there,  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  render  any 
public  service,  and  he  was  at  length  recalled. 

There  were  two  causes  of  his  enmity  to  Franklin. 
Whilst  the  treaties  were  negotiating  with  France,  he 
conceived  that  he  ought  to  be  consulted,  in  virtue  of 
his  commission  to  another  court ;  he  complained  of 
being  overlooked,  and  demanded  an  explanation.  Not 
recognising  his  authority  to  make  such  a  demand,  Dr. 
Franklin  was  tardy  in  answering  it;  and  Mr.  Izard 
chose  to  look  upon  this  remissness  as  a  slight,  and  to 
assume  it  as  the  ground  of  a  quarrel.  On  this  point 
it  is  enough  to  say,  that  he  was  not  in  the  commis- 
sion for  treating  with  France,  and  could  not,  with  the 
least  propriety,  claim  to  be  consulted  in  the  negotia- 
tion. Again,  after  Dr.  Franklin  became  minister  pleni- 
potentiary, the  drafts  for  public  money  expended  in 
Europe  passed  through  his  hands.  He  was  to  pay 
the  salaries  of  the  American  commissioners  at  other 
courts.  He  paid  to  Mr.  Izard  about  twelve  thousand 
dollars,  and,  there  being  no  prospect  of  his  going  to 
the  court  of  Tuscany,  he  declined  accepting  further 
drafts,  till  he  should  receive  such  instructions  from 
Congress  as  would  meet  the  case.  Mr.  Izard's  pride 

*  For  additional  facts  in  proof  of  what  is  here  said  of  Mr.  Lee,  and 
of  his  mode  of  attacking  Dr.  Franklin,  the  reader  is  referred  to  Vol. 
VIII.  pp.  57,  257,  444. 


452  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1779 

was  wounded  by  this  refusal.  He  neither  suppressed 
nor  concealed  his  resentment ;  and  he  never  practised 
any  reserve  in  avowing  his  settled  hostility  to  Dr. 
Franklin.  * 

The  imputations  of  these  gentlemen,  and  of  some 
others  with  whom  they  were  allied  in  opinions  and 
sympathy,  reiterated  in  letters  to  members  of  Con- 
gress, would  necessarily  produce  a  strong  impression, 
especially  as  Dr.  Franklin  took  no  pains  whatever  to 
vindicate  himself,  or  to  counteract  the  arts  of  his  ene- 
mies. He  was  not  ignorant  of  their  proceedings.  The 
substance  of  their  letters,  which  the  writers  seemed 
not  to  desire  should  be  kept  secret,  was  communicat- 
ed to  him  by  his  friends,  f  Relying  on  his  character, 
and  conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  his  course,  he  al- 
lowed them  to  waste  their  strength  in  using  their 
own  weapons,  and  never  condescended  to  repel  their 
charges  or  explain  his  conduct.  This  apparent  apa- 
thy on  his  part  contributed  to  give  countenance  to  the 
suspicions,  which  had  been  infused  into  the  minds  of 
many,  by  the  persevering  industry  of  his  adversaries. 
At  one  time  those  suspicions  had  gained  so  much  as- 
cendancy, that  his  recall  was  proposed  in  Congress. 
There  were  thirty-five  members  present,  eight  of 
whom  voted  for  his  recall,  and  twenty-seven  against 
it.  Some  of  the  latter  were  probably  not  his  friends, 

*  His  daughter  said,  in  a  letter  to  him,  after  referring  to  some  of 
these  particulars ;  "  Your  friends  thought  it  best  you  should  know  what 
is  doing  on  this  side  of  the  water,  what  wicked  things  pride  and  am- 
bition make  people  do;  but  I  hope  these  envious  men  will  be  disap- 
pointed in  every  scheme  of  theirs  to  lessen  your  character,  or  to  sep- 
arate you  from  those  you  love.  Your  knowing  their  intentions  in  time 
may  be  a  means  of  disappointing  them  in  their  plan."  —  Philadelphia, 
October  22d,  1778. 

f  See  Vol.  VIII.  250,  308,  388.  The  whole  burden  of  Mr.  Izard'a 
complaints  is  laid  open  in  his  letters  to  Congress.  —  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence, Vol.  II.  pp.  307-448. 


JEr.  73.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  453 

but  yielded  to  the  motives  of  a  patriotic  policy,  rath- 
er than  to  the  impulse  of  personal  feeling.  That  he 
was  the  best  man  to  fill  a  public  station  abroad, 
no  one  could  doubt;  that  he  should  be  sacrificed  to 
gratify  the  spleen  of  disappointed  ambition  and  of- 
fended pride,  few  could  reconcile  to  their  sense  of 
justice,  or  to  their  regard  for  the  true  interests  of 
their  country. 

It  is  interesting  to  see  in  what  manner  he  speaks 
of  his  enemies,  and  of  the  artifices  they  employed  to 
injure  him.  In  writing  to  the  Committee  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  eighteen  months  after  Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Izard 
began  their  opposition,  he  says  ;  "  Congress  have  wise- 
ly enjoined  the  ministers  in  Europe  to  agree  with  one 
another.  I  had  always  resolved  to  have  no  quarrel, 
and  have,  therefore,  made  it  a  constant  rule  to  an- 
swer no  angry,  affronting,  or  abusive  letters,  of  which 
I  have  received  many,  and  long  ones,  from  Mr.  Lee 
and  Mr.  Izard,  who,  I  understand,  and  see  indeed  by 
the  papers,  have  been  writing  liberally,  or  rather  illib- 
erally, against  me,  to  prevent,  as  one  of  them  says 
here,  any  impressions  my  writings  against  them  might 
occasion  to  their  prejudice ;  but  I  have  never  before 
mentioned  them  in  any  of  my  letters."  To  his  son- 
in-law,  who  had  informed  him  of  the  efforts  used 
against  him  by  certain  persons,  he  replies,  that  he  is 
"  very  easy "  about  these  efforts,  and  adds ;  "  I  trust 
in  the  justice  of  Congress,  that  they  will  listen  to  no 
accusations  against  me,  that  I  have  not  first  been  ac- 
quainted with,  and  had  an  opportunity  of  answering. 
I  know  those  gentlemen  have  plenty  of  ill  will  to  me, 
though  I  have  never  done  to  either  of  them  the 
smallest  injury,  or  given  the  least  just  cause  of  of- 
fence. But  my  too  great  reputation,  and  the  general 
good  will  this  people  have  for  me,  and  the  respect 


454  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1779. 

they  show  me,  and  even  the  compliments  they  make 
me,  all  grieve  those  unhappy  gentlemen." 

He  writes  in  a  similar  tone,  whenever  he  has  oc- 
casion to  allude  to  the  subject,  which  rarely  occurs, 
except  when  his  attention  is  called  to  it  by  his  cor- 
respondents. At  a  date  two  years  later  than  that  of 
the  above  extracts,  he  says  to  Mr.  Hopkinson ;  "  As 
to  the  friends  and  enemies  you  just  mention,  I  have 
hitherto,  thanks  to  God,  had  plenty  of  the  former 
kind ;  they  have  been  my  treasure ;  and  it  has  per- 
haps been  no  disadvantage  to  me,  that  I  have  had  a 
few  of  the  latter.  They  serve  to  put  us  upon  cor- 
recting the  faults  we  have,  and  avoiding  those  we  are 
in  danger  of  having.  They  counteract  the  mischiefs 
flattery  might  do  us,  and  their  malicious  attacks  make 
our  friends  more  zealous  in  serving  us  and  promoting 
our  interest.  At  present  I  do  not  know  more  than 
two  such  enemies  that  I  enjoy.*  I  deserved  the  en- 
mity of  the  latter,  because  I  might  have  avoided  it  by 
paying  him  a  compliment,  which  I  neglected.  That 
of  the  former  I  owe  to  the  people  of  France,  who 
happened  to  respect  me  too  much  and  him  too  little; 
which  I  could  bear,  and  he  could  not.  They  are  un- 
happy, that  they  cannot  make  everybody  hate  me  as 
much  as  they  do ;  and  I  should  be  so,  if  my  friends 
did  not  love  me  much  more  than  those  gentlemen  can 
possibly  love  one  another." 

The  British  ministry  were  still  intent  on  some  scheme 
of  reconciliation.  In  May,  1779,  Mr.  William  Jones, 
afterwards  Sir  William  Jones,  visited  Paris.  Dr.  Frank- 
lin had  been  acquainted  with  him  in  England  as  a 
member  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  an  intimate  friend 
of  the  Shipley  family.  Without  openly  avowing  him- 

*  The  names  of  the  persons  here  alluded   to  are  denoted  by  blanks 
in  the  printed  letter,  and  the  manuscript  has  not  been  found. 


<Er.  73.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  455 

self  an  authorized  agent,  he  contrived  to  insinuate 
ideas,  which  may  be  presumed  to  have  had  their  ori- 
gin in  a  higher  source.  He  put  into  Dr.  Franklin's 
hands  an  ingenious  paper,  which  he  called  a  Frag- 
ment of  Polybius,  purporting  to  have  been  taken  from 
a  treatise  by  that  historian  on  the  Athenian  govern- 
ment. It  relates  to  a  war  in  which  Athens  was  en- 
gaged with  the  Grecian  Islands,  then  in  alliance  with 
Caria.  A  close  parallel  is  drawn  between  this  pre- 
tended Grecian  war  and  the  actual  war  between  Eng- 
land, France,  and  the  United  States.  It  ends  with 
the  plan  of  a  treaty  proposed  by  the  Athenians,  which, 
by  merely  changing  the  names  of  the  parties,  is  in- 
tended to  apply  to  the  existing  situation  of  the  bel- 
ligerent powers.  The  performance  is  elaborated  with 
skill,  and  as  a  composition  it  shows  the  hand  of  a 
master.  The  terms  are  somewhat  more  favorable  to 
the  Americans,  than  any  that  had  been  before  sug- 
gested, but  the  idea  of  independence  is  not  admitted. 
Dr.  Franklin  was  ever  ready  to  promote  whatever 
could  be  useful  to  mankind.  When  Captain  Cook's 
vessel  was  about  to  return  from  a  voyage  of  discov- 
ery, he  wrote  a  circular  letter  to  the  commanders  of 
American  cruisers,  in  his  character  of  minister  pleni- 
potentiary, requesting,  them,  in  case  they  should  meet 
with  that  vessel,  not  to  capture  it,  nor  suffer  it  to  be 
detained  or  plundered  of  any  thing  on  board,  but  to 
"treat  the  captain  and  his  people  with  civility  and 
kindness,  affording  them,  as  common  friends  of  man- 
kind, all  the  assistance  in  their  power."  This  act  of 
magnanimity  was  properly  estimated  by  the  British 
government.  After  Cook's  Voyage  was  published,  a 
copy  of  the  work  was  sent  to  him  by  the  Board  of 
.Admiralty,  with  a  letter  from  Lord  Howe,  stating  that 
it  was  forwarded  with  the  approbation  of  the  King. 


456  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1779. 

One  of  the  gold  medals,  struck  by  the  Royal  Society 
in  honor  of  Captain  Cook,  was  likewise  presented  to 
him.* 

Acts  of  a  similar  kind  were  repeated  in  other  in- 
stances. There  was  a  settlement  of  Moravian  mis- 
sionaries on  the  coast  of  Labrador,  to  which  the  So- 
ciety in  London  annually  despatched  a  vessel  laden 
with  supplies.  Dr.  Franklin,  at  the  request  of  Mr. 
Hutton,  granted  a  passport  to  this  vessel,  which  was 
renewed  every  year  during  the  war.  He  afforded  the 
same  protection  to  a  vessel,  which  sailed  from  Dublin 
with  provisions  and  clothing  for  sufferers  in  the  West 
Indies,  contributed  by  charitable  persons  in  that  city. 

When  Paul  Jones  came  to  France,  after  his  cruise 
in  the  Ranger,  and  his  fortunate  action  with  the  Drake, 
a  British  sloop  of  war,  the  French  ministry  planned 
a  descent  upon  the  coast  of  England  by  a  naval  ar- 
mament combined  with  land  forces.  The  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,  wrho  had  recently  returned  from  America, 
where  he  had  won  laurels  by  his  bravery  and  good 
conduct  in  two  campaigns,  was  to  be  at  the  head  of 
the  expedition.  Paul  Jones  was  to  command  the 
squadron,  under  the  American  flag,  and  he  received 
his  instructions  from  Dr.  Franklin.  The  plan  was 
changed,  just  as  it  was  on  the  point  of  being  exe- 
cuted, in  cqnsequence  of  larger  designs  of  the  French 
cabinet ;  but  Jones  sailed  with  his  little  fleet  some 

*  Dr.  Kippis,  in  his  "Life  of  Captain  Cook,"  said,  that  Dr.  Frank- 
lin's circular  letter  was  disapproved  by  Congress,  and  that  orders  were 
sent  out  to  seize  the  vessel,  if  an  opportunity  should  occur.  Dr.  Bel- 
knap  took  pains  to  investigate  the  grounds  of  this  charge,  and  ascer- 
tained that  it  was  erroneous  in  every  particular.  Congress  neither  is- 
sued orders  nor  passed  any  resolve  on  the  subject.  The  facts  were 
communicated  to  Dr.  Kippis,  and  he  publicly  acknowledged  the  error, 
into  which  he  had  been  led  by  false  information.  See  the  Collections 
of  ihe  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  Vol.  IV.  pp.  79-85;  V.  p.  1 ;  and  the  Gen- 
llemarfs  Magazine  for  September,  1795,  p.  715. 


^Er.  73.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

time  afterwards,  met  the  enemy,  and  gained  a  bril- 
liant victory  in  the  well  known  and  desperate  engage- 
ment between  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  and  the  Sera- 
pis.  The  task  of  settling  the  affairs  of  his  cruise,  of 
reconciling  the  difficulties  between  him  and  Captain 
Landais,  who  was  the  second  in  command,  and  of 
deciding  on  the  conflicting  claims  for  prize  money,  de- 
volved on  Franklin. 

Notwithstanding  his  laborious  duties  in  the  public 
service,  he  found  time  to  bestow  some  attention  upon 
philosophical  studies;  and,  in  the  year  1779,  he  read 
a  paper  on  the  Aurora  Borealis  to  the  Royal  Acade- 
my of  Sciences  at  Paris,  in  which  he  professed  only 
to  advance  Suppositions  and  Conjectures  towards  form- 
ing an  hypothesis  for  its  explanation.  His  ideas  are 
original  and  curious,  though  his  conjectures  may  not 
perhaps  be  sustained  by  more  recent  discoveries.  He 
says  of  this  paper,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Priestley ;  "  If  it 
should  occasion  further  inquiry,  and  so  produce  a  bet- 
ter hypothesis,  it  will  not  be  wholly  useless."  He 
seeks  for  the  cause  of  this  phenomenon  in  electricity, 
and  supports  his  theory  by  plausible  reasons,  founded 
on  such  a  knowledge  of  the  science  and  of  facts  as 
then  existed.* 

It  was  also  in  the  course  of  this  year,  that  he 
communicated  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan,  of  London, 
materials  for  a  more  complete  collection  of  his  miscel- 

*  Sir  Humphrey  Davy  has  described,  with  an  acute  discrimination, 
the  predominant  characteristics  of  Franklin's  philosophical  writings. 
"  A  singular  felicity  of  induction  guided  aH  his  researches,  and  by  very 
small  means  he  established  very  grand  truths.  The  style  and  manner 
of  his  publication  on  Electricity  are  almost  as  worthy  of  admiration,  as 
the  doctrine  it  contains.  He  has  endeavoured  to  remove  all  mystery 
and  obscurity  from  the  subject.  He  has  written  equally  for  the  unin- 
itiated and  for  the  philosopher;  and  he  has  rendered  his  details  amusing 
as  well  as  perspicuous,  elegant  as  well  as  simple.  Science  appears  in 
his  language  in  a  dress  wonderfully  decorous,  the  best  adapted  to  dis- 

VOL.  I.  58  M  M 


458  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1779 

laneous  and  political  writings,  than  had  hitherto  ap- 
peared. Mr.  Vaughan's  edition  is  comprised  in  a 
single  volume,  but  it  possesses  the  merit  of  a  me- 
thodical arrangement,  and  of  having  judicious  and  ap- 
propriate notes,  explanatory  and  illustrative,  which  he 
was  enabled  to  render  accurate  and  valuable  by  his 
correspondence  with  the  author.* 

Doubting  his  powers  to  treat  of  peace,  under  his 
commission  of  plenipotentiary  to  France,  even  if  an 
opportunity  should  offer,  he  recommended  to  Con- 
gress to  appoint  a  minister  for  that  purpose,  and  in- 
vest him  with  the  requisite  powers.  The  appointment 
was  conferred  on  Mr.  John  Adams,  soon  after  his  re- 
turn to  the  United  States. 

play  her  native  loyeliness.  He  has  in  no  instance  exhibited  that  false 
dignity,  by  which  philosophy  is  kept  aloof  from  common  applications ; 
and  he  has  sought  rather  to  make  her  a  useful  inmate  and  servant  in 
the  common  habitations  of  man,  than  to  preserve  her  merely  as  an  ob- 
ject of  admiration  in  temples  and  palaces." 

*  The  volume  is  entitled,  "  Political,  Miscellaneous,  and  Philosophi- 
cal Pieces."  It  was  published  by  Johnson,  in  London,  1779.  The  ed- 
itor's name  is  not  mentioned  in  the  title-page.  Dr.  Franklin  read  the 
printed  sheets  before  they  were  published,  and,  in  writing  to  Mr. 
Vaughan  on  the  subject,  he  said ;  "  I  thank  you  for  the  great  care  and 
pains  you  have  taken  in  regulating  and  correcting  the  edition  of  those 
papers.  Your  friendship  for  me  appears  in  almost  every  page ;  and,  if 
the  preservation  of  any  of  them  should  prove  of  use  to  the  public,  it  is 
to  you  that  the  public  will  owe  the  obligation."  Under  an  engraved 
head  of  the  author,  at  the  beginning  of  the  volume,  is  the  following 
motto  (from  Horace),  which  was  suggested  by  Bishop  Shipley,  —  NON 
SORDIDUS  AUCTOR  NATURE  VcRiQUE.  He  also  proposed  another,— 
"  His  Country's  Friend,  but  more  of  Human  Kind." 


.  74.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  459 


CHAPTER  XII. 

A  French  Army  sent  to  the  United  States.  —  Lafayette.  —  Northern 
Powers  of  Europe  combine  in  Defence  of  Neutrals.  —  Franklin's  Opin- 
ion of  Privateering.  —  Correspondence  between  Count  de  Vergennes 
and  Mr.  Adams.  —  Franklin's  Remarks  upon  it.  —  Charges  against 
Franklin  by  his  Enemies,  examined  and  refuted.  —  New  Attempt  in 
Congress  to  procure  his  Recall. —  Count  de  Vergennes's  Opinion  of 
him  as  Minister  at  the  French  Court.  —  The  numerous  Duties  of  his 
Office. —  Colonel  John  Laurens.  —  Franklin  proposes  to  retire  from 
the  Public  Service.  —  New  Propositions  for  Peace,  through  the  Agen- 
cy of  Mr.  Hartley.  —  Franklin's  Answer  to  them.  —  His  Friends  at 
Passy  and  Auteuil.  —  Madame  Brillon.  —  Madame  Helvetius. 

IT  had  been  a  question  much  agitated  both  in 
France  and  America,  since  the  treaty  of  alliance, 
whether  it  was  advisable  to  send  French  troops  to 
cooperate  with  the  armies  of  the  United  States.  The 
prudence  of  such  an  experiment  was  thought  extreme- 
ly doubtful.  While  fighting  the  battles  of  the  mother 
country  in  former  wars,  the  Americans  had  often  been 
brought  into  conflict  with  the  French  on  the  frontiers. 
It  was  feared,  that  prejudices  had  been  contracted, 
and  habits  formed,  which  would  prevent  the  troops 
of  the  two  nations  from  acting  together  in  harmony, 
even  if  the  people  themselves  could  be  reconciled  to 
the  presence  of  a  French  army.  All  aids  from  France, 
it  was  said,  would  be  the  most  effectually  rendered  in 
money  and  by  a  naval  force.  Such  was  likewise  the 
view  taken  by  the  French  cabinet,  and  they  acted 
upon  this  plan  for  two  years.  But  many  persons  in 
the  United  States  thought  differently.  They  saw  no 
reason,  in  the  common  principles  of  human  nature, 
why  a  people  should  sacrifice  their  interests,  and  put 
their  freedom  in  jeopardy,  by  giving  themselves  up  to 
an  inherited  prejudice. 


460  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1780. 

A  conviction  of  the  justness  of  this  sentiment  was 
deeply  wrought  into  the  mind  of  Lafayette.  He  had 
been  a  year  and  a  half  in  the  country,  and,  from  the 
manner  in  which  he  and  other  French  officers  were 
treated  by  all  classes  of  people,  he  was  satisfied,  that 
there  would  be  no  hazard  in  bringing  an  army  of 
Frenchmen  to  cooperate  with  American  soldiers.  He 
conversed  frequently  with  General  Washington  on  the 
subject,  and,  although  the  opinion  of  the  latter  is  no- 
where explicitly  recorded,  it  is  certain  that  Lafayette 
returned  to  France  fully  convinced,  that  such  a  meas- 
ure would  meet  his  approbation.  He  applied  to  the 
ministers  accordingly ;  who  hesitated  for  some  time, 
influenced  by  the  same  motives  of  prudence,  which 
had  hitherto  guided  their  counsels.  But  Lafayette  per- 
severed, and  his  zeal  and  the  force  of  his  arguments 
at  last  prevailed.  In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1780, 
preparations  were  made  for  sending  an  army  under 
Count  de  Rochambeau  to  America,  with  a  fleet  com- 
manded by  the  Chevalier  de  Ternay. 

In  all  these  transactions  he  was  assisted  by  the  ad- 
vice and  cordial  support  of  Dr.  Franklin.  They  also 
procured  large  supplies  of  arms,  equipments,  and  cloth- 
ing for  the  American  army.  As  the  bearer  of  the 
good  news,  Lafayette  sailed  for  the  United  States, 
authorized  to  concert  measures  with  Washington  and 
Congress  for  the  reception  and  future  employment  of 
the  French  troops. 

The  northern  powers  of  Europe,  at  the  instance  of 
Russia,  had  recently  come  into  an  arrangement  re- 
specting neutrals,  which  Dr.  Franklin  so  highly  ap- 
proved, that  he  issued  orders  to  the  American  cruis- 
ers in  conformity  with  it,  even  before  he  ascertained 
the  views  of  Congress.  By  the  practice  of  nations 
in  time  of  war,  it  had  been  a  rule  to  seize  the  prop- 


^Er.74.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  461 

erty  of  an  enemy  wherever  found  at  sea ;  and  neutral 
vessels  having  such  property  on  board  were  captured 
under  this  rule,  the  cargo  being  confiscated  as  a 
prize  to  the  captors,  and  the  vessel  being  restored 
to  the  owners.  This  rule  was  reversed  by  the  com- 
bined powers,  and  the  law  was  established,  that  goods 
belonging  to  an  enemy  on  board  a  neutral  vessel,  ex- 
cept such  as  were  contraband,  should  not  be  subject 
to  capture,  or,  in  other  words,  that  free  ships  should 
make  free  goods.  A  law  so  clearly  founded  in  justice 
and  humanity  could  not  but  receive  his  hearty  con- 
currence. In  his  opinion,  the  application  of  the  law 
ought  to  be  extended  still  further,  so  as  to  mitigate 
the  evils  of  war  as  much  as  possible,  by  leaving  indi- 
viduals to  pursue  their  occupations  unmolested. 

"I  approve  much  of  the  principles  of  the  confeder- 
acy of  the  neutral  powers,"  said  he,  "and  am  not 
only  for  respecting  the  ships  as  the  house  of  a  friend, 
though  containing  the  goods  of  an  enemy,  but  I  even 
wish,  for  the  sake  of  humanity,  that  the  law  of  na- 
tions may  be  further  improved,  by  determining,  that, 
even  in  time  of  war,  all  those  kinds  of  people,  who 
are  employed  in  procuring  subsistence  for  the  spe- 
cies, or  in  exchanging  the  necessaries  or  conveniences 
of  life,  which  are  for  the  common  benefit  of  man- 
kind, such  as  husbandmen  on  their  lands,  fishermen 
in  their  barques,  and  traders  in  unarmed  vessels,  shall 
be  permitted  to  prosecute  their  several  innocent  and 
useful  employments  without  interruption  or  molesta- 
tion, and  nothing  taken  from  them,  even  when  want- 
ed by  an  enemy,  but  on  paying  a  fair  price  for  the 
same." 

Privateering  he  called  "robbing,''  and  "a  remnant 
of  the  ancient  piracy."  In  an  able  paper  on  this 
practice,  he  shows  its  inhumanity,  and  condemns  it 

M  M  * 


462  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1780. 

as  violating  the  code  of  morality,  which  ought  to  be 
sacredly  observed  by  every  civilized  nation.  "  It  be- 
hoves merchants  to  consider  well  of  the  justice  of  a 
war,"  he  remarks,  "before  they  voluntarily  engage  a 
gang  of  ruffians  to  attack  their  fellow  merchants  of  a 
neighbouring  nation,  to  plunder  them  of  their  property, 
and  perhaps  ruin  them  and  their  families,  if  they  yield 
it;  or  to  wound,  maim,  or  murder  them,  if  they  en- 
deavour to  defend  it.  Yet  these  things  are  done  by 
Christian  merchants,  whether  a  war  be  just  or  unjust ; 
and  it  can  hardly  be  just  on  both  sides.  They  are 
done  by  English  and  American  merchants,  who,  never- 
theless, complain  of  private  theft,  and  hang  by  dozens 
the  thieves  they  have  taught  by  their  own  example." 
He  proposed,  that,  in  treaties  between  nations,  an  ar- 
ticle should  be  introduced,  by  which  the  contracting 
parties  should  bind  themselves  not  to  grant  commis- 
sions to  private  armed  vessels ;  and  he  was  instrumen- 
tal in  forming  such  a  treaty  between  Prussia  and  the 
United  States.  In  fact,  he  was  an  enemy  to  war  in 
all  its  forms  and  disguises.  It  was  a  maxim  with  him, 
that  there  never  was  a  good  war,  or  a  bad  peace. 

Mr.  Adams  had  been  but  a  short  time  in  Paris,  as 
minister  for  negotiating  peace,  when  intelligence  ar- 
rived of  a  resolve  of  Congress,  by  which  the  Conti- 
nental paper  money  was  to  be  redeemed  at  the  rate 
of  forty  paper  dollars  for  one  of  silver.  The  resolve 
being  of  a  general  nature,  it  was  not  obvious  wheth- 
er it  was  intended  to  apply  to  Americans  only,  or 
whether  foreigners  were  to  be  included.  The  French 
court  were  concerned  to  ascertain  this  point,  and 
Count  de  Vergennes  wrote  for  information  to  Mr. 
Adams,  who,  having  recently  come  from  America,  he 
supposed  might  be  able  to  explain  the  intentions  of 
Congress.  Mr.  Adams  replied,  that  he  could  not  tell 


MT.  74.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  463 

how  far  the  resolve  was  meant  to  extend,  but  ex- 
pressed his  decided  conviction,  that  it  ought  to  in- 
clude foreigners,  as  much  as  Americans,  and  support- 
ed his  opinion  by  ingenious  and  cogent  arguments. 
Count  de  Vergennes  expressed  surprise,  that  this  view 
of  the  subject  should  be  taken.  The  French  mer- 
chants had  shipped  various  commodities  to  the  United 
States,  relying  on  the  good  faith  of  Congress  in  re- 
gard to  their  currency ;  and  he  said  it  would  be  an 
act  of  injustice  to  compel  these  merchants  to  suffer 
by  an  arbitrary  depreciation,  which  they  had  no  rea- 
son to  expect  at  the  time  of  shipping  their  goods. 
A  few  weeks  later,  the  correspondence  was  renewed 
on  other  subjects  connected  with  the  alliance  and  the 
relations  between  the  two  countries ;  and  Mr.  Adams, 
in  his  zeal  for  a  cause  which  no  man  had  more  at 
heart,  advanced  sentiments  and  spoke  with  a  freedom, 
which  were  displeasing  to  Count  de  Vergennes,  who 
sent  a  copy  of  the  correspondence  to  Dr.  Franklin, 
and  requested  him  to  transmit  it  to  Congress.  He 
did  so,  and  at  the  same  time  wrote  as  follows  to  the 
President. 

"Mr.  Adams  thinks,  as  he  tells  me  himself,  that 
America  has  been  too  free  in  expressions  of  gratitude 
to  France;  for  that  she  is  more  obliged  to  us  than 
we  to  her;  and  that  we  should  show  spirit  in  our 
applications.  I  apprehend,  that  he  mistakes  his  ground, 
and  that  this  court  is  to  be  treated  with  decency  and 
delicacy.  The  King,  a  young  and  virtuous  prince, 
has,  I  am  persuaded,  a  pleasure  in  reflecting  on  the 
generous  benevolence  of  the  action  in  assisting  an  op- 
pressed people,  and  proposes  it  as  a  part  of  the  glory 
of  his  reign.  I  think  it  right  to  increase  this  pleasure 
by  our  thankful  acknowledgments,  and  that  such  an 
expression  of  gratitude  is  not  only  our  duty,  but  our 


464  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN  [1780. 

interest.  A  different  conduct  seems  to  me  what  is 
not  only  improper  and  unbecoming,  but  what  may  be 
hurtful  to  us.  Mr.  Adams,  on  the  other  hand,  who, 
at  the  same  time,  means  our  welfare  and  interest  as 
much  as  I,  or  any  man,  can  do,  seems  to  think  a 
little  apparent  stoutness,  and  a  greater  air  of  indepen- 
dence and  boldness  in  our  demands,  will  procure  us 
more  ample  assistance.  It  is  for  Congress  to  judge, 
and  regulate  their  affairs  accordingly." 

It  was  one  of  the  charges  of  Dr.  Franklin's  ene- 
mies against  him,  that  he  was  compliant  to  the  French 
court.  The  nature  of  this  compliance,  such  as  it  was 
in  reality,  is  seen  in  the  above  extract.  It  consisted 
in  showing  a  proper  sense  of  gratitude  for  benefits 
received,  and  in  endeavouring  to  please  those,  from 
whom,  in  his  public  character,  he  was  constantly  ask- 
ing favors  for  his  country.  He  thought  this  right  in 
itself,  and  it  was  certainly  politic.  The  consequence 
was,  that  he  acquired  and  retained  the  confidence  of 
the  French  King  and  ministry ;  they  listened  to  his 
applications  and  were  often  influenced  by  his  coun- 
sels ;  and  he  rarely  made  a  request,  which  was  not 
granted,  although  the  wants  of  Congress,  particularly 
in  the  article  of  money,  rendered  frequent  applications 
necessary.  Just  before  the  peace  he  had  occasion  to 
say,  that  Count  de  Vergennes  never  made  him  a 
promise,  which  he  did  not  fulfil ;  and  it  is  a  fact  wor- 
thy of  being  remembered,  as  bearing  on  this  subject, 
that  not  one  of  the  vast  number  of  drafts,  which  were 
drawn  on  him  by  Congress  throughout  the  war,  was 
allowed  to  be  protested,  or  to  pass  the  time  of  pay- 
ment, although  he  relied  almost  exclusively  on  the 
French  government  for  funds  to  meet  them.  Shortly 
after  Mr.  Jay  was  appointed  minister  to  Spain  and 
Mr.  Adams  to  Holland,  drafts  to  a  large  amount  were 


jEt.  74.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  465 

drawn  on  them,  with  the  expectation  that  they  would 
be  able  to  procure  loans  in  those  countries;  bait  no 
money  was  obtained,  and  the  drafts  all  came  upon 
Dr.  Franklin.  He  found  the  means  of  paying  them 
by  applying,  as  usual,  to  the  French  court ;  but  he 
was  told,  at  the  same  time,  that  this  unexpected  de- 
mand subjected  the  King  to  much  inconvenience. 

By  this  course  of  conduct,  asking  only  what  was 
reasonable,  with  a  becoming  deference  to  the  judg- 
ment, and  reliance  on  the  good  intentions,  of  the  min- 
isters, he  won  a  reciprocal  confidence,  and  was  en- 
abled to  execute  the  arduous  and  complicated  duties 
of  his  station  with  entire  success.  His  adversaries 
called  it  subserviency,  and  represented  him  as  carried 
away  by  the  adulation  of  the  French  people,  so  as 
not  only  to  forget  what  was  due  to  his  own  charac- 
ter, but  to  lose  his  attachment  to  his  country.  It  was 
said,  that  the  French  ministers  cajoled  him,  with  the 
sinister  design  of  moulding  him  to  their  purposes,  and 
of  effecting  some  deep  scheme  of  policy  to  deceive 
and  overreach  their  allies.  These  absurdities,  unsus- 
tained  as  they  are  by  a  word  of  credible  testimony, 
would  not  deserve  to  be  repeated,  if  they  had  not 
been  used  at  the  time  to  injure  his  reputation,  and 
give  currency  to  an  unmerited  distrust  of  the  French 
court. 

They  led  to  a  new  attempt  in  Congress  to  procure 
his  recall.  M.  de  la  Luzerne,  the  French  minister  in 
the  United  States,  writes  thus  to  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes,  in  a  letter  dated  at  Philadelphia,  December 
15th,  1780.  "Congress  is  filled  with  intrigues  and 
cabals  respecting  the  recall  of  Dr.  Franklin,  which  the 
delegates  from  Massachusetts  insist  on  by  all  sorts  of 
means.  That  minister  has  very  little  direct  support 
in  Congress ;  but  the  fear  entertained  by  both  parties, 

VOL.  i.  59 


466  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1780 

that  his  place  would  be  supplied  by  one  of  the  op- 
posite party,  has  served  to  sustain  him.  The  States 
of  Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina,  and  a  few  in- 
dividual voices,  influenced  by  Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Izard, 
have  declared,  in  a  positive  manner,  that  there  is  no 
person  who  is  not  preferable  to  the  present  minister; 
and  they  urge,  that,  by  his  supineness  and  the  influ- 
ence of  those  around  him,  the  American  cause  has 
been  ruined  in  France." 

Two  months  after  the  date  of  this  letter,  Count  de 
Vergennes  replied.  "  If  you  are  questioned  respecting 
our  opinion  of  Dr.  Franklin,  you  may  say,  without 
hesitation,  that  we  esteem  him  as  much  for  his  patri- 
otism, as  for  the  wisdom  of  his  conduct ;  and  it  has 
been  owing  in  a  great  part  to  this  cause,  and  to  the 
confidence  which  we  put  in  the  veracity  of  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, that  we  have  determined  to  relieve  the  pecuniary 
embarrassments,  in  which  he  has  been  placed  by  Con- 
gress. One  may  judge  from  this  fact,  which  is  of  a 
personal  nature,  whether  his  conduct  has  been  injuri- 
ous to  the  interests  of  his  country,  and  whether  any 
other  minister  would  have  had  the  same  advantages. 
But,  although  we  esteem  Dr.  Franklin,  and  hold  him 
in  high  consideration,  yet  we  are  not  the  less  obliged 
to  confess,  that,  on  account  of  his  great  age  and  love 
of  tranquillity,  he  is  less  active  than  is  compatible  with 
the  affairs  with  which  he  is  charged,  and  that  we  see 
this  with  the  more  concern,  since  it  is  upon  matters 
of  importance  that  he  preserves  silence,  whilst  the 
good  of  the  service  requires,  that  he  should  transmit 
his  sentiments  to  Congress.  We  are  of  opinion,  how- 
ever, that  his  recall  would  be  very  inconvenient  in  the 
present  state  of  things,  and  it  would  be  the  more  dis- 
agreeable to  us,  inasmuch  as  he  would  perhaps  be 
succeeded  by  a  character  unquiet,  exacting,  difficult, 


/Ex.  74.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  467 

and  less  ardently  attached  to  the  cause  of  his  coun- 
try. Congress  might  relieve  themselves  from  the  em- 
barrassment of  a  new  choice,  by  giving  Dr.  Franklin 
a  secretary  of  legation,  wise,  discreet,  well  informed, 
and  capable  of  supplying  his  place." 

We  here  see  in  what  light  the  French  government 
regarded  Dr.  Franklin,  as  minister  to  that  court,  and 
we  have  no  indication  of  any  wish  to  retain  him  in 
that  post,  on  account  of  his  being  compliant  to  their 
wishes.  In  addition  to  the  natural  infirmities  of  age, 
he  was  afflicted  by  two  severe  maladies,  the  gout  and 
the  stone,  which  sometimes  confined  him  to  his  house 
for  weeks  together,  and  disabled  him  from  bodily  or 
mental  exertion.  Yet  Congress  never  sent  him  a  sec- 
retary, and  he  was  obliged  to  discharge  all  the  duties 
of  his  office  alone,  or  with  such  assistance  as  could  be 
rendered  by  his  grandson.  This  is  the  more  singular, 
as  both  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jay  were  accompanied 
by  secretaries  of  legation  chosen  by  Congress,  men 
of  character  and  talents,  accustomed  to  business,  and 
acquainted  with  the  details  of  public  affairs. 

He  was,  moreover,  burdened  with  the  concerns  of 
the  American  public  vessels,  which  came  into  French 
ports,  and  these  gave  him  infinite  trouble.  "My  time 
is  more  taken  up  with  matters  extraneous  to  the  func- 
tions of  a  minister,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jay, 
"  than  you  can  possibly  imagine.  I  have  written  often 
to  Congress  to  establish  consuls  in  the  ports,  and  ease 
me  of  what  relates  to  maritime  and  mercantile  affairs; 
but  no  notice  has  yet  been  taken  of  my  request." 
Nor  was  any  consul  appointed  till  near  the  end  of 
the  war.  It  must  be  inferred,  at  least,  that  Congress 
did  not  distrust  his  ability  to  perform  the  important 
services  appertaining  to  his  station,  notwithstanding  the 
machinations  that  were  constantly  at  work  to  have  him 


468  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1781. 

removed.  And,  indeed,  the  resources  and  vigor  of 
his  mind  nowhere  appear  to  greater  advantage,  than 
in  his  correspondence  during  this  period.  Count  de 
Vergennes  was  not  well  satisfied,  that  he  did  not 
write  oftener  and  more  fully  with  respect  to  the  state 
of  things  in  France,  and  thus  discourage  Congress 
from  making  such  repeated  and  importunate  demands 
for  aids ;  but  Franklin  knew  that  the  French  minis- 
ter in  Philadelphia  was  perfectly  informed  of  all  these 
particulars,  and  represented  them  to  Congress  when- 
ever occasion  required. 

The  loans  from  the  French  government  had  amount- 
ed to  about  three  millions  of  livres  annually.  For  the 
year  1781,  Dr.  Franklin  obtained  a  loan  of  four  mil- 
lions, besides  a  subsidy  of  six  millions,  which  the 
minister  told  him  was  intended  as  a  free  gift  to  the 
United  States.  After  these  sums  were  granted,  Colo- 
nel John  Laurens  arrived  in  France,  commissioned  by 
Congress  to  represent  the  extreme  wants  of  the  army, 
and  to  solicit  further  aids  both  in  money  and  military 
supplies.  Dr.  Franklin  joined  heartily  with  Colonel 
Laurens  in  urging  this  application,  and  it  met  with 
some  success.  More  direct  aids  could  not  be  furnish- 
ed ;  but,  to  facilitate  a  loan  on  American  account  in 
Holland,  the  King  of  France  agreed  to  guaranty  the 
payment  of  the  interest  of  such  a  loan  not  exceeding 
ten  millions  of  livres. 

At  this  time  Dr.  Franklin  proposed  to  retire  from 
the  public  service,  and  requested  that  some  other  per- 
son might  be  appointed  to  supply  his  place.  His  rea- 
sons are  given  in  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  to 
the  President  of  Congress. 

"I  must  now  beg  leave  to  say  something  relating 
to  myself ;  a  subject  with  which  I  have  not  often 
troubled  the  Congress.  I  have  passed  my  seventy- 


MT.  75.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  469 

fifth  year,  and  I  find,  that  the  long  and  severe  fit  of 
the  gout,  which  I  had  the  last  winter,  has  shaken  me 
exceedingly,  and  I  am  yet  far  from  having  recovered 
the  bodily  strength  I  before  enjoyed.  I  do  not  know 
that  my  mental  faculties  are  impaired;  perhaps  I  shall 
be  the  last  to  discover  that ;  but  I  am  sensible  of 
great  diminution  in  my  activity,  a  quality  I  think  par- 
ticularly necessary  in  your  minister  for  this  court.  I 
am  afraid,  therefore,  that  your  affairs  may  some  time 
or  other  suffer  by  my  deficiency.  I  find,  also,  that 
the  business  is  too  heavy  for  me,  and  too  confining. 
The  constant  attendance  at  home,  which  is  necessary 
for  receiving  and  accepting  your  bills  of  exchange  (a 
matter  foreign  to  my  ministerial  functions),  to  answer 
letters,  and  perform  other  parts  of  my  employment, 
prevents  my  taking  the  air  and  exercise,  which  my 
annual  journeys  formerly  used  to  afford  me,  and  which 
contributed  much  to  the  preservation  of  my  health. 
There  are  many  other  little  personal  attentions,  which 
the  infirmities  of  age  render  necessary  to  an  old  man's 
comfort,  even  in  some  degree  to  the  continuance  of 
his  existence,  and  with  which  business  often  interferes. 
"I  have  been  engaged  in  public  affairs,  and  enjoy- 
ed public  confidence,  in  some  shape  or  other,  during 
the  long  term  of  fifty  years,  and  honor  sufficient  to 
satisfy  any  reasonable  ambition;  and  I  have  no  other 
left  but  that  of  repose,  which  I  hope  the  Congress 
will  grant  me,  by  sending  some  person  to  supply  my 
place.  At  the  same  time,  I  beg  they  may  be  assured, 
that  it  is  n*  any  the  least  doubt  of  their  success  in 
the  glorious  cause,  nor  any  disgust  received  in  their 
service,  that  induces  me  to  decline  it,  but  purely  and 
simply  the  reasons  above  mentioned.  And,  as  I  can- 
not at  present  undergo  the  fatigues  of  a  sea  voyage 
(the  last  having  been  almost  too  much  for  me),  and 

VOL.    I.  No.   10.  NN 


470  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1781 

would  not  again  expose  myself  to  the  hazard  of  cap- 
ture and  imprisonment  in  this  time  of  war,  I  purpose 
to  remain  here  at  least  till  the  peace ;  perhaps  it  may 
be  for  the  remainder  of  my  life ;  and,  if  any  knowl- 
edge or  experience  I  have  acquired  here  may  be 
thought  of  use  to  my  successor,  I  shall  freely  com- 
municate it,  and  assist  him  with  any  influence  I  may 
be  supposed  to  have,  or  counsel  that  may  be  de- 
sired of  me." 

Congress  declined  accepting  his  resignation,  and, 
nearly  at  the  same  time,  enlarging  their  commission  for 
negotiating  a  treaty  of  peace,  by  joining  with  Mr. 
Adams  four  other  commissioners,  they  appointed  Dr. 
Franklin  to  be  one  of  the  number.  This  new  mark 
of  confidence,  especially  after  he  had  asked,  as  a  favor, 
to  be  relieved  from  his  public  charge,  was  a  sufficient 
rebuke  to  his  enemies,  and  left  them  little  cause  to 
be  satisfied  with  the  success  of  their  schemes.  He 
acquiesced  in  the  decision  of  Congress.  "It  was  my 
desire,"  said  he,  "to  quit  public  business,  fearing  it 
might  suffer  in  my  hands  through  the  infirmities  inci- 
dent to  my  time  of  life ;  but,  as  they  are  pleased  to 
think  I  may  still  be  useful,  I  submit  to  their  judg- 
ment, and  shall  do  my  best." 

His  friend,  Mr.  Hartley,  continued  to  write  to  him 
on  the  terms  of  peace,  taking  advantage  of  the  cor- 
respondence, which,  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Brit- 
ish ministry,  was  kept  up  between  them  concerning 
the  American  prisoners  in  England.  It  is  evident, 
also,  from  the  tenor  of  Mr.  Hartley's  letters,  that  his 
propositions  were  seen  and  approved  by  Lord  North. 
His  first  aim,  and  the  point  which  he  labored  with 
the  greatest  diligence,  was  to  divide  the  United  States 
from  France,  and  to  bring  about  a  separate  treaty 
with  the  former.  This  design  was  so  inconsistent 


/Ex.  75.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

with  the  nature  and  express  stipulations  of  the  alli- 
ance, which  were  well  known,  that  Dr.  Franklin  could 
not  forbear  to  retort  upon  his  friend  with  warmth  and 
some  degree  of  asperity.  Mr.  Hartley  spoke  of  the 
alliance  as  a  stumblingblock,  which  must  be  removed 
before  a  treaty  could  be  entered  upon,  and  he  sug- 
gested that  it  might  be  dissolved,  at  least  by  the  con- 
sent of  the  parties.  Dr.  Franklin  replied ; 

"  The  long,  steady,  and  kind  regard  you  have  shown 
for  the  welfare  of  America,  by  the  whole  tenor  of 
your  conduct  in  Parliament,  satisfies  me,  that  this  prop- 
osition never  took  its  rise  with  you,  but  has  been 
suggested  from  some  other  quarter ;  and  that  your  ex- 
cess of  humanity,  your  love  of  peace,  and  your  fear 
for  us,  that  the  destruction  we  are  threatened  with 
will  certainly  be  effected,  have  thrown  a  mist  before 
your  eyes,  which  hindered  you  from  seeing  the  ma- 
lignity and  mischief  of  it."  "Nor  does  there  appear 
any  more  necessity  for  dissolving  an  alliance  with 
France,  before  you  can  treat  with  us,  than  there  would 
of  dissolving  your  alliance  with  Holland,  or  your  union 
with  Scotland,  before  we  could  treat  with  you.  Ours 
is,  therefore,  no  Material  obstacle  to  a  treaty,  as  you 
suppose  it  to  be.  Had  Lord  North  been  the  author 
of  such  a  proposition,  all  the  world  would  have  said 
it  was  insidious,  and  meant  only  to  deceive  and  di- 
vide us  from  our  friends,  and  then  to  ruin  us ;  sup- 
posing our  fears  might  be  so  strong  as  to  procure  an 
acceptance  of  it."  Again,  alluding  to  the  article  in  the 
alliance,  by  which  both  parties  agree  to  continue  the 
war  in  conjunction,  and  not  to  make  a  separate  peace, 
he  said ;  "  It  is  an  obligation  not  in  the  power  of 
America  to  dissolve,  being  an  obligation  of  gratitude 
and  justice  towards  a  nation,  which  is  engaged  in  a 
war  on  her  account  and  for  her  protection ;  and  would 


472  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1781. 

be  for  ever  binding,  whether  such  an  article  existed 
or  not  in  the  treaty ;  and,  though  it  did  not  exist,  an 
honest  American  would  cut  off  his  right  hand,  rather 
than  sign  an  agreement  with  England  contrary  to  the 
spirit  of  it." 

Mr.  Hartley's  next  proposition,  which  had  likewise 
been  shown  to  Lord  North,  was  for  a  truce  of  ten 
years,  during  which  America  was  not  to  assist  France, 
yet  England,  if  she  saw  fit,  was  to  carry  on  the  war 
against  her ;  "  a  truce,"  said  Franklin,  "  wherein  noth- 
ing is  to  be  mentioned,  that  may  weaken  your  pre- 
tensions to  dominion  over  us,  which  you  may  there- 
fore resume  at  the  end  of  the  term,  or  at  pleasure ; 
when  we  should  have  so  covered  ourselves  with  in- 
famy, by  our  treachery  to  our  first  friend,  as  that  no 
other  nation  could  ever  after  be  disposed  to  assist  us, 
however  cruelly  you  might  think  fit  to  treat  us.  Be- 
lieve me,  my  dear  friend,  America  has  too  much  un- 
derstanding, and  is  too  sensible  of  the  value  of  the 
world's  good  opinion,  to  forfeit  it  all  by  such  perfidy." 

This  project  of  dividing  the  United  States  from  their 
ally  was  industriously  pursued  by  the  British  cabinet. 
Without  doubt,  it  was  an  object  worth  striving  for. 
The  advances  were  not  confined  to  one  side.  Tempt- 
ing offers  were  held  out  to  France,  as  an  inducement 
to  draw  her  into  a  separate  treaty.  But  the  King 
and  his  ministers  were  as  true  to  their  engagements 
as  Franklin;  and  they  steadily  affirmed,  that  no  prop- 
ositions would  be  listened  to,  either  for  a  peace  or 
truce,  which  should  not  have  for  their  basis  the  in- 
dependence and  sovereignty  of  the  United  States. 

Besides  his  numerous  acquaintances  in  the  great 
world  of  Paris,  Dr.  Franklin  found  friends,  whose  so- 
ciety he  valued,  among  his  neighbours  at  Passy.  They 
vied  with  each  other  in  bestowing  upon  him  their  ci- 


J3i.  75.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  473 

vilities  and  kindness.  He  was  almost  domesticated  in 
the  family  of  M.  Brillon,  where  he  was  entertained 
rather  as  one  of  the  family  than  as  a  visiter,  and  where 
the  charm  of  an  affectionate  welcome  was  heightened 
by  the  frankness,  refinement,  and  intelligence  of  those 
from  whom  it  was  received.  The  house  of  Madame 
Helvetius,  at  Auteuil,  was  another  of  his  favorite  resorts. 
This  lady,  then  advanced  in  years,  had  associated,  in 
the  lifetime  of  her  husband,  with  the  first  wits  and 
most  eminent  men  of  the  day.  In  these  families 
he  constantly  met  the  Abbe  Morellet,  the  Abbe  La 
Roche,  Cabanis,  Le  Roy,  Le  Veillard,  and  La  Ro- 
chefoucauld. Some  of  his  most  popular  essays  were 
composed  for  the  amusement  of  this  little  circle  at 
Passy  and  Auteuil.  The  Ephemera,  and  the  Whistle, 
were  addressed  to  Madame  Brillon,  whom,  in  his 
playful  mood,  he  used  to  call  "the  amiable  Brillante" 
The  Dialogue  with  the  Gout,  and  several  other  humor- 
ous pieces,  were  written  at  the  same  time  and  for 
the  same  object.  He  classed  them  all  under  the  title 
of  Bagatelles.  They  served  as  a  relief  from  his  weigh- 
ty cares,  and  contributed  to  the  enjoyment  of  those 
around  him.  The  friendships,  formed  by  this  social 
intercourse,  were  not  transient ;  they  were  kept  fresh 
after  his  return  to  America,  by  a  correspondence,  which 
continued  as  long  as  he  lived. 


VOL.  I.  60  NN 


474  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [1782. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Negotiations  for  Peace. — Debates  on  the  Subject  in  the  British  Parlia- 
ment —  Change  of  Ministry.  —  Mr.  Oswald  sent  to  Paris  to  consult 
Dr.  Franklin  on  the  Mode  of  Negotiating.  —  Grenville's  Commission ; 
disapproved  by  Franklin.  —  Mr.  Fox's  Views  of  Independence. — 
Lord  Shelburne's  Administration.  —  Mr.  Fitzherbert.  —  Mr.  Oswald 
commissioned  to  negotiate  the  American  Treaty.  —  Essential  Arti- 
cles of  the  Treaty  proposed  by  Franklin.  —  Advisable  Articles.  — 
Mr.  Jay  disapproves  Mr.  Oswald's  Commission.  —  An  Alteration 
required  and  obtained.  —  Progress  of  the  Treaty.  —  Independence, 
Boundaries,  Fisheries.  —  Attempts  of  the  British  Ministry  to  secure 
the  Indemnification  of  the  Loyalists. — Mr.  Adams  joins  his  Colleagues 
and  resists  the  British  Claims.  —  Franklin  proposes  an  Article  for  In- 
demnifying the  Americans  for  their  Losses  during  the  War.  —  Brit- 
ish Claims  relinquished.  —  Treaty  signed.  —  Ratified  by  Congress. 

EARLY  in  the  year  1782,  the  subject  of  peace  be- 
gan to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  British  Parliament. 
The  capture  of  Lord  Cornwallis's  army  at  Yorktown, 
the  inability  of  the  ministers  to  supply  the  place  of  these 
troops  for  another  campaign,  the  fact  that  Holland  had 
recently  joined  the  belligerents  against  England,  the 
enormous  expenses  of  the  war;  all  these  things  had 
contributed  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  people,  and  to 
raise  a  general  clamor  for  peace.  The  tone  of  the 
King's  speech  to  Parliament,  which  convened  soon  after 
the  intelligence  of  Cornwallis's  defeat  reached  England, 
was  somewhat  more  subdued  than  it  had  been  before ; 
yet  such  was  the  force  of  habit  in  wording  the  royal 
speeches,  that  even  now,  when  the  Americans  had 
nobly  sustained  themselves  as  an  independent  nation 
for  more  than  five  years,  captured  two  British  armies, 
and  taken  away  the  last  hope  from  their  enemies  of 
conquering  them,  the  King  could  not  refrain  from  talk- 
ing of  his  rebellious  and  deluded  subjects;  although 
he  did  not,  :is  on  former  occasions,  boast  of  his  prow- 


J£T.  76.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  475 

ess,  and  of  the  ample  means  of  subjugation,  which  he 
had  at  command. 

It  was  soon  discovered  in  Parliament,  that  the  pub- 
lic sentiment  had  communicated  itself  to  that  body, 
and  that  the  overwhelming  majority,  which  had  sus- 
tained the  ministers  through  the  war,  was  greatly  re- 
duced, if  not  annihilated.  The  matter  was  brought  to 
a  trial  by  a  motion  of  General  Conway,  that  an  ad- 
dress should  be  presented  to  his  Majesty,  praying 
that  the  war  in  America  might  cease,  and  that  meas- 
ures should  be  taken  for  restoring  tranquillity  and  a 
reconciliation.  The  motion  gave  rise  to  a  debate, 
which  was  animated  on  both  sides,  and  it  was  final- 
ly lost  by  a  majority  of  one  only  in  favor  of  the  min- 
isters, and  for  continuing  the  war. 

This  vote  was  the  signal  for  a  dissolution  of  the 
ministry.  Lord  North  resigned,  and  there  was  a  total 
change  of  ministry  and  measures.  The  new  adminis- 
tration was  formed  in  March.  The  Marquis  of  Rock- 
ingham  was  prime  minister;  the  Earl  of  Shelburne 
and  Mr.  Fox,  the  two  principal  secretaries  of  state. 
This  ministry  came  into  power,  as  Mr.  Fox  more  than 
once  declared  in  Parliament,  with  the  express  under- 
standing, that  the  fundamental  principle  of  their  meas- 
ures was  to  be  "the  granting  of  unequivocal  and  un- 
conditional independence  to  America."  For  some  time 
they  seemed  to  act  on  this  principle.  The  two  sec- 
retaries corresponded  directly  with  Dr.  Franklin  on 
the  subject  of  peace,  and  they  sent  Mr.  Richard  Os- 
wald over  to  Paris  early  in  April,  with  authority  to 
consult  him  on  the  mode  of  beginning  and  pursuing 
a  negotiation.  Mr.  Thomas  Grenville  was  likewise 
sent  to  confer  with  Count  de  Vergennes  in  reference 
to  the  preliminaries  for  a  general  peace  between  all 
the  powers  at  war.  Nothing  more  could  be  done  till 


LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1782. 

Parliament  should  pass  an  act  enabling  the  King  to 
enter  into  a  formal  negotiation. 

As  to  the  mode  of  conducting  the  negotiations, 
Dr.  Franklin  said  he  thought  it  would  be  best  for  the 
British  negotiators  to  appear  under  separate  commis- 
sions, one  for  the  American  treaty,  and  another  for 
those  of  the  European  powers,  since  the  topics  to  be 
discussed  were  entirely  distinct ;  and,  as  this  mode 
would  have  greater  simplicity,  the  object  might  be  the 
sooner  and  more  easily  attained.  The  British  minis- 
try approved  and  adopted  this  suggestion,  and  their 
envoys  were  accordingly  furnished  with  separate  com- 
missions. 

Both  Mr.  Grenville  and  Mr.  Oswald,  at  their  sev- 
eral interviews,  assured  Count  de  Vergennes  and  Dr. 
Franklin,  that  the  point  of  independence  had  been 
conceded,  and  that  it  was  to  be  granted  in  the  first 
instance,  before  the  treaty  was  begun.  It  was  agreed 
between  the  British  and  French  cabinets,  that  the 
negotiations  should  take  place  at  Paris.  Mr.  Gren- 
ville remained  there.  Mr.  Oswald  wrent  back  to  Lon- 
don, but  returned  in  a  few  days.  In  the  mean  time 
Mr.  Grenville  received  a  commission,  which  he  un- 
derstood to  authorize  him  to  treat  with  France  and 
America ;  but  there  was  not  a  word  in  it  about  any 
other  power  than  France.  When  this  defect  was 
pointed  out  to  Mr.  Grenville,  he  said,  that,  though 
his  commission  was  silent  in  regard  to  America,  yet 
his  instructions  gave  him  ample  powers.  Dr.  Frank- 
lin was  not  satisfied  with  this  explanation,  and  he  said 
that  the  commission  must  be  put  in  a  proper  form 
for  treating  with  the  United  States,  or  no  treaty  could 
be  held.  Finding  him  firm  in  this  decision,  Mr.  Gren- 
ville despatched  an  express  to  London  with  the  com- 
mission, which  came  back  so  altered  as  to  authorize 


JET.  76.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  477 

him  to  treat  "  with  France,  or  any  other  Prince  or 
State"  This  form  was  no  more  satisfactory  than  the 
other.  On  perusing  it,  Dr.  Franklin  told  Mr.  Gren- 
ville,  that  "he  did  not  think  it  could  be  fairly  sup- 
posed, that  his  court  meant,  by  the  general  words  any 
other  State,  to  include  a  people  whom  they  did  not 
allow  to  be  a  State;"  and  he  refused  to  consider 
Mr.  Grenville  as  empowered  to  act  in  the  American 
treaty  under  this  commission. 

After  what  had  been  said  and  repeated,  by  Mr. 
Oswald  and  Mr.  Grenville,  of  the  readiness  of  the 
British  government  to  enter  into  a  treaty  on  reason- 
able terms,  this  kind  of  shuffling  displeased  both  Dr. 
Franklin  and  Count  de  Vergennes.  They  began  to 
suspect  it  to  be  an  artifice  to  gain  time,  and  that 
some  recent  successes  in  the  West  Indies  had  en- 
couraged the  court  of  St.  James  to  prosecute  the 
war,  or,  at  least,  to  put  off  the  treaty,  with  the  hope 
of  securing  more  favorable  terms  in  consequence  of 
these  successes.  There  were,  perhaps,  some  grounds 
for  these  suspicions,  though  the  main  difficulty  arose, 
as  soon  appeared,  from  another  cause.  News  arrived 
of  the  death  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  the  dis- 
solution of  the  British  cabinet,  and  the  formation  of  a 
new  one.  This  happened  in  July,  the  Rockingham 
administration  having  existed  only  two  months  and  a 
half.  The  Earl  of  Shelburne  was  raised  to  the  sta- 
tion of  prime  minister ;  Mr.  Fox  retired,  and  the  prin- 
cipal secretaries  of  State  were  Earl  Grantham  and 
Mr.  Townshend. 

Mr.  Fox  declared  in  Parliament,  that  he  had  left 
the  cabinet  wholly  on  the  ground  of  American  inde- 
pendence ;  that  he  had  supposed  this  was  to  be  grant- 
ed in  the  first  instance,  and  unconditionally;  that  he 
felt  himself  pledged  to  support  this  measure;  that  he 


478  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1782. 

found  other  counsels  prevailing  in  the  cabinet ;  and 
that,  consequently,  his  only  course  was  to  retire.  It 
was  known,  also,  that  Lord  Shelburne,  though  friend- 
ly to  the  colonies  and  opposed  to  the  war,  had  often 
declared  himself  against  independence ;  but,  the  new 
administration  having  come  into  power  on  the  basis 
of  peace,  it  was  supposed  that  he  had  changed  his 
mind  in  this  particular.  His  friends  in  Parliament  in- 
sisted that  he  had  done  so,  notwithstanding  Mr.  Fox's 
explanation  implying  the  contrary.  It  is  moreover  to 
be  observed,  that  there  were  political  and  personal  dif- 
ferences, of  long  standing,  between  Lord  Shelburne 
and  Mr.  Fox,  which  prevented  their  acting  together 
in  harmony,  and  that  they  had  not  agreed  with  re- 
spect to  the  negotiations,  which  had  been  begun. 

The  new'  ministry  being  formed,  however,  under 
Lord  Shelburne,  he  managed  the  peace  in  his  own 
way ;  and  it  turned  out,  that  Mr.  Fox  was  right  in 
saying,  that  the  recognition  of  independence  in  the 
first  instance  was  not  a  measure,  which  this  minister 
had  sought  to  promote,  although  the  commissioners 
in  Paris  had  been  officially  authorized  to  make  this 
declaration  to  Dr.  Franklin.  After  the  Marquis  of 
Rockingham's  death,  there  was  evidently  an  intention 
in  the  cabinet  to  establish  the  peace  on  a  different 
basis,  and  to  grant  independence  for  an  equivalent,  to 
be  rendered  by  the  United  States,  either  in  commer- 
cial privileges  or  a  cession  of  territory. 

In  this  state  of  affairs,  Mr.  Grenville,  who  had  been 
appointed  by  the  influence  of  Mr.  Fox,  was  recalled 
from  Paris,  and  his  place  was  supplied  by  Mr.  Fitzher- 
bert,  properly  commissioned  to  negotiate  with  France, 
Spain,  and  Holland.  The  American  treaty  was  left 
in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Oswald.  As  yet,  neither  Mr. 
Adams  nor  Mr.  Jay,  who  were  associated  with  Dr. 


JSr.  76.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  479 

Franklin  in  the  commission  for  peace,  had  arrived  in 
Paris,  the  former  being  employed  in  Holland,  and  the 
latter  in  Spain ;  but  Mr.  Jay  joined  him  soon  after- 
wards. Mr.  Laurens,  the  other  commissioner,  was  in 
England,  having  recently  been  discharged  from  his  im- 
prisonment in  the  Tower,  in  exchange  for  Lord  Corn- 
wallis.  He  took  no  part  in  the  treaty  till  just  at  its 
close. 

Mr.  Oswald  received  his  instructions  from  Lord  Shel- 
burne,  and  was  told  that  his  commission  would  speed- 
ily follow.  He  had  held  many  conversations  with  Dr. 
Franklin  at  various  times  during  three  months,  in  which 
all  the  fundamental  articles  of  a  treaty  had  been  more 
or  less  canvassed.  He  now  renewed  these  conversa- 
tions with  the  direct  aim  of  proceeding  in  the  negoti- 
ation. At  length  Dr.  Franklin  read  to  him  a  paper, 
containing  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  elements  of 
a  treaty,  adding  at  the  same  time,  that  he  could  do 
nothing  definitively  without  the  concurrence  of  his  col- 
leagues. His  suggestions  comprised  two  classes  of 
articles,  the  first  of  which  he  represented  as  necessary, 
and  the  second  as  advisable  for  England  to  offer,  if 
she  desired  a  complete  reconciliation  and  a  lasting 
peace.  The  substance  of  them  is  here  presented  in 
the  language  in  which  they  were  reported  by  Mr.  Os- 
wald to  Lord  Shelburne. 

"The  articles,  necessary  to  be  granted,  were,  First, 
independence,  full  and  complete  in  every  sense,  to  the 
Thirteen  States ;  and  all  troops  to  be  withdrawn  from 
there.  Secondly,  a  settlement  of  the  boundaries  of 
their  colonies  and  the  loyal  colonies.  Thirdly,  a  con- 
finement of  the  boundaries  of  Canada ;  at  least  to 
what  they  were  before  the  last  act  of  Parliament,  in 
1774,  if  not  to  a  still  more  contracted  state,  on  an 
ancient  footing.  Fourthly,  a  freedom  of  fishing  on 


480  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1782. 

the  Banks  of  Newfoundland  and   elsewhere,   as   well 
for  fish  as  whales. 

"The  advisable  articles,  or  such  as  he  would,  as  a 
friend,  recommend  to  be  offered  by  England,  were, 
First,  to  indemnify  many  people,  who  had  been  ru- 
ined by  towns  burnt  and  destroyed.  The  whole  might 
not  exceed  five  or  six  hundred  thousand  pounds.  I 
was  struck  at  this.  However,  the  Doctor  said,  though 
it  was  a  large  sum,  yet  it  would  not  be  ill  bestowed, 
as  it  would  conciliate  the  resentment  of  a  multitude 
of  poor  sufferers,  who  could  have  no  other  remedy, 
and  who,  without  some  relief,  would  keep  up  a  spirit 
of  revenge  and  animosity  for  a  long  time  to  come 
against  Great  Britain ;  whereas  a  voluntary  offer  of 
such  reparation  would  diffuse  a  universal  calm  and 
conciliation  over  the  whole  country.  Secondly,  some 
kind  of  acknowledgment,  in  some  public  act  of  Par- 
liament or  otherwise,  of  our  error  in  distressing  those 
countries  so  much  as  we  had  done.  A  few  words 
of  that  kind,  the  Doctor  said,  would  do  more  good 
than  people  could  imagine.  Thirdly,  colony  ships  and 
trade  to  be  received,  and  have  the  same  privileges 
in  Britain  and  Ireland,  as  British  ships  and  trade; 
British  and  Irish  ships  in  the  colonies  to  be  in  like 
manner  on  the  same  footing  with  their  own  ships. 
Fourthly,  giving  up  every  part  of  Canada." 

These  terms  were  sent  over  to  the  ministry,  and 
Mr.  Oswald  was  authorized  to  treat,  by  assuming  the 
articles,  here  mentioned  as  necessary,  for  the  basis  of 
his  negotiation.  It  hence  appears,  that,  at  the  outset, 
Dr.  Franklin  not  only  insisted  on  the  fisheries  as  ne- 
cessary to  be  granted,  but  the  British  ministers  de- 
cided to  yield  them,  although  they  afterwards  strug- 
gled hard  to  have  this  decision  reversed. 

Dr.  Franklin  was  extremely  desirous  to  procure  the 


jET.76.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  481 

accession  of  Canada;  he  said,  there  could  be  no  solid 
and  permanent  peace  without  it ;  that  it  would  cost 
the  British  government  more  to  keep  it,  than  it  was 
worth ;  it  would  be  a  source  of  future  difficulties  with 
the  United  States,  and  some  day  or  other  it  must  be 
long  to  them ;  and  it  was  for  the  interest  of  both  par- 
ties, that  it  should  be  ceded  in  the  treaty  of  peace. 
Yet  he  did  not  think  proper  to  urge  such  a  cession 
as  a  necessary  condition  of  peace,  especially  since 
Congress  had  forborne  to  instruct  the  commissioners 
on  this  subject,  and  since  there  was  no  claim  on 
France,  by  the  treaty  of  alliance,  to  sustain  such  a 
demand,  as  the  pledge  in  that  treaty  was  only  to  in- 
sure the  independence  of  the  old  Thirteen  Colonies, 
and  Canada  wras  not  one  of  these.  Mr.  Oswald,  in 
his  conversations  with  Dr.  Franklin,  gave  it  as  his 
opinion,  that  Canada  should  be  given  up  to  the  United 
States,  and  said,  that,  when  he  mentioned  it  to  the 
ministers,  though  they  spoke  cautiously,  they  did  not 
express  themselves  as  decidedly  opposed  to  the  meas- 
ure. It  was  not  pressed,  however,  by  the  American 
commissioners,  and  it  would  seem  not  to  have  been 
much  dwelt  upon  in  the  subsequent  progress  of  the 
negotiation. 

At  this  stage  of  the  business,  Dr.  Franklin  was 
taken  ill,  and  was  confined  for  several  weeks  to  his 
house.  The  negotiation  was  chiefly  carried  on  by  Mr. 
Oswald  and  Mr.  Jay,  though  Dr.  Franklin  was  con- 
sulted when  occasion  required  it.  Mr.  Oswald  at 
length  produced  his  commission.  It  was  first  perused 
by  Mr.  Jay,  who  was  so  little  pleased  with  it,  that 
he  refused  to  proceed  with  the  treaty  unless  it  should 
be  altered.  As  it  stood,  Mr.  Oswald  was  authorized 
to  conclude  a  treaty  "  with  commissioners  named,  or 
to  be  named,  by  the  colonies  or  plantations  in  Amer- 

VOL.    I  61  O  0 


482  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1782. 

ica,"  or  any  assembly,  body,  or  description  of  men. 
Nothing  was  said  of  the  United  States  as  an  inde- 
pendent power,  nor  could  it  be  inferred,  that  their  in- 
dependence was  to  be  recognised  in  a  formal  manner. 
Mr.  Oswald  appealed  to  his  instructions  on  this  head, 
and  showed  one  of  the  articles,  by  which  indepen- 
dence was  to  be  granted  in  the  treaty.  Mr.  Jay  still 
insisted  that  this  was  not  enough ;  that  independence 
must  be  acknowledged  in  the  first  instance,  and  that 
the  commission  must  be  worded  accordingly. 

The  form  of  Mr.  Oswald's  commission  was  faulty 
in  two  respects ;  first,  the  American  commissioners  did 
not  represent  colonies,  but  an  independent  nation ; 
secondly,  Mr.  Oswald  was  empowered  to  negotiate 
with  assemblies,  or  individuals  of  any  description,  which, 
to  say  the  least,  was  unusual,  and  not  respectful  to 
the  United  States.  Dr.  Franklin  was  consulted,  and 
he  agreed  with  Mr.  Jay,  that  the  commission  was  ob- 
jectionable in  its  form,  but  he  had  some  doubts  wheth- 
er it  was  best  to  endanger  the  treaty  by  insisting  too 
much  on  forms,  especially  as  it  was  evident,  that  in- 
dependence was  to  be  granted,  as  well  as  all  the 
other  principal  demands  of  the  United  States.  In  the 
present  condition  of  affairs  in  England,  there  was  a 
prospect  of  another  change  of  ministry ;  and,  if  this 
should  take  place,  it  was  extremely  doubtful  whether 
peace  could  be  obtained  on  any  reasonable  terms,  and 
whether  the  war  would  not  be  renewed.  Mr.  Jay  saw 
the  matter  in  a  different  light ;  he  looked  upon  the 
form  as  a  thing  of  more  importance  ;  and  he  labored 
the  point  for  some  time  with  Mr.  Oswald,  and  with 
so  much  pertinacity  as  to  gain  a  partial  success. 

As  to  a  previous  acknowledgment  of  independence, 
Mr.  Jay  said  it  ought  to  be  declared  by  an  act  of  Par- 
liament. But  Parliament  wis  not  now  in  session,  and 


^Er.  76.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  483 

would  not  convene  for  some  months.  He  next  sug- 
gested, that  the  King  should  do  it  by  proclamation. 
Mr.  Oswald  replied,  that  the  Enabling  Act,  which  em- 
powered the  King  to  make  peace,  did  not  authorize 
him  to  issue  such  a  proclamation;  and,  when  Parlia- 
ment should  meet,  they  might  destroy  its  effect,  and 
perhaps  throw  every  thing  into  confusion  and  defeat 
the  treaty.  When  he  complained  to  Dr.  Franklin  of 
Mr.  Jay's  inflexibility,  and  of  its  tendency  to  over- 
throw all  that  had  been  done,  and  take  away  all  hope 
of  continuing  the  negotiation,  Franklin  answered,  "Mr. 
Jay  is  a  lawyer,  and  may  think  of  things  that  do  not 
occur  to  those  who  are  not  lawyers."  Mr.  Jay  finally 
gave  up  this  point,  and  said,  that,  "if  Dr.  Franklin 
would  consent,  he  was  willing,  in  place  of  an  express 
and  previous  acknowledgment  of  independence,  to  ac- 
cept of  a  constructive  denomination  of  character,  to 
be  introduced  in  the  preamble  of  the  treaty,  by  only 
describing  their  constituents  as  the  Thirteen  United 
States  of  America."  Dr.  Franklin  agreed  to  this  pro- 
posal, and  the  more  readily,  as  Mr.  Adams  had  some 
time  before  written  to  him  from  Holland  as  follows. 
"  In  a  former  letter  I  hinted,  that  I  thought  an  ex- 
press acknowledgment  of  independence  might  now  be 
insisted  on ;  but  I  did  not  mean,  that  we  should  in- 
sist upon  such  an  article  in  the  treaty.  If  they  make 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  United  States  of  America, 
this  is  acknowledgment  enough  for  me." 

The  commission  was  accordingly  sent  back  to  Lon- 
don, and  altered  apparently  without  hesitation  or  ob- 
jection. Instead  of  the  original  form,  it  was  so  word- 
ed, that  Mr.  Oswald  was  empowered  to  treat  "  with 
any  commissioners  or  persons,  vested  with  equal  pow- 
ers by  and  on  the  part  of  the  Thirteen  United  States 
of  America."  After  all,  the  previous  acknowledgment 


484  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1782 

was  not  obtained.  Independence  made  the  first  arti- 
cle of  the  treaty.  But  this  was  a  small  matter  in  it- 
self; a  thing  of  form  and  not  of  substance. 

These  preliminary  skirmishes  occupied  three  months 
from  the  time  the  discussions  first  commenced  be- 
tween Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Oswald.  The  negotia- 
tors were  now  ready  to  enter  upon  the  solid  part 
of  their  work.  Independence,  the  boundaries,  and  the 
fisheries,  were  the  three  great  points  to  be  arranged. 
The  first  was  settled  at  once,  in  the  manner  already 
described.  The  boundary  question  was  more  complex; 
it  led  to  long  discussions,  to  the  examining  of  maps  and 
ancient  documents,  and  to  such  ingenious  arguments 
and  counter-arguments  as  diplomatists  know  how  to 
use.  It  was  finally  adjusted  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
parties. 

The  right  to  catch  fish  in  the  ocean,  at  such  a 
distance  from  the  coast  as  not  to  interfere  with  the 
jurisdiction  over  any  territory,  is  given  by  nature  to 
all  mankind,  and  is  recognised  by  the  laws  of  nations, 
although  it  is  sometimes  encroached  upon  by  the  usur- 
pation of  maritime  powers.  This  right  had  been  ex- 
ercised by  the  Americans  along  their  own  coast,  from 
the  first  settlement  of  the  country,  in  common  with 
the  British.  As  to  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  and 
other  fishing  grounds  in  that  quarter,  they  had  shared 
in  the  wars  for  maintaining  and  extending  the  lib- 
erty of  fishing  there,  and  in  this  view  they  possessed 
the  same  title  to  it  as  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Brit- 
ain. They  had  not  forfeited  it  by  the  Revolution,  any 
more  than  they  had  forfeited  the  right  to  navigate 
their  own  bays  and  rivers.  In  short,  the  case  was 
so  plain,  that  no  difficulty  was  made  about  it  at  the 
beginning  of  the  negotiation ;  for  we  have  seen,  that 
it  was  included  in  the  necessary  articles  first  proposed 


/Er.76.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  485 

by  Dr.  Franklin.  No  objection  was  then  made  to 
it ;  and,  in  fact,  Mr.  Oswald  was  instructed  to  admit 
this  article. 

When,  however,  the  negotiation  seemed  nearly  at 
a  close,  the  various  propositions  in  the  treaty  having 
been  carried  back  and  forth  by  messengers  between 
Paris  and  London,  an  effort  was  unexpectedly  made 
by  the  British  ministry  to  extort  better  terms.  They 
now  revived  the  question  of  the  boundaries ;  but  it 
was  their  great  object  to  obtain  compensation  for  the 
loyalists,  or  Tories,  whose  property  had  been  confis- 
cated, and  many  of  whom  had  been  banished  from 
the  country.  If  this  could  not  be  done,  it  was  their 
next  object  to  retain  the  fisheries  as  an  equivalent. 
Mr.  Strachey  went  over  to  Paris,  and  he  and  Mr. 
Fitzherbert  united  their  forces  with  Mr.  Oswald  to 
push  these  points  with  all  their  might.  At  this  time 
Mr.  Adams  had  joined  his  colleagues,  having  arrived 
in  Paris  near  the  end  of  October,  a  month  before  the 
treaty  was  signed.  Coming  fresh  to  the  conflict,  he 
exerted  himself  on  every  point  with  his  usual  ardor 
and  energy ;  and  the  British  claim  to  the  fisheries, 
in  particular,  was  resisted  by  him  with  great  strength 
of  argument  and  a  determined  spirit. 

In  regard  to  the  loyalists,  none  of  the  American 
commissioners  ever  gave  the  least  hope,  that  any  thing 
could  be  done  in  their  favor.  Dr.  Franklin  discarded 
the  idea,  most  pointedly,  in  his  first  conversations  with 
Mr.  Oswald.  The  commissioners  had  no  power  to 
act  in  the  case ;  Congress  had  none.  The  property 
of  the  loyalists  had  been  confiscated  by  the  States, 
and  the  remedy,  if  any,  must  be  sought  from  the 
States.  An  article  in  the  treaty,  to  this  effect,  would 
not  be  binding;  it  would  not  be  regarded.  Besides, 
neither  justice  no-*  humanity  required,  that  the  Ameri- 

oo* 


486  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1782. 

cans  should  compensate  these  people.  They  had 
been  the  principal  cause  of  the  war,  and  instrumental 
in  promoting  and  aggravating  some  of  its  worst  hor- 
rors; they  had  taken  the  lead  in  burning  towns,  and 
plundering  and  distressing  the  inhabitants;  they  had 
deserted  their  country's  cause,  and  sacrificed  every 
thing  to  their  friendship  for  their  country's  foes ;  and, 
if  they  were  to  be  indemnified  by  anybody,  it  must 
be  by  their  friends.  Such  were  the  sentiments  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  which  he  maintained  to  the  last,  and  in  which 
he  was  firmly  supported  by  his  colleagues. 

They  would  not  listen  to  any  proposal  in  the  shape 
of  an  indemnification;  and  they  said,  that,  if  such  an 
article  were  insisted  on,  it  must  be  accompanied  by 
another,  which  would  destroy  its  effect,  and  probably 
turn  the  advantage  to  the  other  side.  An  account 
should  be  prepared  in  America  of  all  the  damages 
done  by  the  loyalists,  and  an  account  of  their  losses 
should  be  exhibited,  and  examined  by  commissioners 
mutually  chosen  for  the  purpose.  These  two  ac- 
counts should  be  set  against  each  other.  If  a  bal- 
ance were  found  in  favor  of  the  loyalists,  it  should  be 
paid  by  the  Americans;  if  the  balance  were  against 
them,  it  should  be  paid  to  the  United  States  by  the 
British  government. 

This  suggestion  was  not  relished  by  the  British  en- 
voys ;  and  they  finally  declared,  that,  unless  the  loyal- 
ists were  indemnified  and  the  fisheries  contracted  with- 
in the  limits  prescribed  by  them,  the  treaty  must  go 
back  again  to  London  for  the  consideration  of  the 
ministry.  Dr.  Franklin  then  produced  a  new  article, 
which  he  desired  might  be  sent  with  it;  the  sub- 
stance of  which  was,  that  his  Britannic  Majesty  should 
recommend  to  Parliament  to  make  compensation  to 
the  Americans  for  all  the  goods  taken  from  them  by 


'Er.  7(1]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  487 

the  British  army  during  the  war,  for  the  tobacco,  rice, 
indigo,  and  negroes  that  had  been  plundered,  for  the 
vessels  and  cargoes  seized  before  the  declaration  of 
war  against  the  United  States,  and  for  all  the  towns, 
villages,  and  farms,  that  had  been  burned  and  de- 
stroyed by  his  troops. 

The  tone  of  the  British  commissioners  was  softened 
by  this  formidable  proposition.  Nothing  more  was  said 
about  sending  the  treaty  to  London.  It  appeared,  in- 
deed, that  they  had  a  discretionary  power  to  sign  the 
treaty,  even  if  they  should  fail  to  gain  these  two  points 
of  compensation  to  the  loyalists  and  the  new  claim 
to  the  fisheries.  The  ministry  had  always  intended 
to  give  them  up,  if  they  could  do  no  better.  An  ar- 
ticle was  inserted,  however,  by  which  Congress  were 
to  recommend  an  indemnification  of  the  loyalists  to 
the  States;  but  it  was  declared,  at  the  same  time, 
that  there  was  not  the  least  probability  that  the  States 
would  take  any  notice  of  this  recommendation.  By 
another  article  it  was  agreed,  that  there  should  be  no 
legal  impediment,  on  either  side,  to  the  collection  of 
debts  contracted  before  the  war.  These  two  articles, 
even  in  this  limited  shape,  were  regarded  as  impor- 
tant by  the  ministry,  because  they  would  appease  the 
clamors  of  the  British  creditors,  and  of  the  loyalists, 
and  thus  disarm  the  opposition,  in  some  degree,  of 
the  weapons  with  which  it  was  foreseen  the  treaty 
would  be  assailed  on  the  meeting  of  Parliament. 

It  may  be  added,  also,  that  the  commercial  article, 
which  Dr.  Franklin  proposed  in  his  first  sketch,  and 
which  Mr.  Jay  afterwards  assisted  him  to  mature,  was 
not  introduced.  The  treaty  was  merely  a  treaty  of 
peace.  Commercial  regulations  were  left  for  a  future 
arrangement.  The  whole  business  was  at  length  con- 
cluded, and  the  original  demands  of  the  American 


488  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1782. 

commissioners,  in  every  essential  point,  were  allowed 
and  confirmed.  The  treaty  was  signed  at  Paris  by 
both  parties  in  due  form,  on  the  30th  of  November, 
1782.  It  was  approved  and  ratified  by  Congress,  and 
received  with  joy  by  the  people ;  and  the  commis- 
sioners had  the  satisfaction,  which  has  rarely  fallen  to 
the  lot  of  negotiators,  of  finding  their  work  applauded 
by  the  unanimous  voice  of  a  whole  nation.* 

*  Lord  Brougham,  in  his  sketch  of  the  character  of  Mr.  Wedder- 
burn,  afterwards  Lord  Loughborough,  recently  published,  has  unguard- 
edly repeated  a  false  report,  respecting  the  signing  of  the  treaty,  which 
was  circulated  soon  after  that  event,  but  promptly  refuted.  In  allud- 
ing to  Mr.  Wedderburn's  abusive  speech  against  Dr.  Franklin  before 
the  Privy  Council,  Lord  Brougham  says ;  "  It  is  well  known,  that,  when 
the  ambassadors  were  met  to  sign  the  peace  of  Versailles,  by  which 
the  independence  of  America  was  acknowledged,  Franklin  retired,  in 
order  to  change  his  dress  and  affix  his  name  to  the  treaty  in  those  gar- 
ments, which  he  wore  when  attending  the  Privy  Council,  and  which 
he  had  kept  by  him  for  the  purpose  many  years."  This  statement  is 
entirely  erroneous.  The  report  was  fabricated  in  England,  at  a'  time 
when  the  treaty  was  a  topic  of  vehement  discussion ;  and  it  was  ea- 
gerly seized  upon  to  gratify  the  malevolence  of  a  disappointed  party. 
When  it  appeared  in  print,  it  was  immediately  contradicted  by  Mr.  White- 
foord,  who  was  present  at  the  signing  of  the  treaty,  and  affixed  his  name 
to  it,  as  the  secretary  to  the  English  commissioner.  "  This  absurd  sto- 
ry," says  Mr.  Whitefoord,  "  has  no  foundation  but  in  the  imagination 
of  the  inventor.  He  supposes  that  the  act  of  signing  the  peace  took 
place  at  the  house  of  Dr.  Franklin.  The  fact  is  otherwise ;  the  con- 
ferences were  held,  and  the  treaty  was  signed,  at  the  hotel  of  the  Brit- 
ish commissioner,  where  Dr.  Franklin  and  the  other  American  commis- 
sioners gave  their  attendance  for  that  purpose.  The  court  of  Versailles 
having  at  that  time  gone  into  mourning  for  the  death  of  some  German 
prince,  the  Doctor  of  course  was  dressed  in  a  suit  of  black  cloth;  and 
it  is  in  the  recollection  of  the  writer  of  this,  and  also  he  believes  of 
many  other  people,  that  when  the  memorable  philippic  was  pronounced 
against  Dr.  Franklin  in  the  Privy  Council,  he  was  dressed  in  a  suit 
ofjigurcd  Manchester  velvet."  See  the  whole  of  Mr.  Whitefoord's  letter 
in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  for  July,  1785,  p.  561.  The  error  may  have 
arisen  from  the  circumstance,  stated  on  the  authority  of  Silas  Deane  and 
Edward  Bancroft,  that,  when  the  treaty  of  alliance  between  France  and 
the  United  States  was  signed,  Franklin  was  dressed  in  this  suit  of  velvet 
See  Vol.  IV.  p.  453. 


jET.70.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  489 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Treaty  signed  without  the  Knowledge  of  the  Court  of  France,  con- 
trary to  the  Instructions  from  Congress,  and  to  the  Treaty  of  Alli- 
ance.—  Count  de  Vergennes's  Opinion  of  the  Treaty.  —  Unfounded 
Suspicions.  —  Rayneval  and  Marbois.  —  Franklin's  Explanation  of  the 
Grounds  upon  which  he  acted.  —  False  Rumor  concerning  his  Exer- 
tions in  obtaining  the  Boundaries  and  Fisheries.  —  His  Financial  Con- 
tract with  Count  de  Vergennes.  —  Negotiates  a  Treaty  with  Sweden. 

—  Mr.  Hartley.  —  Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace  signed.  —  Franklin's  Sen- 
timents on  this  Occasion.  — Appointed  by  the  King  of  France  one  of 
the  Commissioners  for  investigating  the  Subject  of  Animal  Magnetism 

—  Negotiations.  —  His   Request  to  be  recalled  is  finally  granted  by 
Congress.  —  Mr.  Jefferson    succeeds    him   as  Minister  to  France. — 
Treaty  with  Prussia.  —  Franklin  prepares  to  return  Home.  —  Journey 
from  Passy  to  Havre  de  Grace.  —  Sails  from  Southampton  and  arrives 
in  Philadelphia. 

THE  most  remarkable  circumstance  attending  the 
treaty  of  peace  remains  to  be  noticed.  The  Ameri- 
can envoys  not  only  negotiated  it  without  consulting 
the  court  of  France,  but  signed  it  without  their  knowl- 
edge, notwithstanding  they  were  pointedly  instructed 
by  Congress,  "to  make  the  most  candid  and  confi- 
dential communications  upon  all  subjects  to  the  min- 
isters of  our  generous  ally,  the  King  of  France,  and 
to  undertake  nothing  in  the  negotiations  for  peace  or 
truce  without  their  knowledge  and  concurrence ; "  and 
notwithstanding  the  pledge  in  the  treaty  of  alliance, 
"that  neither  of  the  two  parties  should  conclude  ei- 
ther truce  or  peace  with  Great  Britain,  without  the 
formal  consent  of  the  other  first  obtained."  It  is  true, 
that  the  treaty  was  only  provisional,  and  was  not  to 
be  ratified  until  France  had  likewise  concluded  a  trea- 
ty ;  but  this  reservation  did  not  alter  the  nature  of 
the  act.  When  the  American  treaty  was  signed,  it 
was  not  known  to  the  commissioners  what  progress 

VOL.  i.  62 


490  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1785! 

had  been  made  by  the  French  in  their  negotiation, 
or  whether  it  was  likely  to  be  completed,  or  the  war 
to  continue.  There  was  also  a  separate  article,  which 
was  not  intended  to  be  communicated  to  the  French 
at  all,  concerning  the  'southern  boundary  of  the  United 
States,  in  case  West  Florida  should  be  given  up  to 
the  British  in  their  treaty  with  Spain. 

It  was  not  strange,  that  Count  de  Vergennes  should 
complain  of  this  procedure,  and  express  himself  with 
some  degree  of  indignation  when  it  was  told  to  him, 
without  any  previous  notice  of  such  an  intent,  that  the 
treaty  had  been  signed.  The  commissioners,  as  a 
body,  offered  no  explanation.  This  task  was  laid  upon 
Dr.  Franklin,  who  executed  it  as  well  as  he  could, 
and  with  such  success  as  to  soften  the  displeasure  of 
the  French  court.  Entire  satisfaction  was  not  to  be 
expected;  indeed,  it  could  not  be  given.  The  feel- 
ings of  Count  de  Vergennes  on  this  occasion,  and  his 
opinion  of  the  treaty,  may  be  gathered  from  a  confi- 
dential letter,  written  by  him  to  M.  de  la  Luzerne 
three  weeks  after  the  treaty  was  signed,  and  commu- 
nicating the  first  intelligence  of  that  event. 

"  With  this  letter,"  says  Count  de  Vergennes,  "  I 
have  the  honor  to  send  you  a  translation  of  the  pre- 
liminary articles,  which  the  American  plenipotentiaries 
have  agreed  to  and  signed  with  those  of  Great  Britain, 
to  be  made  into  a  treaty,  when  the  terms  of  peace 
between  France  and  England  shall  be  settled.  You 
will  surely  be  gratified,  as  well  as  myself,  with  the 
very  extensive  advantages,  which  our  allies,  the  Amer- 
icans, are  to  receive  from  the  peace;  but  you  cer- 
tainly will  not  be  less  surprised  than  I  have  been,  at 
the  conduct  of  the  commissioners.  I  have  informed 
you,  that  the  King  did  not  seek  to  influence  the  ne- 
gotiation, any  further  than  his  offices  might  be  neces- 


/Er.  76.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLEN.  491 

sary  to  his  friends.  The  American  commissioners  will 
not  say,  that  I  have  wearied  them  with  my  curiosity. 
They  have  cautiously  kept  themselves  at  a  distance 
from  me. 

"  This  negotiation  is  not  yet  so  far  advanced  in  re- 
gard to  ourselves,  as  that  of  the  United  States ;  not 
that  the  King,  if  he  had  shown  as  little  delicacy  in 
his  proceedings  as  the  American  commissioners,  might 
not  have  signed  articles  with  England  long  before 
them.  There  is  no  essential  difficulty  at  present  be- 
tween France  and  England ;  but  the  King  has  been 
resolved  that  all  his  allies  should  be  satisfied,  being 
determined  to  continue  the  war,  whatever  advantage 
may  be  offered  to  him,  if  England  is  disposed  to 
wrong  any  one  of  them. 

"We  have  now  only  to  attend  to  the  interests  of 
Spain  and  Holland.  I  have  reason  to  hope,  that  the 
former  will  be  soon  arranged.  The  fundamental  points 
are  established,  and  little  remains  but  to  settle  the 
forms.  I  think  the  United  States  will  do  well  to  make 
an  arrangement  with  Spain.  They  will  be  neighbours. 
As  to  Holland,  I  fear  her  affairs  will  cause  embarrass- 
ments and  delays.  The  disposition  of  the  British  min- 
istry towards  that  republic  appears  to  be  any  thing 
but  favorable. 

"  Such  is  the  present  state  of  things.  I  trust  it  will 
soon  be  better;  but,  whatever  may  be  the  result,  I 
think  it  proper  that  the  most  influential  members  of 
Congress  should  be  informed  of  the  very  irregular  con- 
duct of  their  commissioners  in  regard  to  us.  You 
may  speak  of  it  not  in  the  tone  of  complaint.  I  ac- 
cuse no  person ;  I  blame  no  one,  not  even  Dr.  Frank- 
lin. He  has  yielded  too  easily  to  the  bias  of  his  col- 
leagues, who  do  not  pretend  to  recognise  the  rules  of 
courtesy  in  regard  to  us.  All  their  attentions  have 


492  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1782. 

been  taken  up  by  the  English,  whom  they  have  met 
in  Paris.  If  we  may  judge  of  the  future  from  what 
has  passed  here  under  our  eyes,  we  shall  be  but 
poorly  paid  for  all  that  we  have  done  for  the  United 
States,  and  for  securing  to  them  a  national  existence. 

"I  will  add  nothing,  in  respect  to  the  demand  for 
money,  which  has  been  made  upon  us.  You  may 
well  judge,  if  conduct  like  this  encourages  us  to  make 
demonstrations  of  our  liberality." 

There  is  no  disguise  in  this  letter;  and  we  learn 
from  it  the  precise  sentiments  of  the  French  court  in 
relation  both  to  the  treaty  and  to  the  conduct  of  the 
commissioners.  On  this  latter  head,  it  manifests  no 
want  of  sensibility;  and,  on  the  former,  not  even  a 
hint  is  thrown  out,  that  the  treaty  included  privileges 
with  which  the  French  were  displeased,  or  which  they 
had  intended  to  claim  in  their  treaty  with  England. 
On  the  contrary,  the  minister  expresses  his  gratifica- 
tion, that  the  Americans  had  gained  such  very  exten- 
sive advantages.  And  it  may  be  added,  that,  notwith- 
standing the  intimation  at  the  close  of  the  above  ex- 
tract, the  King  of  France  had  already  resolved  to 
grant  to  the  United  States  a  new  loan  of  six  millions 
of  livres  for  the  coming  year,  and  his  purpose  was 
not  changed. 

After  all  these  facts,  it  may  be  asked  what  motive 
could  induce  the  commissioners  to  act  in  a  manner 
apparently  so  unjustifiable.  This  question  may  be 
answered  by  a  single  word,  suspicion;  excited  in  the 
first  instance  by  circumstances,  which  seemed  to  indi- 
cate some  interested  designs  of  the  French ;  and  fo- 
mented, from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  nego- 
tiation, by  the  British  envoys.  Count  de  Vergennes 
and  the  French  minister  in  Philadelphia  had  uniformly 
urged  moderation  on  the  Americans,  with  respect  to 


^Ex.  76.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  493 

their  claims  to  the  boundaries  and  the  fisheries;  and 
they  recommended  compensation  to  the  loyalists.  The 
reason  is  obvious.  The  French  had  bound  themselves 
to  carry  on  the  war,  till  a  peace  should  be  concluded, 
satisfactory  to  the  Americans ;  and  they  feared,  hat,  if 
extravagant  demands  were  put  forth  in  negotiating  a 
treaty,  the  pride  of  England  would  not  yield  to  them, 
and  that  the  war  would  be  protracted  on  this  account, 
after  all  the  other  powers  had  gained  their  ends  and 
were  desirous  of  peace.  But  it  was  suspected,  that 
France  could  have  no  other  aim,  than  to  secure  cer- 
tain advantages  to  herself  at  the  expense  of  the  Amer- 
icans. If  such  a  scheme  had  been  formed,  would  not 
the  French  ministers  have  been  silent  till  the  time  of 
action,  instead  of  making  their  sentiments  known,  as 
they  did,  openly  and  on  many  occasions  during  the 
war,  both  in  America  and  in  France. 

While  the  negotiation  was  pending,  an  incident  oc- 
curred, which  raised  new  suspicions,  and  tended  to 
strengthen  the  old  ones.  M.  de  Rayneval,  the  princi- 
pal secretary  under  Count  de  Vergennes,  went  twice 
to  London.  It  was  immediately  surmised  by  Mr.  Jay, 
that  these  visits  were  inauspicious  to  the  American 
treaty;  and,  in  short,  that  M.  de  Rayneval  was  in- 
structed to  enter  into  an  agreement  with  Lord  Shel- 
burne  to  divide  the  fisheries  between  England  and 
France,  and  to  curtail  the  boundaries  of  the  United 
States,  before  the  American  treaty  should  be  finished. 
There  is  a  long  despatch  from  Mr.  Jay  to  Congress, 
in  which  he  endeavours  to  establish  these  points  by  an 
accumulation  of  circumstances  and  conjectural  evidence. 
But  whatever  his  imagination  may  have  suggested, 
which  could  render  such  a  suspicion  plausible,  it  had 
no  just  foundation  in  fact.  M.  de  Rayneval's  instruc- 
tions, his  correspondence  with  Count  de  Vergennes 

VOL.    I.  P  P 


494  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1782 

while  he  was  in  London,  and  notes  of  his  conversa- 
tions with  Lord  Shelburne,  have  been  perused  by 
the  author  of  these  pages ;  and  there  is  not  one  word 
in  them  relating  to  the  American  boundaries  and  fish- 
eries, except  in  two  instances,  in  which  Lord  Shel- 
burne of  his  own  accord  mentioned  the  subject,  and 
said  he  hoped  the  King  of  France  would  not  sustain 
the  unreasonable  demands  of  the  Americans.  On  both 
these  occasions  M.  de  Rayneval  declined  holding  any 
discussion.  Indeed,  he  was  expressly  instructed,  in 
case  Lord  Shelburne  should  speak  to  him  on  Amer- 
ican affairs,  to  declare,  "that  he  had  no  authority  to 
treat  on  these  topics."  * 

It  was  the  main  object  of  M.  de  Rayneval's  mis- 
sion to  settle  the  difficulties  in  the  Spanish  treaty. 
Before  Spain  declared  war  against  England,  a  secret 
convention  was  formed  between  France  and  Spain, 
in  which  the  former  engaged  to  prosecute  the  war 
jointly  with  the  latter,  till  certain  advantages  should  be 
gained,  particularly  the  restoration  of  Gibraltar.  But 
the  time  of  peace  had  come,  •  and  Gibraltar  was  still 
in  the  hands  of  the  English.  This  subject  caused  a 
great  deal  of  trouble  in  adjusting  the  Spanish  treaty. 

Again,  the  British  envoys,  perceiving  these  suspi- 
cions, took  care  to  make  the  most  of  them,  and  to 
effect  as  wide  a  separation  as  they  could  between  the 
Americans  and  the  French.  They  produced  an  inter- 
cepted letter,  written  by  M.  de  Marbois,  secretary  of 
the  French  legation  in  Philadelphia,  whilst  the  minister 
himself  was  absent  on  a  visit  to  the  American  army. 
This  letter  contained  heretical  doctrines  about  the  fish- 
eries, and  it  was  assumed  to  be  a  ministerial  document; 

*  See  Mr.  Jay's  despatch  in  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  Vol.  VIII 
p.  129;  and  remarks  upon  it,  p.  208.  Also,  North  American  Review, 
Vol.  XXX.  p  22. 


JEr.  76.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  495 

whereas,  it  was  written  by  the  secretary  without  au- 
thority, and  was  merely  an  exposition  of  his  private 
sentiments,  accompanied  by  facts  of  a  very  dubious 
character,  which  are  now  known  to  have  been  derived 
from  a  source  deserving  little  confidence.  These  cir- 
cumstances not  being  understood  at  that  time,  the  let- 
ter had  mueh  weight  in  confirming  the  suspicions  that 
already  existed.* 

It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that  the  commission- 
ers were  unanimous  in  the  course  they  pursued.  But 
they  never  pretended  to  give  any  other  reasons  for 
their  conduct,  than  such  as  were  founded  on  inferen- 
ces, conjectures,  and  unexplained  appearances.  No  di- 
rect or  positive  proofs  were  adduced,  and  nothing  is 
now  hazarded  in  saying,  that  no  such  proofs  will  ever 
be  brought  to  light.  The  French  court,  from  first  to 
last,  adhered  faithfully  to  the  terms  of  the  alliance.  Not 
that  they  had  any  special  partiality  for  the  Americans, 
or  were  moved  by  the  mere  impulse  of  good  will  and 
friendship,  unmixed  with  motives  of  interest.  Why 
should  this  be  expected?  When  was  entire  disinter- 
estedness ever  known  to  characterize  the  intercourse 
between  nations?  But  no  fact  in  the  history  of  the  \ 
American  Revolution  is  more  clearly  demonstrable,  than 
that  the  French  government,  in  their  relations  with  the 
United  States,  during  the  war  and  at  the  peace,  main- 
tained strictly  their  honor  and  fidelity  to  their  en- 

*  There  is  a  curious  passage  in  Coxe's  History  of  the  House  of  Au- 
stria, which  shows  the  designs  of  the  British  commissioners,  and  the  kind 
of  influence  which  was  supposed  to  be  exercised  by  them.  "  Mr.  Fitz- 
herbert,"  says  this  historian,  "fulfilled  his  delicate  office  with  great  abil- 
ity and  address.  While  he  treated  with  Vergennes,  he  succeeded  in 
alarming  Franklin,  Adams,  and  Jay,  and  prevailed  on  them  to  sign  sep- 
arate and  provisional  articles,  which  severed  America  from  France." 
-Vol.  V.  p.  327,  2d.  ed. 


496  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1783. 

gagements ;  nay,  more,  that  they  acted  a  generous,  and, 
in  some  instances,  a  magnanimous  part.* 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Livingston,  secretary  of  foreign 
affairs,  Dr.  Franklin  explains  the  grounds  upon^  which 
he  united  with  his  colleagues  in  signing  the  treaty. 

"  I  will  not  now  take  it  upon  me,"  he  observes,  "  to 
justify  the  apparent  reserve  respecting  this  court,  at 
the  signature,  which  you  disapprove.  I  do  not  see, 
however,  that  they  have  much  reason  to  complain  of 
that  transaction.  Nothing  was  stipulated  to  their  prej- 
udice, and  none  of  the  stipulations  were  to  have  force, 
but  by  a  subsequent  act  of  their  own.  I  suppose,  in- 
deed, that  they  have  not  complained  of  it,  or  you 
would  have  sent  us  a  copy  of  the  complaint,  that  we 
might  have  answered  it.  I  long  since  satisfied  Count 
de  Vergennes  about  it  here.  We  did  what  appeared 
to  all  of  us  best  at  the  time,  and,  if  we  have  done 
wrong,  the  Congress  will  do  right,  after  hearing  us,  to 
censure  us.  Their  nomination  of  five  persons  to  the 
service  seems  to  mark,  that  they  had  some  depen- 
dence on  our  joint  judgment,  since  one  alone  could 
have  made  a  treaty  by  direction  of  the  French  min- 
/  istry  as  well  as  twenty. 

"I  will  only  add,  that,  with  respect  to  myself,  neither 
the  letter  from  M.  de  Marbois,  handed  us  through  the 
British  negotiators  (a  suspicious  channel),  nor  the  con- 

*  The  treaties  between  France,  Spain,  and  England,  were  not  com- 
pleted till  seven  weeks  after  the  signing  of  the  American  treaty.  By  the 
special  invitation  of  Count  de  Vergennes,  the  American  commissioners 
were  present  when  those  treaties  were  signed  at  Versailles.  Mr.  Wil- 
mot,  in  a  treatise  written  under  the  direction  of  the  British  government, 
concerning  the  losses  and  claims  of  the  loyalists,  says,  that,  after  hav- 
ing seen  the  correspondence  of  the  British  commissioners  at  Paris  with 
the  ministers  at  home,  "he  can  assert  with  confidence,  that  the  court 
of  Versailles  absolutely  refused  to  come  to  any  treaty  or  decision  at  all, 
till  the  American  commissioners  were  completely  satisfied,"  —  WILMOT'S 
Historical  Vieic,  &c.,  p.  37. 


JEr.77.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  497 

versations  respecting  the  fishery,  the  boundaries,  the 
royalists,  &c.,  recommending  moderation  in  our  de- 
mands, are  of  weight  sufficient  in  my  mind  to  fix  an 
opinion,  that  this  court  wished  to  restrain  us  in  obtain- 
ing any  degree  of  advantage  we  could  prevail  on  our 
enemies  to  accord  ;  since  those  discourses  are  fairly  re- 
solvable, by  supposing  a  very  natural  apprehension,  that 
we,  relying  too  much  on  the  ability  of  France  to  con- 
tinue the  war  in  our  favor,  and  supply  us  constantly 
with  money,  might  insist  on  more  advantages  than  the 
English  would  be  willing  to  grant,  and  thereby  lose 
the  opportunity  of  making  peace,  so  necessary  to  all 
our  friends." 

A  rumor  was  circulated  in  America,  not  long  after 
the  signature  of  the  treaty,  that  Dr.  Franklin  was 
lukewarm  about  the  boundaries  and  fisheries,  and 
that  he  was  even  willing  to  conclude  a  treaty  without 
securing  these  advantages  to  his  country.  His  friend, 
Dr.  Cooper  of  Boston,  informed  him  of  this  rumor, 
and  of  its  tendency  to  injure  his  character.  Such  a 
charge,  considering  that  he  had  originally  proposed 
these  articles  as  essential,  and  had  zealously  supported 
them  to  their  fullest  extent  in  every  stage  of  the  ne- 
gotiation, appeared  to  him  as  ungrateful  as  it  was  un- 
just. He  immediately  wrote  to  the  other  commission- 
ers on  the  subject,  enclosing  an  extract  from  Dr. 
Cooper's  letter.  "It  is  not  my  purpose,"  said  he,  "to 
dispute  any  share  of  the  honor  of  the  treaty,  which 
the  friends  of  my  colleagues  may  be  disposed  to  give 
them ;  but,  having  now  spent  fifty  years  of  my  life  in 
public  offices  and  trusts,  and  having  still  one  ambition 
left,  that  of  carrying  the  character  of  fidelity  at  least 
to  the  grave  with  me,  I  cannot  allow  that  I  was  be- 
hind any  of  them  in  zeal  and  faithfulness.  I  there- 
fore think,  that  I  ought  not  to  suffer  an  accusation, 

VOL.  i.  63  PP* 


498  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1783 

which  falls  little  short  of  treason  to  my  country,  to 
pass  without  notice,  when  the  means  of  effectual  vin- 
dication are  at  hand.  You,  Sir,  were  a  witness  of  my 
conduct  in  that  affair.  To  you  and  my  other  col- 
leagues I  appeal,  by  sending  to  each  a  similar  letter 
with  this;  and  I  have  no  doubt  of  your  readiness  to 
do  a  brother  commissioner  justice,  by  certificates  that 
will  entirely  destroy  the  effect  of  that  accusation." 
Mr.  Jay  replied ;  "  I  have  no  reason  whatever  to  be- 
lieve, that  you  were  averse  to  our  obtaining  the  full  ex- 
tent of  boundary  and  fishery  secured  to  us  by  the 
treaty.  Your  conduct  respecting  them,  throughout  the 
negotiation,  indicated  a  strong,  a  steady  attachment  to 
both  those  objects,  and  in  my  opinion  promoted  the 
attainment  of  them."  And  further;  "I  do  not  recol- 
lect the  least  difference  of  sentiment  between  us  re- 
specting the  boundaries  or  fisheries.  On  the  contra- 
ry, we  were  unanimous  and  united  in  adhering  to  and 
insisting  on  them.  Nor  did  I  perceive  the  least  dis- 
position in  either  of  us  to  recede  from  our  claims,  or 
be  satisfied  with  less  than  we  obtained."* 

Whilst  the  treaty  was  in  the  course  of  negotiation, 

*  Notwithstanding  this  declaration,  so  positive  and  full,  we  find  the 
following  extraordinary  language  in  the  Life  of  Jay,  lately  published. 
Speaking  of  the  claims  to  the  boundaries  and  fisheries,  the  author  says ; 
"Dr.  Franklin  never  questioned  either  the  justice  or  the  importance  of 
these  claims,  but  he  did  question  the  propriety  of  making  the  success 
of  these  claims  an  ultimatum  of  peace,  when  Congress  had  not  made 
it  so."  And  again ;  "  Urged  on  the  one  hand  by  France,  and  fettered 
on  the  other  by  his  instructions,  Franklin  would,  in  all  human  probabil- 
ity, but  with  feelings  of  deep  mortification  and  regret,  have  set  his  hand 
to  a  treaty,  sacrificing  rights,  which  he  had  himself  ably  and  zealously 
maintained,  and  which  he  knew  to  be  of  inestimable  value  to  his  coun- 
try."—  Life  of  John  Jay,  Vol.  I.  pp.  153,  154.  These  charges,  equal- 
ly unfounded  and  unsustained  by  proofs,  may  be  regarded  with  the  less 
surprise,  when  it  is  known  that  the  author  adopts  all  Mr.  Jay's  suspicions 
of  the  French  court  as  historical  facts,  and  appears  to  have  acquired 
but  a  limited  knowledge  of  the  actual  history  of  the  negotiation. 


Mr.  77.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  499 

Count  de  Vergennes  and  Dr.  Franklin  entered  into  a 
contract,  on  the  16th  of  July,  fixing  the  time  and 
manner  of  paying  the  loans,  which  the  United  States 
had  received  from  France.  The  amount  of  these 
loans  was  then  eighteen  millions  of  livres,  exclusive 
of  three  millions  granted  before  the  treaty  of  alliance, 
and  the  subsidy  of  six  millions  heretofore  mentioned. 
These  nine  millions  were  considered  in  the  nature  of 
a  free  gift,  and  were  not  brought  into  the  account. 
By  the  terms  upon  which  the  eighteen  millions  had 
been  lent,  the  whole  sum  was  to  be  paid  on  the  1st 
of  January,  1788,  with  interest  at  five  per  cent.  As 
it  would  be  inconvenient,  if  not  impracticable,  for  the 
United  States  to  refund  the  whole  at  that  time,  the 
King  of  France  agreed  that  it  might  be  done  by 
twelve  annual  payments,  of  a  million  and  a  half  of  li- 
vres each,  and  that  these  payments  should  not  com- 
mence till  three  years  after  the  peace.  All  the  inter- 
est which  had  accrued,  or  which  should  accrue  pre- 
viously to  the  date  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  amounting 
to  about  two  millions  of  livres,  was  relinquished,  and 
it  was  never  to  be  demanded.  This  arrangement  was 
generous  on  the  part  of  the  King,  and  highly  advan- 
tageous to  the  United  States.  The  contract  was  rati- 
fied by  Congress. 

Some  months  before  the  treaty  of  peace  was  signed, 
Count  de  Creutz,  the  Swedish  ambassador  in  Paris, 
called  on  Dr.  Franklin,  and  said  that  his  sovereign 
desired  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Congress,  whenever 
a  minister  should  present  himself  for  that  purpose, 
invested  with  the  usual  powers.  Sweden  was  thus 
the  first  European  government,  which  voluntarily  prof- 
fered its  friendship  to  the  United  States,  and  the  first 
after  that  of  France,  which  proposed  to  treat  before 
their  indepen  ience  was  acknowledged  by  Great  Britain. 


500  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1781 

Dr.  Franklin  gave  notice  of  this  proposal  to  Congress, 
and  he  was  furnished  with  a  special  commission  to 
negotiate  the  treaty.  It  was  finished  within  a  few 
months,  and  signed  by  him  and  Count  de  Creutz  at 
Paris. 

The  provisional  treaty  of  peace  was  violently  as- 
sailed in  the  British  Parliament,  and  became  one  of 
the  principal  causes  of  the  dissolution  of  the  cabinet 
under  Lord  Shelburne.  The  coalition  ministry,  which 
followed,  probably  hoped  to  obtain  some  favorable 
changes  in  the  definitive  treaty,  or,  at  all  events,  to 
introduce  modifications  and  commercial  principles,  which 
would  render  it  more  acceptable  to  the  nation.  Mr. 
Hartley  was  accordingly  sent  over  to  Paris,  duly  com- 
missioned by  the  King,  and  instructed  to  negotiate 
with  the  American  envoys,  not  only  "for  perfecting 
and  establishing  the  peace,  friendship,  and  good  un- 
derstanding so  happily  commenced  by  the  provisional 
articles,"  but  also  "for  opening,  promoting,  and  ren- 
dering perpetual,  the  mutual  intercourse  of  trade  and 
commerce  between  the  two  countries."  Mr.  Hartley 
was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Fox,  then  one  of 
the  ministers,  to  Dr.  Franklin,  containing  professions 
of  personal  friendship,  and  expressing  a  hope  that  the 
treaty  of  peace  would  terminate  in  a  substantial  re- 
conciliation. 

A  commercial  article  was  proposed  to  Mr.  Hartley 
by  the  American  envoys,  which  they  said  they  were 
ready  to  confirm.  By  this  article  it  was  agreed,  that, 
whenever  his  Britannic  Majesty  should  withdraw  his 
fleets  and  armies  from  the  United  States,  all  the  har- 
bours and  ports  should  be  open  to  British  trading  ves- 
sels in  the  same  manner  as  to  American  vessels,  and 
without  any  other  charges  or  duties.  It  was  required, 
as  a  reciprocal  privilege,  that  American  vessels  should 


jET.  77.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  501 

be  admitted  on  the  same  footing  into  British  ports. 
Mr.  Hartley  was  not  prepared  to  assent  to  this  pro- 
posal. He  represented  the  Navigation  Act  as  a  bar- 
rier to  such  an  arrangement,  and  proposed  that  the 
commerce  between  the  two  countries  should  stand  on 
the  same  basis  as  before  the  war;  adding,  that  this 
was  only  a  temporary  provision,  which  might  be  grad- 
ually matured  into  a  more  complete  compact.  The 
West  India  trade  offered  other  embarrassments.  In 
short,  after  four  months'  negotiation,  nothing  was  ac- 
complished. All  the  propositions  went  to  the  minis- 
ters, and  were  returned  with  unsatisfactory  answers. 
The  American  commissioners  drew  up  a  series  of  new 
articles,  chiefly  relating  to  commerce,  which  they  were 
willing  should  be  inserted,  and  which  embraced  Dr. 
Franklin's  philanthropic  scheme  for  protecting  private 
property  in  time  of  war,  and  for  suppressing  the  prac- 
tice of  privateering.  None  of  them  was  accepted ;  and 
the  preliminary  articles  were  finally  adopted  as  the 
definitive  treaty,  and  signed  as  such  at  Paris  on  the 
3d  of  September,  1783. 

It  was  expected  that  the  treaties  between  England, 
France,  and  Spain,  and  the  one  between  England  and 
the  United  States,  would  be  signed  at  the  same  time 
and  place.  A  day  was  appointed  for  performing  the 
ceremony  at  Versailles.  But  Mr.  Hartley  declined 
signing  at  that  place,  and  said  his  instructions  con- 
fined him  to  Paris.  The  British  government  did  not 
choose  to  allow  even  so  slight  an  acknowledgment  of 
the  interference  of  the  court  of  Versailles  in  their 
treaty  with  the  Americans,  as  that  of  signing  it  in  the 
presence  of  the  French  minister.  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes  offered  no  objection  to  this  mode  of  proceed- 
ing, but  he  was  resolved  not  to  put  his  hand  to  the 
treaty  of  peace,  till  he  was  assured  that  the  Ameri- 


502  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1784. 

cans  had  finished  their  work  to  their  own  satisfaction. 
At  his  request,  therefore,  the  American  envoys  signed 
early  in  the  morning  with  Mr.  Hartley,  and  Dr.  Frank- 
lin sent  an  express  to  Versailles  communicating  the 
intelligence  to  Count  de  Vergennes,  who  then  signed 
the  definitive  treaty  with  the  British  ambassador. 

A  short  time  afterwards,  a  commission  arrived  from 
Congress  empowering  Adams,  Franklin,  and  Jay  to 
conclude  a  commercial  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  Com- 
munications passed  between  them  and  the  British  am- 
bassador in  Paris  on  the  subject.  But  nothing  was 
effected  under  this  commission,  and  it  became  more 
and  more  evident,  that  the  British  cabinet  had  no  se- 
rious design  of  forming  such  a  treaty. 

The  definitive  treaty  was  finally  ratified  by  the  two 
governments,  and  the  drama  of  the  Revolution  was 
closed.  The  sentiments  expressed  by  Dr.  Franklin  on 
this  occasion,  in  a  letter  to  his  friend  Charles  Thom- 
son, are  worthy  to  be  held  in  perpetual  remembrance 
by  his  countrymen. 

"Thus  the  great  and  hazardous  enterprise  we  have 
been  engaged  in,  is,  God  be  praised,  happily  com- 
pleted; an  event  I  hardly  expected  I  should  live  to 
see.  A  few  years  of  peace,  well  improved,  will  re- 
store and  increase  our  strength;  but  our  future  safety 
will  depend  on  our  union  and  our  virtue.  Britain  will 
be  long  watching  for  advantages,  to  recover  what  she 
has  lost.  If  we  do  not  convince  the  world,  that  we 
are  a  nation  to  be  depended  on  for  fidelity  in  treaties ; 
if  we  appear  negligent  in  paying  our  debts,  and  un- 
grateful to  those  who  have  served  and  befriended  us ; 
our  reputation,  and  all  the  strength  it  is  capable  of 
procuring,  will  be  lost,  and  fresh  attacks  upon  us  will 
be  encouraged  and  promoted  by  better  prospects  of 
success.  Let  us,  therefore,  beware  of  being  lulled  into 


JET.  78.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  503 

a  dangerous  security,  and  of  being  both  enervated 
and  impoverished  by  luxury ;  of  being  weakened  by 
internal  contentions  and  divisions;  of  being  shamefully 
extravagant  in  contracting  private  debts,  while  we  are 
backward  in  discharging  honorably  those  of  the  public; 
of  neglect  in  military  exercises  and  discipline,  and  in 
providing  stores  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  to  be 
ready  on  occasion ;  for  all  these  are  circumstances  that 
give  confidence  to  enemies,  and  diffidence  to  friends; 
and  the  expenses  required  to  prevent  a  war  are  much 
lighter  than  those  that  will,  if  not  prevented,  be  abso- 
lutely necessary  to  maintain  it." 

Public  attention  in  France  was  at  this  time  so 
much  excited  by  the  pretended  wonders  of  animal 
magnetism,  that  the  government  deemed  it  a  proper 
subject  for  scientific  inquiry.  Geslon,  a  disciple  and 
partner  of  Mesmer,  by  his  experiments  and  artifices 
drew  around  him  a  multitude  of  followers,  whose  cre- 
dulity he  turned  to  a  profitable  account.  Nine  com- 
missioners, selected  from  the  members  of  the  Royal 
Academy  and  of  the  Faculty  of  Medicine,  were  ap- 
pointed by  the  King  to  investigate  the  subject.  Dr. 
Franklin  was  placed  at  their  head.  They  were  em- 
ployed at  various  times  in  their  examinations  from 
March,  1784,  till  the  following  August.  Numerous  ex- 
periments were  performed  in  their  presence,  and  all 
the  most  extraordinary  cases  were  subjected  to  their 
inspection.  Dr.  Franklin  himself  was  magneztied,  but 
without  effect.  Every  opportunity  was  allowed  to 
Geslon  to  establish  his  facts  and  illustrate  his  prin- 
ciples. After  a  patient  and  protracted  investigation, 
the  details  of  which  were  embodied  in  an  elaborate 
and  interesting  report  by  M.  Bailly,  the  commissioners 
were  unanimous  in  the  opinion,  that  no  proof  had  been 
given  of  the  existence  of  a  distinct  agent,  called  an- 


504  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1784. 

imal  magnetism,  and  that  all  the  effects,  which  had 
been  exhibited,  might  be  produced  and  explained  by 
the  ordinary  action  of  the  imagination  upon  the  ner- 
vous system. 

Just  before  the  inquiry  commenced,  Dr.  Franklin 
wrote  thus  to  M.  de  la  Condamine ;  "  As  to  the  ani- 
mal magnetism,  so  much  talked  of,  I  must  doubt  its 
existence  till  I  can  see  or  feel  some  effect  of  it.  None 
of  the  cures  said  to  be  performed  by  it  have  fallen 
under  my  observation,  and  there  are  so  many  dis- 
orders which  cure  themselves,  and  such  a  disposition 
in  mankind  to  deceive  themselves  and  one  another  on 
these  occasions,  and  living  long  has  given  me  so  fre- 
quent opportunities  of  seeing  certain  remedies  cried 
up  as  curing  every  thing,  and  yet  soon  after  totally 
laid  aside  as  useless,  I  cannot  but  fear  that  the  ex- 
pectation of  great  advantage  from  this  new  method 
of  treating  diseases  will  prove  a  delusion.  That  de- 
lusion may,  however,  and  in  some  cases,  be  of  use 
while  it  lasts.  There  are  in  every  great,  rich  city  a 
number  of  persons,  who  are  never  in  health,  because 
they  are  fond  of  medicines,  and  always  taking  them, 
whereby  they  derange  the  natural  functions,  and  hurt 
their  constitution.  If  these  people  can  be  persuaded 
to  forbear  their  drugs,  in  expectation  of  being  cured 
by  only  the  physician's  finger,  or  an  iron  rod  pointing 
at  them,  they  may  possibly  find  good  effects,  though 
they  mistake  the  cause."  Again,  somewhat  later,  in  a 
letter  to  Dr.  Ingenhousz,  he  said;  "Mesmer  is  still 
here,  and  has  still  some  adherents  and  some  practice. 
It  is  surprising  how  much  credulity  still  subsists  in  the 
world.  I  suppose  all  the  physicans  in  France  put  to- 
gether have  not  made  so  much  money,  during  the 
time  he  has  been  here,  as  he  alone  has  done.  And 
we  have  now  a  fresh  folly.  A  magnetizer  pretends, 


JEx.  79.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  505 

that  he  can,  by  establishing  what  is  called  a  rapport 
between  any  person  and  a  somnambule,  put  it  in  the 
power  of  that  person  to  direct  the  actions  of  the  som- 
nambulc,  by  a  simple  strong  volition  only,  without 
speaking  or  making  any  signs ;  and  many  people  daily 
flock  to  see  this  strange  operation." 

Mr.  Jay  having  returned  to  the  United  States,  his 
place  was  supplied  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  joined 
with  Mr.  Adams  and  Dr.  Franklin  in  a  new  commis- 
sion for  negotiating  treaties  of  amity  and  commerce 
with  the  principal  European  powers.  Mr.  Jefferson 
arrived  at  Paris  early  in  August.  They  jointly  wrote 
a  circular  letter  to  the  foreign  ambassadors  at  the 
court  of  Versailles,  proposing  to  treat  with  their  re- 
spective governments,  according  to  the  terms  prescribed 
by  Congress.  Prussia,  Denmark,  Portugal,  and  Tus- 
cany accepted  the  proposal,  and  negotiations  were  be- 
gun with  the  minister  of  each ;  but  no  treaty  was 
finally  completed  except  with  Prussia.  The  answers 
from  all  the  ambassadors,  however,  manifested  a  friend- 
ly disposition  on  the  part  of  their  sovereigns,  who  of- 
fered to  the  vessels  of  the  United  States  the  same 
freedom  of  access  to  their  ports,  that  was  allowed  to 
those  of  other  nations.* 

For  several  months  Dr.  Franklin's  time  was  chiefly 
taken  up  with  these  transactions  in  conjunction  with 
his  colleagues.  Since  the  peace,  his  duties  as  minis- 
ter plenipotentiary  had  become  less  burdensome.  His 
correspondence  was  at  all  times  a  heavy  task.  During 
the  war  the  relatives  of  the  foreign  officers,  who  served 
in  America,  wrote  to  him  continually  for  information 
about  their  friends.  Memoirs  and  projects  innumera- 
ble were  communicated  to  him  on  scientific  subjects 

*  An  account  of  some  private  incidents,  may  be  seen  in  the  APPEN- 
DIX, No.  V. 

VOL.  I.  64  QQ, 


506  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1785. 

and  particularly  on  politics,  government,  and  finance. 
People  all  over  Europe,  proposing  to  emigrate  to  Amer- 
ica, applied  to  him  for  an  account  of  the  country  and 
of  the  advantages  it  held  out  to  new  settlers,  each  ask- 
ing advice  suited  to  his  particular  case.  To  diminish 
the  trouble  of  answering  these  inquiries,  and  to  diffuse 
such  a  knowledge  of  his  country  as  might  be  useful  to 
persons,  who  intended  to  settle  there,  he  wrote  a 
pamphlet  entitled  Information  to  those  who  would  re- 
move to  America,  which  he  caused  to  be  printed  and 
distributed.  It  was  translated  into  German  by  Rodolph 
Valltravers.  In  some  instances  he  was  much  annoyed 
by  correspondents,  who  had  no  claims  upon  him,  and 
who  wrote  to  him  upon  all  sorts  of  subjects.  It  was 
published  in  a  newspaper,  that  Dr.  Franklin  knew  a 
sovereign  remedy  for  the  dropsy.  This  was  repeated 
far  and  near,  and  letters  came  from  every  quarter,  be- 
seeching him  to  impart  so  invaluable  a  secret. 

His  desire  to  return  home,  and  to  spend  the  remain- 
der of  his  days  in  the  bosom  of  his  family,  increased 
upon  him  so  much,  that  he  repeatedly  and  earnestly 
solicited  his  recall.  Deeming  his  services  of  great  im- 
portance to  his  country,  Congress  delayed  to  comply 
with  his  request,  and  he  submitted  patiently  to  their 
decision.  When  he  first  asked  permission  to  retire,  he 
meditated  a  tour  into  Italy  and  Germany.  Through 
his  friend,  Dr.  Ingenhousz,  physician  to  their  Imperial 
Majesties,  he  received  flattering  compliments  from  the 
Emperor,  and  an  invitation  to  visit  Vienna.  But  he 
now  found  himself  unable,  from  the  infirmities  of  age 
and  his  peculiar  maladies,  to  undergo  the  fatigues  of 
so  long  a  journey ;  and  his  only  hope  was,  that  he 
might  have  strength  to  bear  a  voyage  across  the  At- 
lantic. 

At  length  his  request  was  granted,  and  Mr.  Jeffer- 


/ET.TD.]  LIFE  OP  FRANKLIN.  507 

son  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  as  minister  pleni- 
potentiary in  France.  His  last  official  act  was  the 
signing  of  the  treaty  between  Prussia  and  the  United 
States.  He  was  the  more  pleased  with  this  act,  as 
the  treaty  contained  his  philanthropic  article  against 
privateering,  and  in  favor  of  the  freedom  of  trade  and 
of  the  protection  of  private  property  in  time  of  war. 
The  King  of  Prussia  made  no  objection  to  this  arti- 
cle. On  the  contrary,  his  ambassador,  the  Baron  de 
Thulemeier,  who  signed  the  treaty,  felicitated  the  com- 
missioners on  its  being  introduced.  "The  twenty- 
third  article  is  dictated,"  said  he,  "  by  the  purest  zeal 
in  favor  of  humanity.  Nothing  can  be  more  just  than 
your  reflections  on  the  noble  disinterestedness  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  It  is  to  be  desired,  that 
these  sublime  sentiments  may  be  adopted  by  all  the 
maritime  powers  without  exception.  The  calamities 
of  war  will  be  much  softened ;  and  hostilities,  often 
provoked  by  cupidity  and,  the  inordinate  love  of  gain, 
will  be  of  more  rare  occurrence."  Free  ships  were 
likewise  to  make  free  goods,  and  contraband  mer- 
chandise was  exempted  from  confiscation.  He  fondly 
hoped,  that  these  benevolent  principles  would  be 
wrought  into  the  law  of  nations ;  but  the  example 
has  not  been  followed.* 

Before    the    treaty    was    completed,    he    began    to 
prepare  for  returning  to  America.     He   had  resided 


*  Washington  spoke  of  this  treaty  in  terms  of  high  commendation. 
IK  a  letter  to  Count  de  Rochambeau  he  said ;  "  The  treaty  of  amity, 
which  has  lately  taken  place  between  the  King  of  Prussia  and  the 
United  States,  marks  a  new  era  in  negotiation.  It  is  the  most  liberal 
treaty,  which  has  ever  been  entered  into  between  independent  powers. 
It  is  perfectly  original  in  many  of  its  articles ;  and,  should  its  principles 
be  considered  hereafter  as  the  basis  of  connexion  between  nations,  it 
will  operate  more  fully  to  produce  a  general  pacification,  than  any 
measure  hitherto  attempted  amongst  mankind. "  —  July  31st,  1786. 


508  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1785. 

eight  years  and  a  half  in  France.  During  that  pe- 
riod he  had  been  constantly  engaged  in  public  affairs 
of  the  greatest  importance.  As  the  champion  of  lib- 
erty he  was  known  everywhere,  and  as  a  philoso- 
pher and  sage  he  was  revered  throughout  Europe. 
No  man  had  received  in  larger  measure  the  homage 
of  the  wise  and  great,  or  more  affectionate  kindness 
from  numerous  personal  friends.  His  departure  was 
anticipated  with  regret  by  them  all.  One  after  anoth- 
er they  took  their  leave  of  him.  The  principal  per- 
sonages of  the  court  testified  their  respect  and  their 
good  wishes.  "I  have  learned  with  much  concern," 
said  Count  de  Vergennes,  "of  your  retiring,  and  of 
your  approaching  departure  for  America.  You  cannot 
doubt  but  that  the  regrets,  which  you  will  leave,  will 
be  proportionate  to  the  consideration  you  so  justly  en- 
joy. I  can  assure  you,  Sir,  that  the  esteem  the  King 
entertains  for  you  does  not  leave  you  any  thing  to 
wish,  and  that  his  Majesty  will  learn  with  real  satis- 
faction, that  your  fellow  citizens  have  rewarded,  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  you,  the  important  services  that  you 
have  rendered  them.  I  beg,  Sir,  that  you  will  pre- 
serve for  me  a  share  in  your  remembrance,  and  nev- 
er doubt  the  sincerity  of  the  interest  I  take  in  your 
happiness."  The  Marquis  de  Castries,  minister  of 
marine,  wrote  to  him ;  "  I  was  not  apprized,  until 
within  a  few  hours,  of  the  arrangements  you  have 
made  for  your  departure.  Had  I  been  informed  of  it 
sooner,  I  should  have  proposed  to  the  King  to  order 
a  frigate  to  convey  you  to  your  own  country,  in  such 
a  manner  as  would  mark  the  consideration  which  you 
have  acquired  by  your  distinguished  services  in  France, 
and  the  particular  esteem  which  his  Majesty  entertains 
for  you." 

His  bodily  infirmities  were  such,  that  he  could  not 


JET.  79.]  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  509 

bear  the  motion  of  a  carriage.  He  left  Passy  on  the 
12th  of  July,  in  the  Queen's  litter,  which  had  been 
kindly  offered  to  him  for  his  journey  to  Havre  de 
Grace.  This  vehicle  was  borne  by  Spanish  mules, 
and  he  was  able  to  travel  in  it  without  pain  or  fa- 
tigue. He  slept  the  first  night  at  St.  Germain.  Some 
of  his  friends  accompanied  him.  On  the  journey  he 
passed  one  night  at  the  chateau  of  the  Cardinal  de 
la  Rochefoucauld,  and  another  in  the  house  of  M.  Hol- 
ker  at  Rouen ;  and  he  received  civilities  and  compli- 
mentary visits  from  many  of  the  inhabitants  at  differ- 
ent places.  The  sixth  day  after  leaving  Passy  he  ar- 
rived at  Havre  de  Grace.* 

From  that  port  he  passed  over  in  a  packet-boat  to 
Southampton.  Here  he  was  met  by  Bishop  Shipley 
and  his  family,  Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan,  Mr.  Alexan- 
der, and  other  friends  whom  he  had  known  in  Eng- 
land. He  also  found  here  his  son,  William,  whom  he 
had  not  seen  for  more  than  nine  years.  In  the  Rev- 
olution he  had  taken  the  side  of  the  loyalists,  and  thus 
estranged  himself  from  his  father.  He  was  now  resid- 
ing in  England,  where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his 
life.  Dr.  Franklin  continued  at  Southampton  four  days, 
till  July  27th,  when  he  embarked  on  board  the  Lon- 
don Packet,  a  Philadelphia  vessel,  commanded  by  Cap- 
tain Truxtun.  After  a  voyage  of  forty-eight  days,  with- 
out any  remarkable  incident,  he  landed  at  Philadelphia, 
on  the  14th  of  September.  M.  Houdon,  the  artist, 
whom  he  and  Mr.  Jefferson  had  employed  to  make  a 
statue  of  Washington  for  the  State  of  Virginia,  was  a 
passenger  on  board  the  same  vessel. 

Dr.  Franklin  filled  up  his  leisure  during  the  passage 
by  writing  a  long  paper  on  Improvements  in  JYaviga- 


*  See  an  account  of  the  journey  in  the  APPENDIX,  No.  VI. 

QQ* 


510  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1785. 

tion,  and  another  on  Smoky  Chimneys,  the  former  ad- 
dressed to  M.  Le  Roy,  and  the  latter  to  Dr.  Ingen- 
housz.  They  were  both  read  a  few  weeks  afterwards 
to  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  and  were  pub- 
lished in  a  volume  of  the  Society's  Transactions.  They 
contain  many  ingenious  hints  and  practical  remarks, 
founded  on  philosophical  principles,  and  illustrated  with 
drawings  and  appropriate  explanations.  He  also  re- 
peated his  experiments  for  ascertaining  the  temperature 
of  the  sea  in  the  Gulf  Stream.  He  supported  the  in- 
conveniences of  the  voyage  better  than  he  had  ex- 
pected, and  without  any  apparent  injury  to  his  health. 
When  he  landed  at  Market- Street  wharf,  he  was  greet- 
ed by  a  large  concourse  of  the  inhabitants,  who  at- 
tended him  with  acclamations  to  his  own  door.  The 
joy  of  the  people  was  likewise  testified  by  the  ringing 
of  bells  and  the  firing  of  cannon. 


LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  511 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Receives  congratulatory  Letters  and  Addresses.  —  Chosen  President  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  holds  the  Office  three  Years. — His  private  Circum- 
stances.—  Appointed  a  Delegate  to  the  Convention  for  framing  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States. — His  Speeches  in  the  Convention. 
—  His  Religious  Opinions.  —  Extracts  from  Dr.  Cutler's  Journal,  de- 
scribing an  Interview  with  him.  —  President  of  the  Society  for  Polit- 
ical Inquiries.  —  Neglect  of  Congress  to  examine  and  settle  his  Ac- 
counts.— Various  Pieces  written  by  him  during  the  last  Year  of  hia 
Life.  —  His  Illness  and  Death.  —  Funeral  Ceremonies.  —  Tribute  of 
Respect  paid  to  him  by  Congress  and  other  Public  Bodies.  —  Con- 
clusion. 

As  soon  as  his  arrival  was  known,  letters  of  con- 
gratulation were  sent  to  him  from  all  parts  of  the  coun- 
try. General  Washington  and  Mr.  Jay  were  among 
the  first  to  welcome  him  on  this  occasion.  The  As- 
sembly of  Pennsylvania  was  then  in  session,  and,  the 
day  after  he  landed,  an  address  was  presented  to  him 
by  that  body,  in  which  they  congratulate  him,  in  the 
most  cordial  manner,  on  his  safe  return.  "We  are 
confident,"  they  observe,  "that  we  speak  the  senti- 
ments of  this  whole  country,  when  we  say,  that  your 
services,  in  the  public  councils  and  negotiations,  have 
not  only  merited  the  thanks  of  the  present  generation, 
but  will  be  recorded  in  the  pages  of  history,  to  your 
immortal  honor.  And  it  is  particularly  pleasing  to  us, 
that,  while  we  are  sitting  as  members  of  the  Assem- 
bly of  Pennsylvania,  we  have  the  happiness  of  wel- 
coming into  the  State  a  person,  who  was  so  greatly 
instrumental  in  forming  its  free  constitution."  This  was 
followed  by  similar  addresses  from  the  American  Phi- 
losophical Society,  and  the  Faculty  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania.  To  all  of  them  he  returned  brief 
and  appropriate  answers 


512  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1785. 

From  some  of  his  letters  it  would  appear,  that,  when 
he  left  France,  he  looked  upon  his  public  life  as  at  an 
end,  and  anticipated  the  enjoyment  of  entire  tranquil- 
lity and  freedom  from  care,  after  he  should  be  again 
restored  to  the  bosom  of  his  family.  In  this  expecta- 
tion, however,  he  was  disappointed.  He  had  been  at 
home  but  a  few  days,  when  he  was  elected  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylva- 
nia. This  was  a  preliminary  step  to  a  higher  advance- 
ment ;  for,  when  the  Assembly  met,  in  October,  he 
was  chosen  President  of  the  State,  the  office  being 
equivalent  to  that  of  governor  in  the  other  States.  The 
choice  was  made  by  the  joint  ballot  of  the  Assembly 
and  Council.  Under  the  first  constitution  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, no  individual  could  serve  in  the  Council,  or  hold 
the  office  of  President,  more  than  three  successive 
years,  and  he  was  then  ineligible  for  the  four  years 
following.  Dr.  Franklin  was  annually  chosen  President 
till  the  end  of  the  constitutional  term,  and  each  time 
by  a  unanimous  vote,  except  the  first,  when  there  was 
one  dissenting  voice  in  seventy-seven.  This  unanim- 
ity is  a  proof,  that,  notwithstanding  his  great  age  and 
his  bodily  infirmities,  he  fulfilled  the  duties  of  the  sta- 
tion to  the  complete  satisfaction  of  the  electors. 

He  was  apparently  at  ease  in  his  private  circum- 
stances, and  happy  in  his  domestic  relations.  He  occu- 
pied himself  for  some  time  in  finishing  a  house,  which 
had  been  begun  many  years  before,  and  in  which  he 
fitted  up  a  spacious  apartment  for  his  library.  In 
writing  to  a  friend,  he  said ;  "I  am  surrounded  by 
my  offspring,  a  dutiful  and  affectionate  daughter  in 
my  house,  with  six  grandchildren,  the  eldest  of  whom 
you  have  seen,  who  is  now  at  college  in  the  next 
street,  finishing  the  learned  part  of  his  education ;  the 
others  promising,  both  for  parts  and  good  dispositions. 


«T.8L]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  513 

What  their  conduct  may  be,  when  they  grow  up  and 
enter  the  important  scenes  of  life,  I  shall  not  live  to 
see,  and  I  cannot  foresee.  I  therefore  enjoy  among 
them  the  present  hour,  and  leave  the  future  to  Prov- 
idence." Again,  to  another  correspondent  he  wrote ; 
"  I  am  got  into  my  niche,  after  being  kept  out  of  it 
twenty-four  years  by  foreign  employments.  It  is  a 
very  good  house,  that  I  built  so  long  ago  to  retire 
into,  without  being  able  till  now  to  enjoy  it.  I  am 
again  surrounded  by  my  friends,  with  a  fine  family  of 
grandchildren  about  my  knees,  and  an  affectionate,  good 
daughter  and  son-in-law  to  take  care  of  me.  And,  after 
fifty  years'  public  service,  I  have  the  pleasure  to  find 
the  esteem  of  my  country  with  regard  to  me  undi- 
minished."  Much  of  his  time  was  devoted  to  the  so- 
ciety of  those  around  him,  and  of  the  numerous  visiters, 
whom  curiosity  and  respect  prompted  to  seek  his  ac- 
quaintance. His  attachments  to  the  many  intimate 
friends  he  had  left  in  Europe  were  likewise  preserved 
by  a  regular  and  affectionate  correspondence,  in  which 
are  manifested  the  same  steadiness  of  feeling  and  en- 
larged benevolence,  the  same  playfulness  and  charm 
of  style,  that  are  conspicuous  in  the  compositions  of 
his  earlier  years. 

He  was  elected  one  of  the  delegates  from  Pennsyl- 
vania to  the  Convention  for  forming  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  which  met  at  Philadelphia  in  May, 
1787,  and  continued  in  session  four  months.  Although 
he  was  now  in  the  eighty- second  year  of  his  age,  and 
at  the  same  time  discharged  the  duties  of  President 
of  the  State,  yet  he  attended  faithfully  to  the  business 
of  the  convention,  and  entered  actively  and  heartily 
into  the  proceedings.  Several  of  his  speeches  were 
written  out  and  afterwards  published.  They  are  short, 
but  well  adapted  to  the  occasion,  clear,  logical,  and 

VOL.  i.  65 


514  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1787. 

persuasive.  He  never  pretended  to  the  accomplish- 
ments of  an  orator  or  debater.  He  seldom  spoke  in 
a  deliberative  assembly  except  for  some  special  object, 
and  then  briefly  and  with  great  simplicity  of  manner 
and  language. 

After  the  members  of  the  convention  had  been  to- 
gether four  or  five  weeks,  and  made  very  little  pro- 
gress in  the  important  work  they  had  in  hand,  on 
account  of  their  unfortunate  differences  of  opinion  and 
disagreements  on  essential  points,  Dr.  Franklin  intro- 
duced a  motion  for  daily  prayers.  "  In  the  beginning 
of  the  contest  with  Britain,"  said  he,  "  when  we  were 
sensible  of  danger,  we  had  daily  prayers  in  this  room 
for  the  divine  protection.  Our  prayers,  Sir,  were  heard ; 
and  they  were  graciously  answered.  All  of  us,  who 
were  engaged  in  the  struggle,  must  have  observed  fre- 
quent instances  of  a  superintending  Providence  in  our 
favor.  To  that  kind  Providence  we  owe  this  happy 
opportunity  of  consulting  in  peace  on  the  means  of  es- 
tablishing our  future  national  felicity.  And  have  we 
now  forgotten  that  powerful  Friend  ?  or  do  we  imag- 
ine we  no  longer  need  his  assistance?  I  have  lived, 
Sir,  a  long  time ;  and,  the  longer  I  live,  the  more  con- 
vincing proofs  I  see  of  this  truth,  that  GOD  governs 
in  the  affairs  of  men.  And,  if  a  sparrow  cannot  fall 
to  the  ground  without  his  notice,  is  it  probable  that 
an  empire  can  rise  without  his  aid  ?  We  have  been 
assured,  Sir,  in  the  Sacred  Writings,  that,  'except  the 
Lord  build  the  house,  they  labor  in  vain  that  build  it.' 
I  firmly  believe  this;  and  I  also  believe,  that,  without 
his  concurring  aid,  we  shall  succeed  in  this  political 
building  no  better  than  the  builders  of  Babel ;  we 
shall  be  divided  by  our  little,  partial,  local  interests, 
our  projects  will  be  confounded,  and  we  ourselves 
shall  become  a  reproach  and  a  by-word  down  to  fu- 


JET.  81.]  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  515 

ture  ages.  And,  what  is  worse,  mankind  may  here- 
after, from  this  unfortunate  instance,  despair  of  estab 
Kshing  government  by  human  wisdom,  and  leave  it  to 
chance,  war,  and  conquest.  I  therefore  beg  leave  to 
move,  that  henceforth  prayers,  imploring  the  assist- 
ance of  Heaven  and  its  blessing  on  our  deliberations, 
be  held  in  this  assembly  every  morning  before  we  pro- 
ceed to  business ;  and  that  one  or  more  of  the  clergy 
of  this  city  be  requested  to  officiate  in  that  service." 
The  motion  was  not  adopted,  as  "the  convention, 
except  three  or  four  persons,  thought  prayers  un- 
necessary." 

These  remarks  afford  some  insight  into  Dr.  Frank- 
lin's religious  sentiments.  A  good  deal  has  been  said 
on  this  subject,  and  sometimes  without  a  due  degree 
either  of  knowledge  or  charity.  When  Dr.  Stiles, 
President  of  Yale  College,  questioned  him  about  his 
religious  faith,  he  replied  as  follows,  only  five  weeks 
before  his  death ;  "  I  believe  in  one  God,  the  Creator 
of  the  universe  ;  that  he  governs  it  by  his  Providence ; 
that  he  ought  to  be  worshipped;  that  the  most  ac- 
ceptable service  we  can  render  to  him  is  doing  good 
to  his  other  children ;  that  the  soul  of  man  is  immor- 
tal, and  will  be  treated  with  justice  in  another  life 
respecting  its  conduct  in  this.  These  I  take  to  be 
the  fundamental  points  of  all  sound  religion,  and  I  re- 
gard them  as  you  do,  in  whatever  sect  I  meet  with 
them.  As  to  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  my  opinion  of  whom 
you  particularly  desire,  I  think  his  system  of  morals 
and  his  religion,  as  he  left  them  to  us,  the  best  the 
world  ever  saw,  or  is  like  to  see ;  but  I  apprehend  it 
has  received  various  corrupting  changes,  and  I  have, 
with  most  of  the  present  Dissenters  in  England,  some 
doubts  as  to  his  divinity ;  though  it  is  a  question  I 
do  not  dogmatize  upon,  having  never  studied  it." 


516  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1787. 

This  is  the  most  explicit  declaration  of  his  faith,  which 
is  to  be  found  anywhere  in  his  writings ;  and,  although 
it  is  not  very  precise,  yet  it  is  far  from  that  cold  and 
heartless  infidelity,  which  some  writers  have  ascribed 
to  him,  and  for  which  charge  there  is  certainly  no  just 
foundation. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  tenor  of  his  opinions 
on  points  of  faith  and  doctrine,  there  are  many  evi- 
dences of  his  reverence  for  religion  and  for  the  insti- 
tutions of  Christianity.  In  early  life,  he  composed  a 
little  book  of  prayers,  which  he  was  in  the  habit  of 
using  in  his  devotions.  At  all  times  he  was  ready  to 
contribute  liberally  towards  the  erection  of  churches ; 
and,  during  Whitefield's  several  visits  to  Philadelphia, 
he  not  only  attended  his  preaching,  but  was  his  inti- 
mate companion  and  friend,  having  him  sometimes  as 
a  lodger  at  his  own  house.  Such  was  not  the  society, 
that  an  irreligious  man  would  be  likely  to  seek.  In  a 
letter  of  advice  to  his  daughter,  it  was  his  solemn  in- 
junction, that  she  should  habitually  attend  public  wor- 
ship. He  wrote  a  -Preface  to  an  abridged  edition  of 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  in  which  he  speaks  im- 
pressively of  the  obligation  and  benefits  of  worship  and 
other  religious  observances.  When  a  skeptical  writer, 
who  is  supposed  to  have  been  Thomas  Paine,  showed 
him  in  manuscript  a  work  written  against  religion,  he 
urged  him  earnestly  not  to  publish  it,  but  to  burn  it; 
objecting  to  his  arguments  as  fallacious,  and  to  his 
principles  as  poisoned  with  the  seeds  of  vice,  without 
tending  to  any  imaginable  good.  It  should,  moreover, 
be  observed,  that  no  parts  of  Dr.  Franklin's  writings 
are  hostile  to  religion ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  the 
direct  object  of  some  of  them  to  inculcate  virtue  and 
piety,  which  he  regarded  not  more  as  duties  of  great 
moment  in  the  present  life,  than  as  an  essential  pre- 


&T.  81.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  517 

paration  for  the  wellbeing  of  every  individual  in  a 
future  state  of  existence. 

It  is  deeply  to  be  regretted,  that  he  did  not  bestow 
more  attention  than  he  seems  to  have  done  on  the 
evidences  of  Christianity ;  because  there  can  be  little 
doubt,  that  a  mind  like  his,  quick  to  discover  truth 
and  always  ready  to  receive  it,  would  have  been  con- 
vinced by  a  full  investigation  of  the  facts  and  argu- 
ments adduced  in  proof  of  the  Christian  revelation ; 
and  especially  because  the  example  of  such  a  man  is 
likely  to  have  great  influence  with  others.  Yet,  when 
one  expresses  this  regret,  or  censures  this  indifference, 
it  behoves  him  to  exercise  more  justice  and  candor 
than  have  sometimes  been  used,  in  representing  what 
he  actually  believed  and  taught. 

It  had  long  been  an  opinion  of  Dr.  Franklin,  that 
in  a  democratical  government  there  ought  to  be  no 
offices  of  profit.  The  first  constitution  of  Pennsylvania 
contained  an  article  expressive  of  this  sentiment,  which 
was  drafted  by  him.  One  of  his  speeches  in  the  na- 
tional convention  was  on  the  same  subject.  "  There 
are  two  passions,"  said  he,  "which  have  a  powerful 
influence  in  the  affairs  of  men.  These  are  ambition  and 
avarice;  the  love  of  power  and  the  love  of  money. 
Separately,  each  of  these  has  great  force  in  prompting 
men  to  action  ;  but,  when  united  in  view  of  the  same 
object,  they  have  in  many  minds  the  most  violent  effects. 
Place  before  the  eyes  of  such  men  a  post  of  honor, 
that  shall  at  the  same  time  be  a  place  of  profit,  and 
they  will  move  Heaven  and  earth  to  obtain  it.  The 
vast  number  of  such  places  it  is,  that  renders  the  Brit- 
ish government  so  tempestuous.  The  struggles  for 
them  are  the  true  source  of  all  those  factions,  which 
are  perpetually  dividing  the  nation,  distracting  its  coun- 
cils, hurrying  it  sometimes  into  fruitless  and  mischievous 

VOL.  I.  RR 


518  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [1787. 

wars,  and  often  compelling  a  submission  to  dishonor- 
able terms  of  peace.  And  of  what  kind  are  the  men 
that  will  strive  for  this  profitable  preeminence,  through 
all  the  bustle  of  cabal,  the  heat  of  contention,  the  in- 
finite mutual  abuse  of  parties,  tearing  to  pieces  the 
best  of  characters  ?  It  will  not  be  the  wise  and  mod- 
erate, the  lovers  of  peace  and  good  order,  the  men 
fittest  for  the  trust.  It  will  be  the  bold  and  the  violent, 
the  men  of  strong  passions  and  indefatigable  activity  in 
their  selfish  pursuits.  These  will  thrust  themselves  into 
your  government,  and  be  your  rulers.  And  these,  too, 
will  be  mistaken  in  the  expected  happiness  of  their 
situation  ;  for  their  vanquished  competitors,  of  the  same 
spirit,  and  from  the  same  motives,  will  perpetually  be 
endeavouring  to  distress  their  administration,  thwart 
their  measures,  and  render  them  odious  to  the  peo- 
ple." He  thought  the  pleasure  of  doing  good  by  serv- 
ing their  country,  and  the  respect  inspired  by  such 
conduct,  were  sufficient  motives  for  true  patriots  to 
give  up  a  portion  of  their  time  to  the  public,  without 
a  pecuniary  compensation  beyond  the  means  of  sup- 
port while  engaged  in  the  service.  In  his  own  case, 
he  had  an  opportunity  of  putting  these  principles  in 
practice.  All  the  money  he  received  as  President 
of  Pennsylvania  for  three  years  he  appropriated  to 
some  object  of  public  utility ;  and,  if  the  whole  fifty 
years  of  his  public  life  are  taken  together,  it  is  be- 
lieved that  his  receipts,  in  the  form  of  compensation 
or  salaries,  were  not  enough  to  defray  his  necessary 
expenses. 

The  speech  made  by  him  at  the  close  of  the  con- 
vention has  been  commended  for  its  moderation,  liberal 
spirit,  and  practical  good  sense.  In  the  concluding  part 
of  that  speech  he  says,  "I  consent  to  this  constitution, 
because  I  expect  no  better,  and  because  I  am  not 


JET.  81.]  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  519 

sure  that  it  is  not  the  best.  The  opinions  I  have  had 
of  its  errors  I  sacrifice  to  the  public  good.  I  have 
never  whispered  a  syllable  of  them  abroad.  Within 
these  walls  they  were  born,  and  here  they  shall  die. 
If  every  one  of  us,  in  returning  to  our  constituents, 
were  to  report  the  objections  he  has  had  to  it,  and 
endeavour  to  gain  partisans  in  support  of  them,  we 
might  prevent  its  being  generally  received,  and  thereby 
lose  all  the  salutary  effects  and  great  advantages  re- 
sulting naturally  in  our  favor  among  foreign  nations, 
as  well  as  among  ourselves,  from  our  real  or  apparent 
unanimity.  Much  of  the  strength  and  efficiency  of  any 
government,  in  procuring  and  securing  happiness  to 
the  people,  depends  on  opinion,  on  the  general  opinion 
of  the  goodness  of  that  government,  as  well  as  of  the 
wisdom  and  integrity  of  its  governors.  I  hope,  there- 
fore, for  our  own  sakes,  as  a  part  of  the  people,  and 
for  the  sake  of  our  posterity,  that  we  shall  act  heartily 
and  unanimously  in  recommending  this  constitution, 
wherever  our  influence  may  extend,  and  turn  our  fu- 
ture thoughts  and  endeavours  to  the  means  of  having 
it  well  administered.  On  the  whole,  Sir,  I  cannot  help 
expressing  a  wish,  that  every  member  of  the  conven- 
tion who  may  still  have  objections  to  it,  would  with 
me  on  this  occasion  doubt  a  little  of  his  own  infalli- 
bility, and,  to  make  manifest  our  unanimity,  put  his 
name  to  this  instrument." 

The  following  description  presents  an  interesting  pic- 
ture of  Dr.  Franklin's  appearance  and  manner  at  this 
period  of  his  life.  It  is  an  extract  from  a  journal  writ- 
ten by  the  Reverend  Dr.  Manasseh  Cutler,  of  Hamil- 
ton, Massachusetts,  who  was  distinguished  as  a  scholar, 
and  particularly  as  a  botanist.  While  on  a  visit  at 
Philadelphia,  he  called  to  pay  his  respects  to  Dr. 
Franklin.  The  extract  is  dated  July  13th,  1787. 


520  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [1787. 

"Dr.  Franklin  lives  in  Market  Street.  His  house 
stands  up  a  court,  at  some  distance  from  the  street. 
We  found  him  in  his  garden,  sitting  upon  a  grass- 
plot,  under  a  very  large  mulberry  tree,  with  several 
other  gentlemen  and  two  or  three  ladies.  When  Mr. 
Gerry  introduced  me,  he  rose  from  his  chair,  took  me 
by  the  hand,  expressed  his  joy  at  seeing  me,  wel- 
comed me  to  the  city,  and  begged  me  to  seat  myself 
close  to  him.  His  voice  was  low,  but  his  countenance 
open,  frank,  and  pleasing.  I  delivered  to  him  my  let- 
ters. After  he  had  read  them,  he  took  me  again  by 
the  hand,  and,  with  the  usual  compliments,  introduced 
me  to  the  other  gentlemen,  who  are  most  of  them 
members  of  the  convention. 

"Here  we  entered  into  a  free  conversation,  and 
spent  our  time  most  agreeably,  until  it  was  quite  dark. 
The  tea  table  was  spread  under  the  tree,  and  Mrs. 
Bache,  who  is  the  only  daughter  of  the  Doctor,  and 
lives  with  him,  served  it  out  to  the  company.  She 
had  three  of  her  children  about  her.  They  seemed 
to  be  excessively  fond  of  their  grandpapa.  The  Doc- 
tor showed  me  a  curiosity  he  had  just  received,  and 
with  which  he  was  much  pleased.  It  was  a  snake 
with  two  heads,  preserved  in  a  large  phial.  It  was 
taken  near  the  confluence  of  the  Schuylkill  with  the 
Delaware,  about  four  miles  from  this  city.  It  was 
about  ten  inches  long,  well  proportioned,  the  heads 
perfect,  and  united  to  the  body  about  one  fourth  of 
an  inch  below  the  extremities  of  the  jaws.  The  snake 
was  of  a  dark  brown,  approaching  to  black,  and  the 
back  beautifully  speckled  with  white.  The  belly  was 
rather  checkered  with  a  reddish  color  and  white.  The 
Doctor  supposed  it  to  be  full  grown,  which  I  think  is 
probable ;  and  he  thinks  it  must  be  a  sui  generis  of 
that  class  of  animals.  He  grounds  his  opinion  of  its 


JET.  81.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  521 

not  being  an  extraordinary  production,  but  a.  distinct 
genus,  on  the  perfect  form  of  the  snake,  the  proba- 
bility of  its  being  of  some  age,  and  there  having  been 
found  a  snake  entirely  similar  (of  which  the  Doctor  has 
a  drawing,  which  he  showed  us,)  near  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  in  the  time  of  the  late  war.  He  mentioned  the 
situation  of  this  snake,  if  it  was  travelling  among 
bushes,  and  one  head  should  choose  to  go  on  one 
side  of  the  stem  of  a  bush,  and  the  other  head  should 
prefer  the  other  side,  and  neither  of  the  heads  would 
consent  to  come  back,  or  give  way  to  the  other.  He 
was  then  going  to  mention  a  humorous  matter,  tha1 
had  that  day  occurred  in  the  convention,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  comparing  the  snake  to  America ;  for 
he  seemed  to  forget  that  every  thing  in  the  conven- 
tion was  to  be  kept  a  profound  secret.  But  the  se- 
crecy of  convention  matters  was  suggested  to  him, 
which  stopped  him,  and  deprived  me  of  the  story  he 
was  going  to  tell. 

"After  it  was  dark  we  went  into  the  house,  and 
he  invited  me  into  his  library,  which  is  likewise  his 
study.  It  is  a  very  large  chamber,  and  high-studded. 
The  walls  are  covered  with  book-shelves,  filled  with 
books ;  besides  there  are  four  large  alcoves,  extending 
two  thirds  the  length  of  the  chamber,  filled  in  the 
same  manner.  I  presume  this  is  the  largest  and  by 
far  the  best  private  library  in  America.  He  showed 
us  a  glass  machine  for  exhibiting  the  circulation  of  the 
blood  in  the  arteries  and  veins  of  the  human  body. 
The  circulation  is  exhibited  by  the  passing  of  a  red 
fluid  from  a  reservoir  into  numerous  capillary  tubes  of 
glass,  ramified  in  every  direction,  and  then  returning 
in  similar  tubes  to  the  reservoir,  which  was  done  with 
great  velocity,  without  any  power  to  act  visibly  upon  the 
fluid,  and  had  the  appearance  of  perpetual  motion. 

VOL.  i.  66  RR* 


522  LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN.  [1787 

Another  great  curiosity  was  a  rolling  press,  for  taking 
the  copies  of  letters  or  any  other  writing.  A  sheet  of 
paper  is  completely  copied  in  less  than  two  minutes ; 
the  copy  as  fair  as  the  original,  and  without  defacing 
it  in  the  smallest  degree.  It  is  an  invention  of  his 
own,  extremely  useful  in  many  situations  of  life.  He 
also  showed  us  his  long,  artificial  arm  and  hand,  for 
taking  down  and  putting  up  books  on  high  shelves, 
which  are  out  of  reach  ;  and  his  great  arm-chair,  with 
rockers,  and  a  large  fan  placed  over  it,  with  which  he 
fans  himself,  keeps  off  the  flies,  &c.,  while  he  sits  read- 
ing, with  only  a  small  motion  of  the  foot ;  and  many 
other  curiosities  and  inventions,  all  his  own,  but  of 
lesser  note.  Over  his  mantel  he  has  a  prodigious 
number  of  medals,  busts,  and  casts  in  wax,  or  plaster 
of  Paris,  which  are  the  effigies  of  the  most  noted  char- 
acters in  Europe. 

"  But  what  the  Doctor  Mashed  principally  to  show 
me  was  a  huge  volume  on  botany,  which  indeed  af- 
forded me  the  greatest  pleasure  of  any  one  thing  in 
his  library.  It  was  a  single  volume,  but  so  large,  that 
it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  he  was  able  to  raise 
it  from  a  low  shelf,  and  lift  it  on  the  table.  But,  with 
that  senile  ambition,  which  is  common  to  old  people, 
he  insisted  on  doing  it  himself,  and  would  permit  no 
person  to  assist  him,  merely  to  show  us  how  much 
strength  he  had  remaining.  It  contained  the  whole  of 
Linnaeus's  Systema  Vegetabilium,  with  large  cuts  of 
every  plant,  colored  from  nature.  It  was  a  feast  to  me, 
and  the  Doctor  seemed  to  enjoy  it  as  well  as  myself. 
We  spent  a  couple  of  hours  in  examining  this  volume, 
while  the  other  gentlemen  amused  themselves  with 
other  matters.  The  Doctor  is  not  a  botanist,  but  la- 
mented he  did  not  in  early  life  attend  to  this  science. 
He  delights  in  Natural  History,  and  expressed  an  earn- 


^T.  81.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  523 

est  wish,  that  I  should  pursue  the  plan  that  I  had 
begun,  and  hoped  this  science,  so  much  neglected  in 
America,  would  be  pursued  with  as  much  ardor  here 
as  it  is  now  in  every  part  of  Europe.  I  wanted,  for 
three  months  at  least,  to  have  devoted  myself  entirely 
to  this  one  volume ;  but,  fearing  lest  I  should  be  te- 
dious to  him,  I  shut  up  the  volume,  though  he  urged 
me  to  examine  it  longer. 

"  He  seemed  extremely  fond,  through  the  course  of 
the  visit,  of  dwelling  on  philosophical  subjects,  and 
particularly  that  of  Natural  History ;  while  the  other 
gentlemen  were  swallowed  up  with  politics.  This  was 
a  favorable  circumstance  for  me;  for  almost  the  whole 
of  his  conversation  was  addressed  to  me,  and  I  was 
highly  delighted  with  the  extensive  knowledge  he  ap- 
peared to  have  of  every  subject,  the  brightness  of  his 
memory,  and  clearness  and  vivacity  of  all  his  mental 
faculties,  notwithstanding  his  age.  His  manners  are 
perfectly  easy,  and  every  thing  about  him  seems  to 
diffuse  an  unrestrained  freedom  and  happiness.  He 
has  an  incessant  vein  of  humor,  accompanied  with  an 
uncommon  vivacity,  which  seems  as  natural  and  invol- 
untary as  his  breathing.  He  urged  me  to  call  on  him 
again,  but  my  short  stay  would  not  admit.  We  took 
our  leave  at  ten,  and  I  retired  to  my  lodgings."  * 

While  the  States  were  engaged  in  electing  dele- 
gates to  the  convention,  there  was  much  speculation 
as  to  the  results  of  this  experiment,  and  political  dis- 
cussions abounded  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  Par- 
taking of  the  common  impulse,  a  number  of  gentlemen 
in  Philadelphia  formed  themselves  into  an  association, 
called  the  Society  for  Political  Inquiries,  the  design 
of  which  is  well  expressed  by  its  name.  Dr.  Frank- 

*  Communicated  to  the  Editor  by  Mr.  Caleb  Emerson,  who  transcribed 
it  from  the  original  Journal. 


524  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1788. 

lin  was  chosen  president,  and  the  meetings  were  usu- 
ally held  at  his  house.  For  some  time  they  were  well 
attended ;  various  topics  of  general  politics  were  dis- 
cussed ;  essays  were  written,  and  prize  questions  pro- 
posed. But,  after  having  been  in  operation  about  two 
years,  the  society  languished,  and  it  was  finally  dis- 
solved by  the  tacit  consent  of  the  members.  He  was 
also  president  of  a  Society  for  alleviating  the  Miseries 
of  Public  Prisons. 

Dr.  Franklin's  third  and  last  year's  service,  as  Presi- 
dent of  Pennsylvania,  expired  in  October,  1788.  After 
that  time  he  held  no  public  office,  although  he  was 
often  consulted  on  public  measures. 

His  sensibility  seems  to  have  been  touched  by  the 
neglect  of  Congress  to  settle  his  accounts,  or  even  to 
notice  in  any  way  his  long  and  faithful  services  to  the 
public.  Before  he  left  France,  his  pecuniary  transac- 
tions were  examined  in  detail  by  Mr.  Barclay,  the 
commissioner  appointed  by  Congress  to  liquidate  and 
settle  the  accounts  of  the  agents  of  the  United  States, 
who  had  been  intrusted  with  the  expenditure  of  public 
money  in  Europe.  The  result  of  Mr.  Barclay's  exam- 
ination differed  from  Dr.  Franklin's  statement  only 
seven  sols,  or  about  six  cents,  which  sum  he  had  by 
mistake  overcharged.  Mr.  Barclay  was  ready  to  settle 
the  accounts  as  they  then  stood  ;  but  Dr.  Franklin 
requested  that  they  might  be  submitted  to  the  inspec- 
tion of  Congress,  because  he  believed  there  were  some 
other  charges,  which  ought  properly  to  be  paid  by  the 
public,  but  which  Mr.  Barclay  did  not  feel  authorized 
by  his  instructions  to  allow.  The  accounts  were  ac- 
cordingly kept  open,  and  transmitted  to  Congress. 
One  of  the  first  things,  which  Dr.  Franklin  did  on  his 
arrival  in  Philadelphia,  was  to  send  his  grandson  to 
New  York,  where  Congress  were  then  in  session,  to 


jET.82.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  525 

obtain  a  settlement.  He  returned  unsuccessful,  being 
told  that  necessary  documents  were  expected  from 
France,  although  the  vouchers  had  all  been  examined 
by  Mr.  Barclay.  After  waiting  a  long  time,  without 
hearing  any  thing  from  Congress  on  the  subject,  Dr. 
Franklin  wrote  a  letter  to  the  President,  containing  an 
earnest  request  that  the  business  might  be  taken  up 
and  considered. 

"  It  is  now  more  than  three  years,"  said  he,  "  that 
those  accounts  have  been  before  that  honorable  body, 
and,  to  this  day,  no  notice  of  any  such  objection  has 
been  communicated  to  me.  But  reports  have,  for  some 
time  past,  been  circulated  here,  and  propagated  in  the 
newspapers,  that  I  am  greatly  indebted  to  the  United 
States  for  large  sums,  that  had  been  put  into  my 
hands,  and  that  I  avoid  a  settlement.  This,  together 
with  the  little  time  one  of  my  age  may  expect  to  live, 
makes  it  necessary  for  me  to  request  earnestly,  which 
I  hereby  do,  that  the  Congress  would  be  pleased, 
without  further  delay,  to  examine  those  accounts,  and 
if  they  find  therein  any  article  or  articles,  which  they 
do  not  understand  or  approve,  that  they  would  cause 
me  to  be  acquainted  with  the  same,  that  I  may  have 
an  opportunity  of  offering  such  explanations  or  reasons 
in  support  of  them  as  may  be  in  my  power,  and  then 
that  the  accounts  may  be  finally  closed.  I  hope  the 
Congress  will  soon  be  able  to  attend  to  this  business 
for  the  satisfaction  of  the  public,  as  well  as  in  con- 
descension to  my  request." 

This  act  of  justice  was  not  rendered.  The  accounts 
were  never  settled,  nor  was  any  allowance  made  for 
what  he  conceived  to  be  equitable  demands  for  ex- 
traordinary services.  It  is  true,  that,  after  this  letter 
was  written,  the  deranged  state  of  the  Old  Congress, 
in  consequence  of  the  non-attendance  of  members,  may 


526  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [1789. 

have  prevented  its  being  brought  regularly  before  that 
body;  but  there  is  no  apology  for  the  previous  neg- 
lect of  three  years ;  nor  does  there  appear  any  good 
reason  why  the  business  should  not  have  been  re- 
sumed, and  honorably  adjusted  by  the  first  Congress 
under  the  new  constitution. 

The  zeal  with  which  he  had  promoted  the  first 
establishment  of  an  Academy  in  Philadelphia,  forty 
years  before,  was  revived  during  the  last  year  of  his 
life.  He  believed  that  the  intentions  of  the  original 
founders  had  not  been  fulfilled,  in  regard  to  the  Eng- 
lish school  connected  with  that  institution,  and  that 
the  study  of  Greek  and  Latin  had  gradually  gained 
too  great  an  ascendency.  He  wrote  a  long  and  very 
interesting  paper,  in  which  he  sketched  a  history  of 
the  Academy,  with  an  account  of  the  transactions  of 
its  founders  and  early  supporters,  claiming  a  larger 
attention,  than  had  hitherto  been  given,  to  English 
studies,  as  well  on  the  ground  of  utility,  as  on  that 
of  the  state  of  learning  in  modern  times.  Committees 
occasionally  met  at  his  house.  One  evening  the  con- 
versation turned  upon  the  study  of  the  Greek  and 
Latin  languages  in  schools.  Franklin  was  of  the  opin- 
ion, that  they  engrossed  too  much  time.  He  said, 
that,  when  the  custom  of  wearing  broad  cuffs  with 
buttons  first  began,  there  was  a  reason  for  it ;  the 
cuffs  might  be  brought  down  over  the  hands,  and 
thus  guard  them  from  wet  and  cold.  But  gloves  came 
into  use,  and  the  broad  cuffs  were  unnecessary ;  yet 
the  custom  was  still  retained.  So  likewise  with  cocked 
hats.  The  wide  brim,  when  let  down,  afforded  a  pro- 
tection from  the  rain  and  sun.  Umbrellas  were  intro- 
duced, yet  fashion  prevailed  to  keep  cocked  hats  in 
vogue,  although  they  were  rather  cumbersome  than 
useful.  Thus  with  the  Latin  language.  When  nearly 


£h-.84.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  527 

all  the  books  in  Europe  were  written  in  that  language, 
the  study  of  it  was  essential  in  every  system  of  edu- 
cation ;  but  it  is  now  scarcely  needed,  except  as  an 
accomplishment,  since  it  has  everywhere  given  place, 
as  a  vehicle  of  thought  and  knowledge,  to  some  one 
of  the  modern  tongues. 

At  this  time,  Dr.  Franklin  was  seldom  free  from 
acute  bodily  pain ;  but,  during  short  intervals  of  relief, 
he  wrote  several  other  pieces,  which  exhibit  proofs 
that  his  mind  never  acted  with  more  vigor,  or  main- 
tained a  more  cheerful  and  equable  tone.  One  of 
these  pieces  is  entitled  The  Court  of  the  Press,  in 
which  he  remarks  with  severity  on  the  practice  of 
certain  editors  of  newspapers,  who  attack  the  charac- 
ters of  individuals,  and  shield  themselves  under  a  false 
interpretation  of  the  liberty  of  the  press.  Another  pa- 
per, called  a  Comparison  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Jln- 
cient  Jews  and  the  Jlntifederalists  of  the  United  States, 
is  intended  as  a  reproof  to  some  of  those  who  opposed 
the  new  constitution.  Urged  by  the  repeated  solici- 
tations of  his  friends,  he  likewise  employed  himself 
occasionally  in  writing  his  memoirs ;  but  he  seems 
not  to  have  made  so  much  progress  in  this  work,  as 
he  had  anticipated  when  he  returned  from  Europe. 

He  also  drew  up  a  Plan  for  improving  the  Condi- 
tion of  the  Free  Blacks.  His  last  public  act  was  to 
sign,  as  president,  a  memorial  from  the  Abolition  So- 
ciety of  Pennsylvania  to  Congress ;  and  the  last  paper 
which  he  wrote  was  on  the  same  subject.  Mr.  Jack- 
son, a  member  of  Congress  from  Georgia,  had  made 
a  speech  in  favor  of  negro  slavery.  An  ingenious  par- 
ody of  this  speech  was  composed  by  Dr.  Franklin,  in 
which  Sidi  Mehemet  Ibrahim  is  represented  as  speak- 
ing, in  the  Divan  of  Algiers,  against  granting  the  pe- 
tition of  a  sect  called  Erika,  who  prayed  for  the  abo- 


528  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [178l> 

lition  of  piracy  and  slavery,  as  being  unjust.  In  this 
pretended  speech  of  Ibrahim,  the  same  principles  were 
advanced,  and  the  same  arguments  were  used  in  de- 
fence of  plundering  and  enslaving  Europeans,  that  had 
been  urged  by  Mr.  Jackson  in  justification  of  negro 
slavery.  It  is  dated  only  twenty-four  days  before  the 
author's  decease ;  and,  as  a  specimen  of  happy  con- 
ception and  sound  reasoning,  it  is  not  inferior  to  any 
of  his  writings. 

The  state  of  his  health  and  of  his  feelings  may  be 
inferred  from  a  letter  to  President  Washington,  written 
on  the  16th  of  September,  1789,  in  which  he  speaks 
as  follows; 

"My  malady  renders  my  sitting  up  to  write  rather 
painful  to  me ;  but  I  cannot  let  my  son-in-law,  Mr. 
Bache,  part  for  New  York,  without  congratulating  you 
by  him  on  the  recovery  of  your  health,  so  precious 
to  us  all,  and  on  the  growing  strength  of  our  new  gov- 
ernment under  your  administration.  For  my  own  per- 
sonal ease,  I  should  have  died  two  years  ago ;  but, 
though  those  years  have  been  spent  in  excruciating 
pain,  I  am  pleased  that  I  have  lived  them,  since  they 
have  brought  me  to  see  our  present  situation.  I  am 
now  finishing  my  eighty-fourth  year,  and  probably  with 
it  my  career  in  this  life ;  but,  in  whatever  state  of  ex- 
istence I  am  placed  in  hereafter,  if  I  retain  any  mem- 
ory of  what  has  passed  here,  I  shall  with  it  retain  the 
esteem,  respect,  and  affection,  with  which  I  have  long 
been,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  sincerely." 

Washington's  reply  was  cordial  and  affectionate. 
Between  these  two  distinguished  patriots,  who  served 
their  country  in  different  spheres,  but  with  equal 
fidelity  and  devotedness,  there  was  ever  a  sincere 
friendship  and  an  entire  confidence.  When  General 
Washington  came  to  Philadelphia  as  a  member  of  the 


JEr.  84.]  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  529 

national  convention  for  forming  the  constitution,  the 
first  person  he  called  upon  was  Dr.  Franklin;  and, 
when  he  passed  through  that  city  on  his  way  to  New 
York,  where  he  was  to  be  invested  with  the  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States,  he  paid  him  the 
same  tribute  of  respect. 

Although  his  malady  and  his  sufferings  continued, 
yet  no  material  change  in  his  health  was  observed 
till  the  first  part  of  April,  1790,  when  he  was  attacked 
with  a  fever  and  a  pain  in  the  breast.  From  that 
time  he  was  constantly  under  the  care  of  Dr.  John 
Jones,  an  eminent  physician  of  Philadelphia,  who  wrote 
the  following  account  of  his  illness  and  death. 

"The  stone,  with  which  he  had  been  afflicted  for 
several  years,  had,  for  the  last  twelve  months  of  his 
life,  confined  him  chiefly  to  his  bed;  and,  during  the 
extremely  painful  paroxysms,  he  was  obliged  to  take 
large  doses  of  laudanum  to  mitigate  his  tortures.  Still, 
in  the  intervals  of  pain,  he  not  only  amused  himself 
by  reading  and  conversing  cheerfully  with  his  family 
and  a  few  friends  who  visited  him,  but  was  often  em- 
ployed in  doing  business  of  a  public,  as  well  as  of  a 
private  nature,  with  various  persons  who  waited  upon 
him  for  that  purpose ;  and,  in  every  instance,  displayed 
not  only  the  readiness  and  disposition  to  do  good, 
which  were  the  distinguishing  characteristics  of  his 
life,  but  the  fullest  and  clearest  possession  of  his  un- 
common abilities.  He  also  not  unfrequently  indulged 
in  those  jeux  tfesprit  and  entertaining  anecdotes,  which 
were  the  delight  of  all  who  heard  them. 

"  About  sixteen  days  before  his  death,  he  was 
seized  with  a  feverish  disposition,  without  any  partic- 
ular symptoms  attending  it  till  the  third  or  fourth  day, 
when  he  complained  of  a  pain  in  his  left  breast,  which 
increased  till  it  became  extremely  acute,  attended  by 

VOL.  i.    No.  11.    67  ss 


530  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [1790 

a  cough  and  laborious  breathing.  During  this  state, 
when  the  severity  of  his  pains  drew  forth  a  groan  of 
complaint,  he  would  observe,  that  he  was  afraid  he 
did  not  bear  them  as  he  ought ;  acknowledging  his 
grateful  sense  of  the  many  blessings  he  had  received 
from  the  Supreme  Being,  who  had  raised  him,  from 
small  and  low  beginnings,  to  such  high  rank  and  con- 
sideration among  men;  and  made  no  doubt  but  that 
his  present  afflictions  were  kindly  intended  to  wean 
him  from  a  world  in  which  he  was  no  longer  fit  to 
act  the  part  assigned  him.  In  this  frame  of  body  and 
mind,  he  continued  until  five  days  before  his  death, 
when  the  pain  and  difficulty  of  breathing  entirely  left 
him,  and  his  family  were  flattering  themselves  with 
the  hopes  of  his  recovery ;  but  an  imposthume  which 
had  formed  in  his  lungs,  suddenly  burst,  and  dis- 
charged a  quantity  of  matter,  which  he  continued  to 
throw  up  while  he  had  power;  but,  as  that  failed,  the 
organs  of  respiration  became  gradually  oppressed ;  a 
calm,  lethargic  state  succeeded ;  and  on  the  1 7th  in- 
stant (April,  1790),  about  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  he 
quietly  expired,  closing  a  long  and  useful  life  of 
eighty-four  years  and  three  months."  * 

In  a  letter  from  Dr.  Rush  to  Dr.  Price,  dated  at 
Philadelphia,  a  week  after  this  event,  the  writer  says; 
"The  papers  will  inform  you  of  the  death  of  our  late 
illustrious  friend  Dr.  Franklin.  The  evening  of  his 
b'fe  was  marked  by  the  same  activity  of  his  moral 
and  intellectual  powers,  which  distinguished  its  merid- 
ian. His  conversation  with  his  family,  upon  the  sub- 

*  Dr.  Jones  added  the  following  particulars.  "  In  the  year  1735,  Dr. 
Franklin  had  a  severe  pleurisy,  which  terminated  in  an  abscess  of  his 
lungs ;  and  he  was  then  almost  suffocated  by  the  quantity  and  sudden- 
ness of  the  discharge.  A  second  attack,  of  a  similar  nature,  happened 
some  years  after,  from  which  he  soon  recovered ;  and  he  did  not  appear 
(o  suffer  anv  inconvenience  in  his  respiration  from  these  diseases." 


J£T.  84.]  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  531 

ject  of  his  dissolution,  was  free  and  cheerful.  A  few 
days  before  he  died,  he  rose  from  his  bed,  and  beg- 
ged that  it  might  be  made  up  for  him,  so  that  he 
might  die  in  a  decent  manner.  His  daughter  told  him, 
that  she  hoped  he  would  recover,  and  live  many  years 
longer.  He  calmly  replied,  '/  hope  not.9  Upon  being 
advised  to  change  his  position  in  bed,  that  he  might 
breathe  easy,  he  said,  1JI  dying  man  can  do  nothing 
easy.'  —  All  orders  and  bodies  of  people  among  us 
have  vied  with  each  other  in  paying  tributes  of  re- 
spect to  his  memory."  * 

The  following  extracts  are  from  a  letter  written  by 
Mrs.  Mary  Hewson  to  Mr.  Viny,  one  of  Dr.  Frank- 
lin's early  friends  in  England. 

"  We  have  lost  that  valued,  that  venerable,  kind 
friend,  whose  knowledge  enlightened  our  minds,  and 
whose  philanthropy  warmed  our  hearts.  But  we  have 
the  consolation  to  think,  that,  if  a  life  well  spent  in 
acts  of  universal  benevolence  to  mankind,  a  grateful 
acknowledgment  of  Divine  favor,  a  patient  submission 
under  severe  chastisement,  and  an  humble  trust  in 
Almighty  mercy,  can  insure  the  happiness  of  a  future 
state,  our  present  loss  is  his  gain.  I  was  the  faithful 
witness  of  the  closing  scene,  which  he  sustained  with 
that  calm  fortitude  which  characterized  him  through 
life.  No  repining,  no  peevish  expression,  ever  escaped 
him,  during  a  confinement  of  two  years,  in  which,  I 
believe,  if  every  moment  of  ease  could  be  added  to- 
gether the  sum  would  not  amount  to  two  whole 
months.  When  the  pain  was  not  too  violent  to  be 
amused,  he  employed  himself  with  his  books,  his  pen, 
or  in  conversation  with  his  friends ;  and  upon  every 
occasion  displayed  the  clearness  of  his  intellect  and 
the  cheerfulness  of  his  temper.  Even  when  the  in- 

*  See  MORGAN'S  Life  of  Price,  p.  147. 


532  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  |1790. 

tervals  from  pain  were  so  short,  that  his  words  were 
frequently  interrupted,  I  have  known  him  to  hold  a 
discourse  in  a  sublime  strain  of  piety.  I  say  this  to 
you,  because  I  know  it  will  give  you  pleasure." 

"  I  never  shall  forget  one  day  that  I  passed  with 
our  friend  last  summer.  I  found  him  in  bed  in  great 
agony ;  but,  when  that  agony  abated  a  little,  I  asked 
if  I  should  read  to  him.  He  said,  Yes ;  and  the  first 
book  I  met  with  was  Johnson's  'Lives  of  the  Poets.' 
I  read  the  Life  of  Watts,  who  was  a  favorite  author 
with  Dr.  Franklin ;  and,  instead  of  lulling  him  to  sleep, 
it  roused  him  to  a  display  of  the  powers  of  his  mem- 
ory and  his  reason.  He  repeated  several  of  Watts's 
'Lyric  Poems,'  and  descanted  upon  their  sublimity  in  a 
strain  worthy  of  them  and  of  their  pious  author.  It  is 
natural  for  us  to  wish  that  an  attention  to  some  cere- 
monies had  accompanied  that  religion  of  the  heart, 
which  I  am  convinced  Dr.  Franklin  always  possessed ; 
but  let  us,  who  feel  the  benefit  of  them,  continue  to 
practise  them,  without  thinking  lightly  of  that  piety, 
which  could  support  pain  without  a  murmur,  and  meet 
death  without  terror."* 

The  funeral  solemnities  took  place  on  the  21st  of 
April.  It  was  computed  that  more  than  twenty  thou- 
sand people  were  assembled.  In  the  procession  were 
the  clergy,  the  Mayor  and  Corporation  of  the  City, 
the  members  of  the  Executive  Council  and  of  the 
Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Faculty  and  Students 
of  the  College  of  Philadelphia,  the  Philosophical  So- 
ciety, and  several  other  societies,  followed  by  a  nu- 
merous train  of  citizens.  All  the  bells  of  the  city 

*  See  the  London  Monthly  Repository,  Vol.  XVI.  p.  3.  An  account 
of  Mrs.  Hewson  and  of  her  family  may  be  seen  in  the  present  work, 
Vol.  VII.  p.  150.  The  letter  from  which  the  above  extracts  are  taken, 
is  dated  at  Philadelphia,  May  5th,  1790. 


Mr.  84.]  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  533 

were  muffled  and  tolled ;  the  flags  of  the  vessels 
in  the  harbour  were  raised  half-mast  high ;  and  dis- 
charges of  artillery  announced  the  time  when  the 
body  was  laid  in  the  earth.  Franklin  was  interred  by 
the  side  of  his  wife,  in  the  cemetery  of  Christ's 
Church.  A  plain  marble  slab  covers  the  two  graves, 
according  to  the  direction  in  his  will,  with  no  other 
inscription  than  their  names  and  the  year  of  his  de- 
cease. It  yet  remains  for  the  city  of  his  adoption, 
by  erecting  an  appropriate  monument,  to  render  the 
same  tribute  of  respect  to  his  memory,  which  the  city 
of  his  birth  has  rendered  to  that  of  his  father  and 
mother. 

When  the  news  of  his  death  reached  Congress, 
then  sitting  in  New  York,  a  resolution  was  moved 
by  Mr.  Madison,  and  unanimously  adopted,  that  the 
members  should  wear  the  customary  badge  of  mourn- 
ing for  one  month,  "as  a  mark  of  veneration  due  to 
the  memory  of  a  citizen,  whose  native  genius  was 
not  more  an  ornament  to  human  nature,  than  his  va- 
rious exertions  of  it  have  been  precious  to  science,  to 
freedom,  and  to  his  country."  *  A  similar  resolution 
was  passed  by  the  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylva- 
nia. The  American  Philosophical  Society  appointed 
one  of  their  number,  the  Reverend  Dr.  William  Smith, 
to  pronounce  a  discourse  commemorative  of  his  char- 
acter and  his  virtues.  Nor  were  such  honors  con- 
fined to  his  own  country.  By  a  decree  of  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  of  France,  introduced  by  an  eloquent 
speech  from  Mirabeau,  and  seconded  by  Lafayette  and 
La  Rochefoucauld,  the  members  of  that  body  wore  a 
badge  of  mourn'ng  for  three  days,  and  the  President 
wrote  a  letter  of  condolence  to  the  Congress  of  the 

*  See  APPENDIX,  No.  VII. 

SS* 


534  LIFE    OF     FRANKLIN.  [1790 

United  States.  A  public  celebration  was  ordered  by 
the  Commune  of  Paris,  which  was  attended  by  a  large 
concourse  of  public  officers  and  citizens,  and  a  eulogy 
was  pronounced  by  the  Abbe  Fauchet.  Many  other 
testimonies  of  respect  were  shown  by  the  different 
scientific  and  literary  societies  in  Paris,  and  eulogies 
were  written  by  some  of  their  most  distinguished 
members. 

Dr.  Franklin  was  well  formed  and  strongly  built, 
in  his  latter  years  inclining  to  corpulency ;  his  stature 
was  five  feet  nine  or  ten  inches ;  his  eyes  were  grey, 
and  his  complexion  light.  Affable  in  his  deportment, 
unobtrusive,  easy,  and  winning  in  his  manners,  he 
rendered  himself  agreeable  to  persons  of  every  rank 
in  life.  With  his  intimate  friends  he  conversed  freely, 
but  with  strangers  and  in  mixed  company  he  was  re- 
served, and  sometimes  taciturn.  His  great  fund  of 
knowledge,  and  experience  in  human  affairs,  contrib- 
uted to  give  a  peculiar  charm  to  his  conversation, 
enriched  as  it  was  by  original  reflections,  and  enliv- 
ened by  a  vein  of  pleasantry,  and  by  anecdotes  and 
ingenious  apologues,  in  the  happy  recollection  and  use 
of  which  he  was  unsurpassed. 

The  strong  and  distinguishing  features  of  his  mind 
were  sagacity,  quickness  of  perception,  and  soundness 
of  judgment.  His  imagination  was  lively,  without  be- 
ing extravagant.  In  short,  he  possessed  a  perfect 
mastery  over  the  faculties  of  his  understanding  and 
over  his  passions.  Having  this  power  always  at  com- 
mand, and  never  being  turned  aside  either  by  vanity 
or  selfishness,  he  was  enabled  to  pursue  his  objects 
with  a  directness  and  constancy,  that  rarely  failed  to 
insure  success.  It  was  as  fortunate  for  the  world,  as 
it  was  for  his  own  fame,  that  the  benevolence  of  such 
a  man  was  limited  only  by  his  means  and  opportuni- 


/ET.  84.]  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  535 

ties  of  doing  good,  and  that,  in  every  sphere  of  action 
through  a  long  course  of  years,  his  single  aim  was  to 
promote  the  happiness  of  his  fellow  men  by  enlarging 
their  knowledge,  improving  their  condition,  teaching 
them  practical  lessons  of  wisdom  and  prudence,  and 
inculcating  the  principles  of  rectitude  and  the  habits 
of  a  virtuous  life. 

In  the  preceding  narrative  it  has  been  the  author's 
design  to  touch  briefly  upon  all  the  principal  events 
in  the  life  of  Franklin,  from  the  time  his  own  narra- 
tive breaks  off,  according  to  the  method  adopted  by 
him  in  his  memoirs  of  himself,  and  not  to  write  an 
essay  on  his  genius  and  character,  nor  an  historical 
account  of  his  discoveries  as  a  philosopher  and  his 
achievements  as  a  statesman  and  moralist.  Such  an 
attempt  would  have  required  much  more  space  than 
has  been  allotted  to  this  performance ;  and  in  the 
present  case  it  is  the  less  to  be  desired,  as  this  bio- 
graphical sketch  is  connected  with  his  writings,  in 
which,  particularly  in  his  moral  essays  and  correspon- 
dence, will  be  found  a  better  representation  of  his  char- 
acter and  of  what  he  accomplished,  than  the  reader 
could  hope  to  derive  from  any  other  source. 


APPENDIX. 


VOL.  I.  68 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I.    p.  4. 

REMARKS    ON    THE    ORIGIN   AND    GENEALOGY    OF   THE 
FRANKLIN    FAMILY. 

THE  origin  of  the  name  of  Franklin,  in  England,  may  perhaps 
be  traced  to  a  different  source  from  the  one  supposed  by  Dr.  Frank- 
lin. The  name  Francqudin  or  Franquelin,  is  found  in  France  ; 
and,  while  he  resided  there,  he  received  letters  from  several  per- 
sons bearing  that  name,  who  claimed  relationship,  as  having  the 
same  ancestry.  It  was  said,  that  the  name  could  be  traced  back 
at  least  to  the  fifteenth  century  in  Picardy,  and  that  the  records  of 
the  town  of  Abbeville  contained  the  names  of  John  and  Thomas 
Franquelin,  woollen-drapers,  who  were  inhabitants  of  that  town  in 
the  year  1521.  From  this  part  of  France,  the  emigrations  to  Eng- 
land at  that  time  and  previously  were  frequent,  and  it  was  inferred, 
that  one  or  more  families  of  the  name  of  Franquelin  were  among 
the  number,  and  that  in  England  the  orthography  of  the  name  was 
changed,  according  to  a  common  usage.  In  the  absence  of  direct 
proof  on  the  subject,  this  conjecture  is  perhaps  worthy  of  some 
consideration. 

Dr.  Franklin  seems  to  have  taken  much  pains  to  search  out  the 
history  of  his  immediate  ancestors.  He  traced  them  baok  four 
generations  to  Thomas  FranrMyne,  of  Ecton,  in  Northamptonshire. 
His  grandfather  had  nine  children,  of  whom  his  father,  JOSIAH, 
was  the  youngest.  Josiah  Franklin  emigrated  to  Boston,  New 
England,  in  the  year  1684,  or  in  the  early  part  of  1685. 

By  the  Record  of  Births  in  Boston,  it  appears,  that  there  was  a 
family  by  the  name  of  Franklin  among  the  early  settlers.  In  1638 
the  birth  of  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  William  Franklin,  is  recorded. 
There  were  other  children,  one  of  whom  was  Benjamin,  who  also 
had  a  son  of  the  same  name.  The  descendants  of  this  family  were 


540  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX 

numerous.  It  is  likewise  probable,  that  one  or  two  other  families, 
of  the  name  of  Franklin,  settled  in  Boston  some  time  afterwards ; 
but  it  is  believed  that  no  relationship  can  be  traced  between  any 
of  these  families  and  that  to  which  Dr.  Franklin  belonged. 

When  Josiah  Franklin  established  himself  in  Boston  he  had 
three  children,  born  at  Banbury,  in  Oxfordshire.  After  the  birth 
of  four  others,  his  first  wife  died.  He  then  married  Abiah  Folger, 
daughter  of  Peter  Folger,  of  Nantucket,  probably  in  the  early 
part  of  the  year  1690.  By  this  marriage  he  had  ten  children, 
making  seventeen  in  the  whole ;  ten  sons  and  seven  daughters. 
BENJAMIN  was  the  youngest  son,  and  the  fifteenth  child,  his  sisters 
Lydia  and  Jane  being  younger. 

All  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  Josiah  Franklin  lived  and  died  in 
England,  except  Benjamin,  who  emigrated  to  Boston  in  the  year 
1715.  His  son,  Samuel,  a  cutler  by  trade,  had  preceded  him. 
This  Benjamin  was  born  March  20th,  1650.  At  the  age  of  sixteen 
he  began  to  learn  the  trade  of  a  silk-dyer,  and  served  an  apprentice- 
ship of  seven  years.  He  afterwards  set  up  that  business  in  Lon- 
don, and  followed  it  there  till  he  removed  to  America.  He  was 
married  to  Hannah  Welles,  daughter  of  Samuel  Welles,  a  clergy- 
man of  Banbury,  on  the  23d  of  November,  1683.  In  one  of  the 
manuscript  volumes  of  poems,  mentioned  by  Dr.  Franklin,  is  the 
following  printed  advertisement. — "Wrought  things,  printed  Eng- 
lish or  India  calicos,  cloth,  silk,  and  stuff,  scoured  ;  linen,  cloth, 
silk,  and  stuff,  dyed,  printed,  or  watered  ;  and  black  cloth,  silk, 
and  stuff,  dyed  into  colors ;  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  at  the  Indian 
Queen,  in  Princes-Street,  near  Leicester  Fields."  —  He  had  ten 
children,  six  sons  and  four  daughters.  They  all  died  young,  except 
Samuel,  the  eldest.  His  wife  died  on  the  4th  of  November,  1705. 
From  a  brief  account  of  himself,  preserved  in  manuscript,  and 
from  some  of  his  pieces  in  rhyme,  he  seems  to  have  had  many 
afflictions.  Poverty,  adversity,  and  sickness  pursued  him  through 
life.  When  he  left  England,  his  wife  and  all  his  children,  except 
bis  eldest  son  then  in  Boston,  had  been  dead  several  years.  After 
his  arrival  in  Boston,  he  lived  with  his  brother  Josiah  four  years, 
till  1719,  when  he  went  to  reside  with  his  son,  who  had  recently 
been  married  and  become  a  housekeeper. 

The  manuscript  volumes  of  poetry,  before  mentioned,  are  curi- 
ous. The  handwriting  is  beautiful,  with  occasional  specimens  of 
short-hand,  in  which  Dr.  Franklin  says  his  uncle  was  skilled.  The 
poetical  merits  of  the  compositions  cannot  be  ranked  high,  but 
frequently  the  measure  is  smooth  and  the  rhymes  are  well  chosen. 


No.l.]  FRANKLIN  FAMILY.  541 

His  thoughts  run  chiefly  on  moral  and  religious  subjects.  Many 
of  the  Psalms  are  paraphrased  in  metre.  The  making  of  acrostics 
on  the  names  of  his  friends  was  a  favorite  exercise.  There  are 
likewise  numerous  proofs  of  his  ingenuity  in  forming  anagrams, 
crosses,  ladders,  and  other  devices.  The  specimens  below  were 
written  to  his  nephew  and  namesake ;  the  first  two,  when  he  was 
four  years  and  a  half  old. 

Sent  to  his  Namesake,  upon  a  Report  of  his  Inclination  to  Martial  Affairs 
July  1th,  1710. 

"Believe  me,  Ben,  it  is  a  dangerous  trade, 
The  sword  has  many  marred  as  well  as  made; 
By  it  do  many  fall,  not  many  rise, — 
Makes  many  poor,  few  rich,  and  fewer  wise ; 
Fills  towns  with  ruin,  fields  with  blood ;  beside 
'T  is  sloth's  maintainer,  and  the  shield  of  pride. 
Fair  cities,  rich  to-day  in  plenty  flow, 
War  fills  with  want  to-morrow,  and  with  woe. 
Ruined  estates,  the  nurse  of  vice,  broke  limbs  and  scars, 
Are  the  effects  of  desolating  wars." 

ACROSTIC, 
Sent  to  Benjamin  Franklin  in  New  England,  July  15th,  1710, 

"Be  to  thy  parents  an  obedient  son; 
Each  day  let  duty  constantly  be  done ; 
Never  give  way  to  sloth,  or  lust,  or  pride, 
If  free  you  'd  be  from  thousand  ills  beside  ; 
Above  all  ills  be  sure  avoid  the  shelf 
Man's  danger  lies  in,  Satan,  sin,  and  self. 
In  virtue,  learning,  wisdom,  progress  make ; 
Ne'er  shrink  at  suffering  for  thy  Saviour's  sake. 

"Fraud  and  all  falsehood  in  thy  dealings  flee, 
Religious  always  in  thy  station  be ; 
Adore  the  Maker  of  thy  inward  part, 
Now  's  the  accepted  time,  give  him  thy  heart; 
Keep  a  good  conscience,  't  is  a  constant  friend, 
Like  judge  and  witness  this  thy  acts  attend. 
In  heart  with  bended  knee,  alone,  adore 
None  but  the  Three  in  One  for  evermore." 

The  following  piece  was  sent  when  his  Namesake  was  seven 
years  old.  It  would  appear  that  he  had  received  from  him  some 
evidence  of  his  juvenile  skill  in  composition. 

VOL.    I.  TT 


542  LIFE   OP    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

Sent  to  Benjamin  Franklin,  1713. 

"'T  is  time  for  me  to  throw  aside  my  pen, 
When  hanging  sleeves  read,  write,  and  rhyme  like  men. 
This  forward  spring  foretells  a  plenteous  crop ; 
For,  if  the  bud  bear  grain,  what  will  the  top ! 
If  plenty  in  the  verdant  blade  appear, 
What  may  we  not  soon  hope  for  in  the  ear ! 
When  flowers  are  beautiful  before  they  're  blown, 
What  rarities  will  afterward  be  shown. 
If  trees  good    fruit  un'noculated  bear, 
You  may  be  sure  't  will  afterward  be  rare. 
If  fruits  are  sweet  before  they  've  time  to  yellow, 
How  luscious  will  they  be  when  they  are  mellow ! 
If  first  years'  shoots  such  noble  clusters  send, 
What  laden  boughs,  Engedi-like,  may  we  expect  in  the  end!" 

These  lines  are  more  prophetic,  perhaps,  than  the  writer  im- 
agined. He  continued  to  make  verses,  and  to  turn  the  Psalms 
into  rhyme,  after  he  came  to  New  England.  The  precise  time 
of  his  death  is  not  known.  He  was  living  in  1727,  and  probably 
died  the  year  following,  at  the  age  of  seventy-eight. 

His  son,  Samuel,  had  a  son  of  the  same  name,  born  October 
21st,  1721.  He  was  an  only  child.  He  followed  the  trade  of 
his  father,  and  died  in  Boston,  February  21st,  1775,  leaving  four 
daughters.  1.  Eunice,  married  to  Benjamin  Callender.  2.  Han- 
nah, married  to  Samuel  Emmons.  3.  Sarah,  married  to  Jerome 
Ripley.  4.  Elizabeth,  married  to  William  Clouston.  The  last 
three  are  now  living,  in  1839. 

The  ancestors  of  Abiah  Folger,  the  mother  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
emigrated  from  England  to  America.  In  a  letter  to  his  sister, 
dated  in  London,  January  13th,  1772,  he  says ;  "  No  arms  of  the 
Folgers  are  found  in  the  Herald's  Office.  I  am  persuaded  it  was 
originally  a  Flemish  family,  which  came  over  with  many  others 
from  that  country  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  flying  from  the  per- 
secution then  raging  there."  For  the  following  facts  relating  to 
the  family  in  America,  I  am  chiefly  indebted  to  Mr.  William  C. 
Folger,  of  Nantucket,  who  has  made  a  diligent  search  in  the 
early  records  of  that  Island  and  of  Martha's  Vineyard. 

There  is  a  tradition  in  the  family,  that  John  Folger,  and  his 
son  Peter  Folger,  (the  name  was  then  written  Foulger,)  crossed 
the  Atlantic  in  the  same  vessel  with  Hugh  Peters,  in  the  year  1G35. 
They  came  from  Norwich,  in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  England. 
Peter  was  then  eighteen  years  old,  and  of  course  was  born  in  the 
year  1G17.  The  father  and  son  settled  at  Martha's  Vineyard. 


No.  I.]  LIFE   OF   FKANKLIN.  543 

The  time  is  not  exactly  known,  but  it  is  supposed  to  have  been 
very  soon  after  they  came  to  the  country.  It  has  not  been  ascer- 
tained whether  John  Folger's  wife  came  with  him,  or  whether  she 
had  died  in  England,  and  he  married  again  in  America.  The 
name  of  his  wife,  Meribell,  is  mentioned  in  the  records  of  Mar- 
tha's Vineyard.  He  died  about  1660.  His  wife  was  living  in 
1663.  Peter  was  his  only  child. 

In  the  year  1644,  Peter  Folger  married  Mary  Morrell,  who  had 
been  an  inmate  in  Hugh  Peters's  family.  He  resided  at  Martha's 
Vineyard  till  1663,  when  he  removed  to  Nantucket,  being  among 
the  first  settlers  of  that  Island.  He  was  a  man  of  considerable 
learning,  particularly  in  mathematical  science,  and  he  practised 
surveying  both  in  the  Vineyard  and  Nantucket.  He  was  one  of 
the  five  commissioners  first  appointed  to  measure  and  lay  out  the 
land  on  the  Island  of  Nantucket;  and  it  was  said  in  the  order, 
that  "  whatsoever  shall  be  done  by  them  or  any  three  of  them, 
Peter  Folger  being  one,  shall  be  accounted  legal  and  valid." 
This  mode  of  wording  the  order  shows  the  confidence  that  was 
placed  in  his  integrity  and  judgment. 

He  acquired  the  Indian  language,  and  served  as  interpreter,  both 
in  affairs  of  business,  and  in  communicating  religious  instruction 
to  the  Indians.  He  rendered  assistance  in  this  way  to  the  Rev- 
erend Thomas  Mayhew,  the  distinguished  missionary  at  Martha's 
Vineyard.  Mr.  Prince,  in  his  account  of  Mayhew,  says,  that  he 
had  "  an  able  and  godly  Englishman,  named  Peter  Foulger,  em- 
ployed in  teaching  the  youth  in  reading,  writing,  and  the  princi- 
ples of  religion  by  catechizing  ;  being  well  learned  likewise  in  the 
Scriptures,  and  capable  of  helping  them  in  religious  matters."  * 
He  is  said  to  have  preached  on  some  occasions.  There  is  a  long 
letter  from  him  to  his  son-in-law,  Joseph  Pratt,  containing  reli- 
gious counsel,  with  much  use  of  Scripture,  according  to  the  prac- 
tice of  those  times.  Indeed  his  poem,  entitled  A  Looking-Glass 
for  the  Times,  published  in  1676,  shows  that  he  was  not  only 
well  informed  in  theology,  but  in  political  affairs,  such  as  they 
then  were  in  New  England.  He  died  in  1690,  and  his  widow 
in  1704. 

The  children  of  Peter  and  Mary  Folger  were,  1.  Johannah, 
who  married  John  Coleman.  2.  Bethiah,  married  John  Barnard, 
February,  1668-9.  They  were  both  drowned  four  months  after- 
wards by  the  upsetting  of  a  boat,  while  crossing  from  Nantucket 

*  See  MATHEW'S  Indian  Converts,  p.  291. 


544  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

to  the  Vineyard.  3.  Dorcas,  married  Joseph  Pratt.  4.  Eleazer, 

born  1648,  married  Sarah  Gardner.  5.  Bethshua,  married  • 

Pope.  C.  Patience,  married  Ebenezer  Harker.  7.  John,  born 
1659,  married  Mary  Barnard.  8.  Experience,  married  John  Swain. 
9.  Abiah,  born  August  15th,  1667,  married  Josiah  Franklin. 

Joseph  Pratt  lived  at  one  time  in  Nantucket,  but  is  supposed  to 
have  removed  to  Boston.  Some  of  the  descendants  of  Pope  also 
lived  in  Boston.  John  Pope  was  a  physician  of  some  eminence. 
Joseph  Pope  was  ingenious  in  mechanics,  and  constructed  the 
orrery  in  Harvard  College.  Robert  Pope  was  a  watchmaker, 
skilful  in  his  art.  The  other  children  of  Peter  Folger  and  their 
descendants  have  nearly  all  resided  in  Nantucket.  A  son  of 
Eleazer,  of  the  same  name,  served  as  register  of  probate  forty- 
seven  years,  and  died  in  1753,  aged  eighty-one.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Frederick,  who  held  the  same  office  thirty-seven 
years,  and  died  in  1790,  at  the  age  of  sixty-five.  Peleg,  a  brother 
of  Frederick,  wrote  many  pieces  in  prose  and  verse,  and  was  dis- 
tinguished for  his  piety  and  estimable  character ;  he  died  in  1789, 
aged  fifty-five.  Nathan,  another  son  of  the  first  Eleazer,  had  sev- 
eral children.  His  son  Abisha  was  justice  of  the  peace,  and  for 
thirty  years  represented  the  town  in  the  legislature.  Barzillai, 
another  son  of  Nathan,  commanded  a  vessel  in  the  London  trade. 
Abisha  had  a  large  family  of  children.  Among  them  were  William, 
George,  and  Timothy ;  the  last  of  whom  was  justice  of  the  peace 
and  a  merchant.  He  took  an  active  part  with  the  patriots  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Revolution.  There  is  a  portrait  of  him  by  Copley. 
Barzillai  likewise  had  many  children.  Among  them  was  Walter, 
a  man  of  great  strength  of  mind,  of  strict  probity  and  honor,  a 
good  mathematician,  at  one  time  commander  of  a  vessel,  and  for 
many  years  a  merchant  and  ship-owner.  He  died  much  respected 
in  1826,  in  the  ninety-second  year  of  his  age.  His  son,  Walter 
Folger,  known  as  the  astronomer  of  Nantucket,  was  born  in  1765, 
and  is  still  living  (in  1839).  Many  years  ago  he  invented  and 
constructed  a  very  ingenious  astronomical  clock.  He  also  made 
a  telescope  with  a  magnifying  power  of  about  five  hundred.  The 
above  are  descendants  of  Eleazer,  the  son  of  Peter.  His  other 
son,  John,  had  children,  from  whom  have  sprung  descendants, 
but  they  are  less  known. 

Although  Dr.  Franklin's  grandfather  had  five  sons,  and  his 
father  five,  who  grew  up  to  man's  estate,  were  married,  and  to- 
gether had  a  large  number  of  children,  yet  there  is  not  an  indi- 
vidual in  the  male  line,  bearing  the  name,  now  remaining.  Thomas 


No.  I.]  FRANKLIN   FAMILY.  545 

Franklin  was  the  only  one  in  England  as  long  ago  as  17GG. 
Dr.  Franklin  found  him  at  Lutterworth,  in  Leicestershire,  poor 
and  destitute,  and  contributed  to  his  relief  for  several  years.  He 
supported  and  educated  his  only  child,  Sally,  till  she  was  married. 
He  was  living  at  Lutterworth,  very  old,  in  1791.  His  daughter 
died  in  1782.  There  is  none  bearing  the  name  in  America,  who 
descended  from  this  family.  Dr.  Franklin's  brothers,  John  and 
James,  each  had  a  son,  but  these  died  without  children.  Hia 
first  cousin,  Samuel,  likewise  had  a  son,  but  the  children  of  this 
son  were  four  daughters.  Dr.  Franklin's  eldest  son,  William, 
died  in  London,  November,  1813.  His  wife,  whom  he  married 
in  London,  1762,  just  after  he  was  appointed  governor  of  New 
Jersey,  died  in  1777.  As  he  took  the  side  of  the  loyalists  in  the 
Revolution,  he  went  to  England  after  the  war,  received  a  pension 
from  the  King,  and  remained  there  till  his  death.  He  had  an 
only  son,  William  Temple,  who  died  without  issue.  Dr.  Franklin's 
other  son,  Francis  Folger,  died  in  childhood.  His  daughter, 
Sarah,  was  born  September  llth,  1744;  married  Richard  Bache, 
October  29th,  1767;  died  October  5th,  1808.  The  children  of 
Richard  and  Sarah  Bache,  were,  1.  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache, 
born  1769,  married  Margaret  Markoe,  died  1798,  during  the  yellow 
fever  in  Philadelphia.  2.  William,  married  Catherine  Wistar, 
died  1814.  3.  Elizabeth,  married  John  Harwood.  4.  Louis.  5. 
Deborah,  married  William  J.  Duane.  6.  Richard,  married  the 
eldest  daughter  of  Alexander  J.  Dallas.  7.  Sarah,  married  Thomas 
Sergeant.  Their  descendants  are  numerous. 

ft  appears  by  Dr.  Franklin's  Will,  that,  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  there  were  living  descendants  of  his  brothers  Samuel  and 
James,  and  of  his  sisters,  Anne,  Sarah,  Lydia,  and  Jane.  He  left 
a  small  bequest  to  each  of  them. 

The  basis  of  the  subjoined  Genealogical  Table  is  a  paper  sup- 
posed to  have  been  drawn  up  by  Dr.  Franklin.  It  has  been  en- 
larged, and  in  some  instances  corrected,  particularly  in  the  dates, 
from  the  Record  of  Births  in  Boston,  from  Dr.  Franklin's  letters 
in  which  he  speaks  of  his  family,  and  from  the  manuscript  vol- 
umes of  his  uncle  Benjamin,  which  contain  various  particulars  illus* 
trative  of  this  subject. 


VOL.    I.  69  TT* 


546 


LIFE   OF    FRANKLIN. 


[APPENDIX, 


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No.IL]  JOURNAL    OF   A    VOYAGE.  547 

No.  II.  p.  67. 
JOURNAL  OF  A  VOYAGE  FROM  LONDON  TO  PHILADELPHIA. 


Journal  of  Occurrences  in  my  Voyage  to  Philadelphia  on  board 
the  Berkshire,  Henry  Clark,  Master,  from  London. 

Friday,  July  22e?,  1726.  —  Yesterday  in  the  afternoon  we  left 
London,  and  came  to  an  anchor  off  Gravesend  about  eleven  at 
night.  I  lay  ashore  all  night,  and  this  morning  took  a  walk  up 
to  the  Windmill  Hill,  whence  I  had  an  agreeable  prospect  of  the 
country  for  about  twenty  miles  round,  and  two  or  three  reaches 
of  the  river,  with  ships  and  boats  sailing  both  up  and  down,  and 
Tilbury  Fort  on  the  other  side,  which  commands  the  river  and 
passage  to  London.  This  Gravesend  is  a  cursed  biting  place ;  the 
chief  dependence  of  the  people  being  the  advantage  they  make 
of  imposing  upon  strangers.  If  you  buy  any  thing  of  them,  and 
give  half  what  they  ask,  you  pay  twice  as  much  as  the  thing  is 
worth.  Thank  God,  we  shall  leave  it  to-morrow. 

Saturday,  July  23rf. — This  day  we  weighed  anchor  and  fell 
down  with  the  tide,  there  being  little  or  no  wind.  In  the  after- 
noon we  had  a  fresh  gale,  that  brought  us  down  to  Margate,  where 
we  shall  lie  at  anchor  this  night.  Most  of  the  passengers  are 
very  sick.  Saw  several  porpoises,  &c. 

Sunday,  July  24M.  —  This  morning  we  weighed  anchor,  and 
coming  to  the  Downs,  we  set  our  pilot  ashore  at  Deal,  and  passed 
through.  And  now,  whilst  I  write  this,  sitting  upon  the  quarter- 
deck, I  have,  methinks,  one  of  the  pleasantest  scenes  in  the  world 
before  me.  'T  is  a  fine,  clear  day,  and  we  are  going  away  before 
the  wind  with  an  easy,  pleasant  gale.  We  have  near  fifteen  sail 
of  ships  in  sight,  and  I  may  say  in  company.  On  the  left  hand 
appears  the  coast  of  France  at  a  distance,  and  on  the  right  is 
the  town  and  castle  of  Dover,  with  the  green  hills  and  chalky 
cliffs  of  England,  to  which  we  must  now  bid  farewell.  Albion, 
farewell  ! 

Monday,  July  25M.  —  All  the  morning  calm.  After  noon  sprung 
up  a  gale  at  east ;  blew  very  hard  all  night.  Saw  the  Isle  of 
Wight  at  a  distance. 

Tuesday,  July  2Gth. — Contrary  winds  all  day,  blowing  pretty 
hard.  Saw  the  Isle  of  Wight  again  in  the  evening. 


548  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

Wednesday,  July  %7th.  —  This  morning,  the  wind  blowing  very 
hard  at  west,  we  stood  in  for  the  land,  in  order  to  make  some 
harbour.  About  noon  we  took  on  board  a  pilot  out  of  a  fishing 
shallop,  who  brought  the  ship  into  Spithead,  off  Portsmouth.  The 
captain,  Mr.  Denham,  and  myself  went  on  shore,  and,  during  the 
little  time  we  stayed,  I  made  some  observations  on  the  place. 

Portsmouth  has  a  fine  harbour.  The  entrance  is  so  narrow, 
that  you  may  throw  a  stone  from  fort  to  fort;  yet  it  is  near  ten 
fathom  deep,  and  bold  close  to;  but  within  there  is  room  enough 
for  five  hundred,  or,  for  aught  I  know,  a  thousand  sail  of  ships. 
The  town  is  strongly  fortified,  being  encompassed  with  a  high 
wall  and  a  deep  and  broad  ditch,  and  two  gates,  that  are  entered 
over  drawbridges;  besides  several  forts,  batteries  of  large  cannon, 
and  other  outworks,  the  names  of  which  I  know  not,  nor  had  I 
time  to  take  so  strict  a  view  as  to  be  able  to  describe  them.  In 
war  time,  the  town  has  a  garrison  of  ten  thousand  men  ;  but  at 
present  it  is  only  manned  by  about  one  hundred  invalids.  Not- 
withstanding the  English  have  so  many  fleets  of  men-of-war  at  sea 
at  this  time,*  I  counted  in  this  harbour  above  thirty  sail  of  sec- 
ond, third,  and  fourth  rates,  that  lay  by  unrigged,  but  easily  fitted 
out  upon  occasion,  all  their  masts  and  rigging  lying  marked  and 
numbered  in  storehouses  at  hand.  The  King's  yards  and  docks 
employ  abundance  of  men,  who,  even  in  peace  time,  are  con- 
stantly building  and  refitting  men-of-war  for  the  King's  service. 

Gosport  lies  opposite  to  Portsmouth,  and  is  near  as  big,  if  not 
bigger ;  but,  except  the  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  and  a 
small  outwork  before  the  main  street  of  the  town,  it  is  only  de- 
fended by  a  mud  wall,  which  surrounds  it,  and  a  trench  or  dry 
ditch  of  about  ten  feet  depth  and  breadth.  Portsmouth  is  a  place 
of  very  little  trade  in  peace  time ;  it  depending  chiefly  on  fitting 
out  men-of-war.  Spithead  is  the  place  where  the  fleets  commonly 
anchor,  and  is  a  very  good  riding-place.  The  people  of  Ports-  . 
mouth  tell  strange  stories  of  the  severity  of  one  Gibson,  who  was 
governor  of  this  place  in  the  Queen's  time,  to  his  soldiers,  and 
show  you  a  miserable  dungeon  by  the  town  gate,  which  they  call 
Johnny  Gibson's  Hole,  where,  for  trifling  misdemeanors,  he  used 
to  confine  his  soldiers  till  they  were  almost  starved  to  death.  It 
is  a  common  maxim,  that,  without  severe  discipline,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  govern  the  licentious  rabble  of  soldiery.  I  own,  indeed, 
that,  if  a  commander  finds  he  has  not  those  qualities  in  him  that 

*  One  gone  to  the  Baltic,  one  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  one  to  the 
West  Indies. 


JSo.llJ  JOURNAL   OF    A    VOYAGE.  549 

will  make  him  beloved  by  his  people,  he  ought,  by  all  means,  to 
make  use  of  such  methods  as  will  make  them  fear  him,  since  one 
or  the  other  (or  both)  is  absolutely  necessary ;  but  Alexander  and 
Caesar,  those  renowned  generals,  received  more  faithful  service, 
and  performed  greater  actions,  by  means  of  the  love  their  soldiers 
bore  them,  than  they  could  possibly  have  done,  if,  instead  of  being 
beloved  and  respected,  they  had  been  hated  and  feared  by  those 
they  commanded. 

Thursday,  July  28fA. — This  morning  we  came  on  board,  hav- 
ing lain  on  shore  all  night.  .  We  weighed  anchor,  and,  with  a 
moderate  gale,  stood  in  for  Cowes,  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  came 
to  an  anchor  before  the  town  about  eleven  o'clock.  Six  of  the 
passengers  went  on  shore,  and  diverted  themselves  till  about  twelve 
at  night ;  and  then  got  a  boat,  and  came  on  board  again,  expect- 
ing to  sail  early  in  the  morning. 

Friday,  July  29//t.  —  But,  the  wind  continuing  adverse  still,  we 
went  ashore  again  this  morning,  and  took  a  walk  to  Newport, 
which  is  about  four  miles  distant  from  Cowes,  and  is  the  metrop- 
olis of  the  island.  Thence  we  walked  to  Carisbrooke,  about  a 
mile  further,  out  of  curiosity  to  see  that  castle,  which  King  Charles 
the  First  was  confined  in  ;  and  so  returned  to  Cowes  in  the  after- 
noon, and  went  on  board  in  expectation  of  sailing. 

Cowes  is  but  a  small  town,  and  lies  close  to  the  seaside,  pretty 
near  opposite  to  Southampton  on  the  main  shore  of  England.  It 
is  divided  into  two  parts  by  a  small  river  that  runs  up  within  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  of  Newport,  and  is  distinguished  by  East  and 
West  Cowes.  There  is  a  fort  built  in  an  oval  form,  on  which 
there  are  eight  or  ten  guns  mounted  for  the  defence  of  the  road. 
They  have  a  post-office,  a  custom-house,  and  a  chapel  of  ease ; 
and  a  good  harbour  for  ships  to  ride  in,  in  easterly  and  westerly 
winds. 

All  this  afternoon  I  spent  agreeably  enough  at  the  draft-board. 
It  is  a  game  I  much  delight  in  ;  but  it  requires  a  clear  head,  and 
undisturbed  ;  and  the  persons  playing,  if  they  would  play  well, 
ought  not  much  to  regard  the  consequence  of  the  game,  for  that 
diverts  and  withdraws  the  attention  of  the  mind  from  the  game 
itself,  and  makes  the  player  liable  to  make  many  false  open  moves; 
and  I  will  venture  to  lay  it  down  for  an  infallible  rule,  that,  if  two 
persons  equal  in  judgment  play  for  a  considerable  sum,  he  that 
loves  money  most  shall  lose ;  his  anxiety  for  the  success  of  the 
game  confounds  him.  Courage  is  almost  as  requisite  for  the  good 
conduct  of  this  game  as  in  a  real  battle;  for,  if  the  player  imag- 


550  LIFE   OP    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

ines  himself  opposed  by  one  that  is  much  his  superior  in  skill,  his 
mind  is  so  intent  on  the  defensive  part,  that  an  advantage  passes 
unobserved. 

Newport  makes  a  pretty  prospect  enough  from  the  hills  that  sur- 
round it ;  for  it  lies  down  in  a  bottom.  The  houses  are  beautiful- 
ly intermixed  with  trees,  and  a  tall,  old-fashioned  steeple  rises  in 
the  midst  of  the  town,  which  is  very  ornamental  to  it.  The  name 
of  the  church  I  could  not  learn ;  but  there  is  a  very  neat  market- 
house,  paved  with  square  stone,  and  consisting  of  eleven  arches. 
There  are  several  pretty  handsome  streets,  and  many  well-built 
houses  and  shops,  well  stored  with  goods.  But  I  think  Newport  is 
chiefly  remarkable  for  oysters,  which  they  send  to  London  and  oth- 
er places,  where  they  are  very  much  esteemed,  being  thought  the 
best  in  England.  The  oyster-merchants  fetch  them,  as  I  am  in- 
formed, from  other  places,  and  lay  them  upon  certain  beds  in  the 
river  (the  water  of  which  is  it  seems  excellently  adapted  for  that 
purpose)  a-fattening ;  and  when  they  have  lain  a  suitable  time  they 
are  taken  up  again,  and  made  fit  for  sale. 

When  we  came  to  Carisbrooke,  which,  as  I  said  before,  is  a  little 
village  about  a  mile  beyond  Newport,  we  took  a  view  of  an  an- 
cient church  that  had  formerly  been  a  priory  in  Romish  times, 
and  is  the  first  church,  or  the  mother-church,  of  the  island.  It  is 
an  elegant  building,  after  the  old  Gothic  manner,  with  a  very  high 
tower,  and  looks  very  venerable  in  its  ruins.  There  are  several 
ancient  monuments  about  it ;  but  the  stone  of  which  they  are  com- 
posed is  of  such  a  soft,  crumbling  nature,  that  the  inscriptions  are 
none  of  them  legible.  Of  the  same  stone  are  almost  all  the  tomb- 
stones, &/c.,  that  I  observed  in  the  island. 

From  this  church,  having  crossed  over  the  brook  that  gives  the 
name  to  the  village,  and  got  a  little  boy  for  a  guide,  we  went  up  a 
very  steep  hill,  through  several  narrow  lanes  and  avenues,  till  we 
came  to  the  castle  gate.  We  entered  over  the  ditch  (which  is  now 
almost  filled  up,  partly  by  the  ruins  of  the  mouldering  walls  that 
have  tumbled  into  it,  and  partly  by  the  washing  down  of  the  earth 
from  the  hill  by  the  rains,)  upon  a  couple  of  brick  arches,  wheie  I 
suppose  formerly  there  was  a  drawbridge.  An  old  woman  who 
lives  in  the  castle,  seeing  us  strangers  walk  about,  sent  and  offered 
to  show  us  the  rooms  if  we  pleased,  which  we  accepted.  This 
castle,  as  she  informed  us,  has  for  many  years  been  the  seat  of  the 
governors  of  the  island  ;  and  the  rooms  and  hall,  which  are  very 
large  and  handsome,  with  high,  arched  roofs,  have  all  along  been 
kept  handsomely  furnished,  every  succeeding  governor  buying  the 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL   OF    A    VOYAGE.  551 

furniture  of  his  predecessor  ;  but,  Cadogan,  the  last  governor,  who 
succeeded  General  Webb,  refusing  to  purchase  it,  Webb  stripped  it 
clear  of  all,  even  the  hangings,  and  left  nothing  but  bare  walls. 
The  floors  are  several  of  them  of  plaster  of  Paris,  the  art  of  mak- 
ing which,  the  woman  told  us,  was  now  lost. 

The  castle  stands  upon  a  very  high  and  steep  hill,  and  there  are 
the  remains  of  a  deep  ditch  round  it ;  the  walls  are  thick,  and 
seemingly  well  contrived ;  and  certainly  it  has  been  a  very  strong 
hold  in  its  time,  at  least  before  the  invention  of  great  guns.  There 
are  several  breaches  in  the  ruinous  walls,  which  are  never  repaired, 
(I  suppose  they  are  purposely  neglected,)  and  the  ruins  are  almost 
everywhere  overspread  with  ivy.  It  is  divided  into  the  lower  and 
the  upper  castle,  the  lower  enclosing  the  upper,  which  is  of  a  round 
form,  and  stands  upon  a  promontory,  to  which  you  must  ascend  by 
near  a  hundred  stone  steps ;  this  upper  castle  was  designed  for  a 
retreat  in  case  the  lower  castle  should  be  won,  and  is  the  least  ruin- 
ous of  any  part  except  the  stairs  before  mentioned,  which  are  so 
broken  and  decayed,  that  I  was  almost  afraid  to  come  down  again 
when  I  was  up,  they  being  but  narrow,  and  no  rails  to  hold  by. 

From  the  battlements  of  this  upper  castle,  which  they  call  the 
coop,  you  have  a  fine  prospect  of  the  greatest  part  of  the  island, 
of  the  sea  on  one  side,  of  Cowes  road  at  a  distance,  and  of  New- 
port as  it  were  just  below  you.  There  is  a  well  in  the  middle  of 
the  coop,  which  they  called  the  bottomless  well,  because  of  its  great 
depth  ;  but  it  is  now  half  filled  up  with  stones  and  rubbish,  and  is 
covered  with  two  or  three  loose  planks;  yet  a  stone,  as  we  tried, 
is  near  a  quarter  of  a  minute  in  falling  before  you  hear  it  strike. 
But  the  well  that  supplies  the  inhabitants  at  present  with  water  is 
in  the  lower  castle,  and  is  thirty  fathoms  deep.  They  draw  their 
water  with  a  great  wheel,  and  with  a  bucket  that  holds  near  a 
barrel.  It  makes  a  gre.it  sound  if  you  speak  in  it,  and  echoed  the 
flute  which  we  played  over  it  very  sweetly.  There  are  but  seven 
pieces  of  ordnance  mounted  upon  the  walls,  and  those  in  no  very 
good  order ;  and  the  old  man,  who  is  the  gunner  and  keeper  of  the 
castle,  and  who  sells  ale  in  a  little  house  at  the  gate,  has  in  his  pos- 
session but  six  muskets,  which  hang  up  at  his  wall,  and  one  of 
them  wants  a  lock.  He  told  us  that  the  castle,  which  had  now 
been  built  1203  years,  was  first  founded  by  one  Whitgert,  a  Saxon, 
who  conquered  the  island,  and  that  it  was  called  Whitgertsburg  for 
many  ages. 

That  particular  piece  of  building,  which  King  Charles  lodged  in 
during  his  confinement  hare,  is  suffered  to  go  entirely  to  ruin,  there 


552  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

being  nothing  standing  but  the  walls.  The  island  is  about  sixty 
miles  in  circumference,  and  produces  plenty  of  corn  and  other 
provisions,  and  wool  as  fine  as  Cotswold ;  its  militia  having  the 
credit  of  equalling  the  soldiery,  and  being  the  best,  disciplined  in 

England.     was  once,  in  King  William's  time,  intrusted  with 

the  government  of  this  island.  At  his  death  it  appeared  he  was 
a  great  villain,  and  a  great  politician ;  there  was  no  crime  so  dam- 
nable which  he  would  stick  at  in  the  execution  of  his  designs,  and 
yet  he  had  the  art  of  covering  all  so  thick,  that  with  almost  all 
men  in  general,  while  he  lived,  he  passed  for  a  saint.  What  sur- 
prised me  was,  that  the  silly  old  fellow,  the  keeper  of  the  castle, 
who  remembered  him  governor,  should  have  so  true  a  notion  of  his 
character  as  I  perceived  he  had.  In  short,  I  believe  it  is  impossi- 
ble for  a  man,  though  he  has  all  the  cunning  of  a  devil,  to  live 
and  die  a  villain,  and  yet  conceal  it  so  well  as  to  carry  the  name 
of  an  honest  fellow  to  the  grave  with  him,  but  some  one,  by  some 
accident  or  other,  shall  discover  him.  Truth  and  sincerity  have  a 
certain  distinguishing  native  lustre  about  them,  which  cannot  be 
perfectly  counterfeited  ;  they  are  like  fire  and  flame,  that  cannot  be 
painted. 

The  whole  castle  was  repaired  and  beautified  by  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, and  strengthened  by  a  breastwork  all  round  without  the  walls, 
as  appears  by  this  inscription  in  one  or  two  places  upon  it. 

1598 

E.  R. 

40 

Saturday,  July  30fA. —  This  morning  about  eight  o'clock  we 
weighed  anchor,  and  turned  to  windward  till  we  came  to  Yarmouth, 
another  little  town  upon  this  island,  and  there  cast  anchor  again,  the 
wind  blowing  hard,  and  still  westerly.  Yarmouth  is  a  smaller  town 
than  Cowes;  yet,  the  buildings  being  better,  it  makes  a  handsomer 
prospect  at  a  distance,  and  the  streets  are  clean  and  neat.  There 
is  one  monument  in  the  church,  which  the  inhabitants  are  very 
proud  of,  and  which  we  went  to  see.  It  was  erected  to  the  mem- 
ory of  Sir  Robert  Holmes,  who  had  formerly  been  governor  of 
the  island.  It  is  his  statue  in  armour,  somewhat  bigger  than  the 
life,  standing  on  his  tomb,  with  a  truncheon  in  his  hand,  between 
two  pillars  of  porphyry.  Indeed,  all  the  marble  about  it  is  very 
fine  and  good;  and  they  say  it  was  designed  by  the  French  King 
for  his  palace  at  Versailles,  but  was  cast  away  upon  this  island, 
and  by  Sir  Robert  himself  in  his  lifetime  applied  to  this  use,  and 
that  the  whole  monument  was  finished  long  before  he  died,  though 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL    OF    A    VOYAGE.  553 

not  fixed  up  in  that  place;  the  inscription  likewise,  which  is  very 
much  to  his  honor,  being  written  by  himself.  One  would  think 
either  that  he  had  no  defect  at  all,  or  had  a  very  ill  opinion  of 
the  world,  seeinor  he  was  so  careful  to  make  sure  of  a  monument 

*  o 

to  record  his  good  actions  and  transmit  them  to  posterity. 

Having  taken  a  view  of  the  church,  town,  and  fort,  on  which 
there  are  seven  large  guns  mounted,  three  of  us  took  a  walk  up 
further  into  the  island;  and,  having  gone  about  two  miles,  we  head- 
ed a  creek  that  runs  up  one  end  of  the  town,  and  then  went  to 
Freshwater  Church,  about  a  mile  nearer  the  town,  but  on  the  other 
side  of  the  creek.  Having  stayed  here  some  time  it  grew  dark, 
and  my  companions  were  desirous  to  be  gone,  lest  those  whom  we 
had  left  drinking  where  we  dined  in  the  town  should  go  on  board 
and  leave  us.  We  were  told,  that  it  was  our  best  way  to  go  straight 
down  to  the  mouth  of  the  creek,  and  that  there  was  a  ferry  boy  that 
would  carry  us  over  to  the  town.  But  when  we  came  to  the 
house  the  lazy  whelp  was  in  bed,  and  refused  to  rise  and  put 
us  over ;  upon  which  we  went  down  to  the  water-side,  with  a  de- 
sign to  take  his  boat,  and  go  over  by  ourselves.  We  found  it 
very  difficult  to  get  the  boat,  it  being  fastened  to  a  stake,  and  the 
tide  risen  near  fifty  yards  beyond  it ;  I  stripped  all  to  my  shirt 
to  wade  up  to  it ;  but  missing  the  causeway,  which  was  under  wa- 
ter, I  got  up  to  my  middle  in  mud.  At  last  I  came  to  the  stake  ; 
but,  to  my  great  disappointment,  found  she  was  locked  arid  chain- 
ed. I  endeavoured  to  draw  the  staple  with  one  of  the  thole-pins, 
but  in  vain  ;  I  tried  to  pull  up  the  stake,  but  to  no  purpose ;  so 
that,  after  an  hour's  fatigue  and  trouble  in  the  wet  and  mud,  I  was 
forced  to  return  without  the  boat. 

We  had  no  money  in  our  pockets,  and  therefore  began  to  con- 
clude to  pass  the  night  in  some  haystack,  though  the  wind  blew 
very  cold  and  very  hard.  In  the  midst  of  these  troubles  one  of 
us  recollected  that  he  had  a  horse-shoe  in  his  pocket,  which  he 
found  in  his  walk,  and  asked  me  if  I  could  not  wrench  the  staple 
out  with  that.  I  took  it,  went,  tried,  and  succeeded,  and  brought 
the  boat  ashore  to  them.  Now  we  rejoiced  and  all  got  in,  and, 
when  I  had  dressed  myself,  we  put  off.  But  the  worst  of  all  our 
troubles  was  to  come  yet;  for,  it  being  high  water  and  the  tide 
over  all  the  banks,  though  it  was  moonlight  we  could  not  discern 
the  channel  of  the  creek ;  but,  rowing  heedlessly  straight  forward, 
when  we  were  got  about  half  way  over,  we  found  ourselves  aground 
on  a  mud  bank;  and,  striving  to  row  her  off  by  putting  our  oars  in 
the  mud,  we  broke  one  and  there  stuck  fast,  not  having  four  in- 

VOL.    I.  70  UU 


554  LIFE    OF   FEANKLIN.  [APPENDIX 

ches  water.  We  were  now  in  the  utmost  perplexity,  not  knowing 
what  in  the  world  to  do ;  we  could  not  tell  whether  the  tide  was 
rising  or  falling ;  but  at  length  we  plainly  perceived  it  was  ebb, 
and  we  could  feel  no  deeper  water  within  the  reach  of  our  oar. 

It  was  hard  to  lie  in  an  open  boat  all  night  exposed  to  the  wind 
and  weather ;  but  it  was  worse  to  think  how  foolish  we  should 
look  in  the  morning,  when  the  owner  of  the  boat  should  catch 
us  in  that  condition,  where  we  must  be  exposed  to  the  view  of  all 
the  town.  After  we  had  strove  and  struggled  for  half  an  hour 
and  more,  we  gave  all  over,  and  sat  down  with  our  hands  before 
us,  despairing  to  get  off;  for,  if  the  tide  had  left  us,  we  had  been 
never  the  nearer  ;  we  must  have  sat  in  the  boat,  as  the  mud  was 
too  deep  for  us  to  walk  ashore  through  it,  being  up  to  our  necks. 
At  last  we  bethought  ourselves  of  some  means  of  escaping,  and 
two  of  us  stripped  and  got  out,  and  thereby  lightening  the  boat, 
we  drew  her  upon  our  knees  near  fifty  yards  into  deeper  water; 
and  then  with  much  ado,  having  but  one  oar,  we  got  safe  ashore 
under  the  fort;  and,  having  dressed  ourselves  and  tied  the  man's 
boat,  we  went  with  great  joy  to  the  Queen's  Head,  where  we  left 
our  companions,  whom  we  found  waiting  for  us,  though  it  was  very 
late.  Our  boat  being  gone  on  board,  we  were  obliged  to  lie  ashore 
all  night ;  and  thus  ended  our  walk. 

Sunday,  July  3lst.  —  This  morning  the  wind  being  moderated, 
our  pilot  designed  to  weigh,  and,  taking  advantage  of  the  tide,  get 
a  little  further  to  windward.  Upon  which  the  boat  came  ashore, 
to  hasten  us  on  board.  We  had  no  sooner  returned  and  hoisted 
in  our  boat,  but  the  wind  began  again  to  blow  very  hard  at  west, 
insomuch  that,  instead  of  going  any  further,  we  were  obliged  to 
weigh  and  run  down  again  to  Cowes  for  the  sake  of  more  secure 
riding,  where  we  came  to  an  anchor  again  in  a  very  little  time; 
and  the  pudding,  which  our  mess  made  and  put  into  the  pot  at 
Yarmouth,  we  dined  upon  at  Cowes. 

Monday,  August  1st.  —  This  morning  all  the  vessels  in  the  har- 
bour put  out  their  colors  in  honor  of  the  day,  and  it  made  a  very 
pretty  appearance.  The  wind  continuing  to  blow  hard  westerly, 
our  mess  resolved  to  go  on  shore,  though  all  our  loose  corks  were 
gone  already.  We  took  with  us  some  goods  to  dispose  of,  and 
walked  to  Newport  to  make  our  market,  where  we  sold  for  three 
shillings  in  the  pound  less  than  the  prime  cost  in  London  ;  and, 
having  dined  at  Newport,  we  returned  in  the  evening  to  Cowes, 
and  concluded  to  lodge  on  shore. 

Tuesday,  August  %d. — This  day  we  passed  on  shore,  diverting 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL   OF    A    VOYAGE.  555 

ourselves  as  well  as  we  could;  and,  the  wind  continuing  still  wes- 
terly, we  stayed  on  shore  this  night  also. 

Wednesday,  August  3c7. — This  morning  we  were  hurried  on 
board,  having  scarce  time  to  dine,  weighed  anchor,  and  stood  away 
for  Yarmouth  again,  though  the  wind  is  still  westerly ;  but,  meeting 
with  a  hoy  when  we  were  near  half-way  there,  that  had  some  goods 
on  board  for  us  to  take  in,  we  tacked  about  for  Cowes,  and  came 
to  anchor  there  a  third  time,  about  four  in  the  afternoon. 

Thursday,  August  4th.  —  Stayed  on  board  till  about  five  in  the 
afternoon,  and  then  went  on  shore  and  stopped  all  night. 

Friday,  August  5th.  —  Called  up  this  morning  and  hurried 
aboard,  the  wind  being  northwest.  About  noon  we  weighed  and 
left  Cowes  a  third  time,  and,  sailing  by  Yarmouth,  we  came  into 
the  channel  through  the  Needles ;  which  passage  is  guarded  by 
Hurst  Castle,  standing  on  a  spit  of  land  which  runs  out  from  the 
main  land  of  England  within  a  mile  of  the  Isle  of  Wight.  To- 
wards night  the  wind  veered  to  the  westward,  which  put  us  under 
apprehensions  of  being  forced  into  port  again  ;  but  presently  after 
it  fell  a  flat  calm,  and  then  we  had  a  small  breeze  that  was  fair  for 
half  an  hour,  when  it  was  succeeded  by  a  calm  again. 

Saturday,  August  6th.  —  This  morning  we  had  a  fair  breeze  for 
some  hours,  and  then  a  calm  that  lasted  all  day.  In  the  after- 
noon I  leaped  overboard  and  swam  round  the  ship  to  wash  myself. 
Saw  several  porpoises  this  day.  About  eight  o'clock  we  came  to 
an  anchor  in  forty  fathom  water  against  the  tide  of  flood,  some- 
where below  Portland,  and  weighed  again  about  eleven,  having  a 
small  breeze. 

Sunday,  August  7th.  —  Gentle  breezes  all  this  day.  Spoke  with 
a  ship,  the  Ruby,  bound  for  London  from  Nevis,  off  the  Start  of 
Plymouth.  This  afternoon  spoke  with  Captain  Romans  in  a  ship 
bound  for  Boston,  who  came  out  of  the  river  when  we  did,  and 
had  been  beating  about  in  the  channel  all  the  time  we  lay  at 
Cowes  in  the  Wight. 

Monday,  August  8th.  —  Fine  weather,  but  no  wind  worth  men- 
tioning, all  this  day ;  in  the  afternoon  saw  the  Lizard. 

Tuesday,  August  Qth.  — Took  our  leave  of  the  land  this  "norn- 
ing.  Calms  the  fore  part  of  the  day.  In  the  afternoon  a  small 
gale  ;  fair.  Saw  a  grampus. 

Wednesday,  August  Wth. — Wind  N.  W.  Course  S.  W.  about 
four  knots.  By  observation  in  latitude  48°  50'.  Nothing  remark- 
able happened. 

Thursday,  August  llth.  —  Nothing  remarkable.  Fresh  gale  all 
day. 


556  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

Friday,  August  l%th;  Saturday,  18th;  Sunday,  14th. —  Calms 
and  fair  breezes  alternately. 

Monday,  15th;  Tuesday,  16th;  Wednesday,  17th. —  No  contrary 
winds,  but  calm  and  fair  breezes  alternately. 

Thursday,  August  ISth.  —  Four  dolphins  followed  the  ship  for 
some  hours ;  we  struck  at  them  with  the  fizgig,  but  took  none. 

Friday,  August  IQth. —  This  day  we  have  had  a  pleasant  breeze 
at  east.  In  the  morning  we  spied  a  sail  upon  our  larboard  bow, 
about  two  leagues'  distance.  About  noon  she  put  out  English 
colors,  and  we  answered  with  our  ensign,  and  in  the  afternoon 
we  spoke  with  her.  She  was  a  ship,  of  New  York,  Walter  Kip- 
pen,  master,  bound  from  Rochelle,  in  France,  to  Boston,  with 

salt.  Our  captain  and  Mr.  D went  on  board,  and  stayed  till 

evening,  it  being  fine  weather.  Yesterday,  complaints  being  made 

that  a  Mr.  G n,  one  of  the  passengers,  had,  with  a  fraudulent 

design,  marked  the  cards,  a  court  of  justice  was  called  immediate- 
ly, and  he  was  brought  to  his  trial  in  form.  A  Dutchman,  who 
could  speak  no  English,  deposed,  by  his  interpreter,  that,  when 
our  mess  was  on  shore  at  Cowes,  the  prisoner  at  the  bar  marked 
all  the  court  cards  on  the  back  with  a  pen. 

I  have  sometimes  observed,  that  we  are  apt  to  fancy  the  per- 
son that  cannot  speak  intelligibly  to  us,  proportionably  stupid  in 
understanding,  and,  when  we  speak  two  or  three  words  of  English 
to  a  foreigner,  it  is  louder  than  ordinary,  as  if  we  thought  him 
deaf,  and  that  he  had  lost  the  use  of  his  ears  as  well  as  his  tongue. 

Something  like  this  I  imagine  might  be  the  case  of  Mr.  G n;  he 

fancied  the  Dutchman  could  not  see  what  he  was  about,  because 
he  could  not  understand  English,  and  therefore  boldly  did  it  be- 
fore his  face. 

The  evidence  was  plain  and  positive ;  the  prisoner  could  not 
deny  the  fact,  but  replied  in  his  defence,  that  the  cards  he  marked 
were  not  those  we  commonly  played  with,  but  an  imperfect  pack, 
which  he  afterwards  gave  to  the  cabin-boy.  The  attorney-general 
observed  to  the  court,  that  it  was  not  likely  he  should  take  the 
pains  to  mark  the  cards  without  some  ill  design,  or  some  further 
intention  than  just  to  give  them  to  the  boy  when  he  had  done,  who 
understood  nothing  at  all  of  cards.  But  another  evidence,  being 
called,  deposed,  that  he  saw  the  prisoner  in  the  main-top  one 
day,  when  he  thought  himself  unobserved,  marking  a  pack  of 
cards  on  the  backs,  some  with  the  print  of  a  dirty  thumb,  others 
with  the  top  of  his  finger,  &c.  Now.  there  being  but  two  packs 
on  board,  and  the  prisoner  having  just  confessed  the  marking  of 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL    OF   A   VOYAGE.  557 

one,  the  court  perceived  the  case  was  plain.  In  fine,  the  jury 
brought  him  in  guilty,  and  he  was  condemned  to  be  carried  up 
to  the  round-top,  and  made  fast  there,  in  view  of  all  the  ship's 
company,  during  the  space  of  three  hours,  that  being  the  place 
where  the  act  was  committed,  and  to  pay  a  fine  of  two  bottles  of 
brandy.  But,  the  prisoner  resisting  authority  and  refusing  to  sub- 
mit to  punishment,  one  of  the  sailors  stepped  up  aloft  and  let 
down  a  rope  to  us,  which  we,  with  much  struggling,  made  fast 
about  his  middle,  and  hoisted  him  up  into  the  air,  sprawling,  by 
main  force.  We  let  him  hang,  cursing  and  swearing,  for  near 
a  quarter  of  an  hour;  but  at  length,  he  crying  out  Murder!  and 
looking  black  in  the  face,  the  rope  being  overtaught  about  his  mid- 
dle, we  thought  proper  to  let  him  down  again ;  and  our  mesa 
have  excommunicated  him  till  he  pays  his  fine,  refusing  either 
to  play,  eat,  drink,  or  converse  with  him. 

Saturday,  August  2Qth.  —  We  shortened  sail  all  last  night  and 
all  this  day,  to  keep  company  with  the  other  ship.  About  noon 
Captain  Kippen  and  one  of  his  passengers  came  on  board  and 
dined  with  us ;  they  stayed  till  evening.  When  they  were  gone, 
we  made  sail  and  left  them. 

Sunday,  August  21s£.  —  This  morning  we  lost  sight  of  the  Yoik- 
er,  having  a  brisk  gale  of  wind  at  east.  Towards  night  a  poor 
little  bird  came  on  board  us,  being  almost  tired  to  death,  and 
suffered  itself  to  be  taken  by  the  hand.  We  reckon  ourselves  near 
two  hundred  leagues  from  land,  so  that  no  doubt  a  little  rest  was 
very  acceptable  to  the  unfortunate  wanderer,  who,  't  is  like,  was 
blown  off  the  coast  in  thick  weather,  and  could  not  find  its  way 
back  again.  We  receive  it  hospitably,  and  tender  it  victuals  and 
drink ;  but  he  refuses  both,  and  I  suppose  will  not  live  long. 
There  was  one  came  on  board  some  days  ago,  in  the  same  cir- 
cumstances with  this,  which  I  think  the  cat  destroyed. 

Monday,  August  22rf. —  This  morning  I  saw  several  flying-fish, 
but  they  were  small.  A  favorable  wind  all  day. 

Tuesday,  August  23^;  Wednesday,  24M.  —  Fair  winds,  nothing 
remarkable. 

Thursday,  August  25^7t.  —  Our  excommunicated  shipmate  think- 
ing proper  to  comply  with  the  sentence  the  court  passed  upon 
him,  and  expressing  himself  willing  to  pay  the  fine,  we  have  this 
morning  received  him  into  unity  again.  Man  is  a  sociable  being, 
and  it  is,  for  aught  I  know,  one  of  the  worst  of  punishments  to 
be  excluded  from  society.  I  have  read  abundance  of  fine  things 
on  the  subject  of  solitude,  and  I  know  't  is  a  common  boast  in 

UU* 


558  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

the  mouths  of  those  that  affect  to  be  thought  wise,  that  they  are 
never  less  alone  than  when  alone.  I  acknowledge  solitude  an 
agreeable  refreshment  to  a  busy  mind  ;  but,  were  these  thinking 
people  obliged  to  be  always  alone,  I  am  apt  to  think  they  would 
quickly  find  their  very  being  insupportable  to  them.  I  have  heard 
of  a  gentleman,  who  underwent  seven  years'  close  confinement, 
in  the  Bastille,  at  Paris.  He  was  a  man  of  sense,  he  was  a 
thinking  man  ;  but,  being  deprived  of  all  conversation,  to  what 
purpose  should  he  think  ?  for  he  was  denied  even  the  instruments 
of  expressing  his  thoughts  in  writing.  There  is  no  burden  so 
grievous  to  man  as  time  that  he  knows  not  how  to  dispose  of 
He  was  forced  at  last  to  have  recourse  to  this  invention ;  he 
daily  scattered  pieces  of  paper  about  the  floor  of  his  little  room, 
and  then  employed  himself  in  picking  them  up  and  sticking  them 
in  rows  and  figures  on  the  arm  of  his  elbow-chair ;  and  he  used 
to  tell  his  friends,  after  his  release,  that  he  verily  believed,  if  he 
had  not  taken  this  method  he  should  have  lost  his  senses.  One 
of  the  philosophers,  I  think  it  was  Plato,  used  to  say,  that  he 
had  rather  be  the  veriest  stupid  block  in  nature,  than  the  pos- 
sessor of  all  knowledge  without  some  intelligent  being  to  com- 
municate it  to. 

What  I  have  said  may  in  a  measure  account  for  some  partic- 
ulars in  my  present  way  of  living  here  on  board.  Our  company 
is,  in  general,  very  unsuitably  mixed,  to  keep  up  the  pleasure 
and  spirit  of  conversation  ;  and,  if  there  are  one  or  two  pair  of 
us  that  can  sometimes  entertain  one  another  for  half  an  hour 
agreeably,  yet  perhaps  we  are  seldom  in  the  humor  for  it  together. 
I  rise  in  the  morning  and  read  for  an  hour  or  two,  perhaps,  and 
then  reading  grows  tiresome.  Want  of  exercise  occasions  want 
of  appetite,  so  that  eating  and  drinking  afford  but  little  pleasure. 
I  tire  myself  with  playing  at  drafts,  then  I  go  to  cards ;  nay,  there 
is  no  play  so  trifling  or  childish,  but  we  fly  to  it  for  entertainment. 
A  contrary  wind,  I  know  not  how,  puts  us  all  out  of  good  humor ; 
we  grow  sullen,  sileit,  and  reserved,  and  fret  at  each  other  upon 
every  little  occasion.  'T  is  a  common  opinion  among  the  ladies, 
that,  if  a  man  is  ill-natured,  he  infallibly  discovers  it  when  he  is 
in  liquor.  But  I,  who  have  known  many  instances  to  the  con- 
trary, will  teach  them  a  more  effectual  method  to  discover  the 
natural  temper  and  disposition  of  their  humble  servants.  Let  the 
ladies  make  one  long  sea-voyage  with  them,  and,  if  they  have 
the  least  spark  of  ill-nature  in  them,  and  conceal  it  to  the  end  of 
the  voyage,  I  will  forfeit  all  my  pretensions  to  their  favor.  The 
wind  continues  fair. 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL   OF   A    VOYAGE.  559 

Friday,  August  26^/t. — The  wind  and  weather  fair,  till  night 
came  on ;  and  then  the  wind  came  about,  and  we  had  hard 
squalls,  with  rain  and  lightning,  till  morning. 

Saturday,  August  %7th. —  Cleared  up  this  morning,  and  the  wind 
settled  westerly.  Two  dolphins  followed  us  this  afternoon ;  we 
hooked  one,  and  struck  the  other  with  the  fizgig ;  but  they  both 
escaped  us,  and  we  saw  them  no  more. 

Sunday,  August  28M. —  The  wind  still  continues  westerly,  and 
blows  hard.  We  are  under  a  reefed  mainsail  and  foresail. 

Monday,  August  29M. — Wind  still  hard  west.  Two  dolphins 
followed  us  this  day ;  we  struck  at  them,  but  they  both  escaped. 

Tuesday,  August  3Qth.  —  Contrary  wind  still.  This  evening,  the 
moon  being  near  full,  as  she  rose  after  eight  o'clock,  there  ap- 
peared a  rainbow  in  a  western  cloud,  to  windward  of  us^  The 
first  time  I  ever  saw  a  rainbow  in  the  night,  caused  by  the  moon. 

Wednesday,  August  3lst. — Wind  still  west;  nothing  remark- 
able. 

Thursday,  September  1st.  —  Bad  weather,  and  contrary  winds. 

Friday,  September  2c/. — This  morning  the  wind  changed;  a 
little  fair.  We  caught  a  couple  of  dolphins,  and  fried  them  for 
dinner.  They  tasted  tolerably  well.  These  fish  make  a  glorious 
appearance  in  the  water  ;  their  bodies  are  of  a  bright  green,  mixed 
with  a  silver  color,  and  their  tails  of  a  shining  golden  yellow  ; 
but  all  this  vanishes  presently  after  they  are  taken  out  of  their 
element,  and  they  change  all  over  to  a  light  gray.  I  observed 
that  cutting  off  pieces  of  a  just-caught,  living  dolphin  for  baits, 
those  pieces  did  not  lose  their  lustre  and  fine  colors  when  the 
dolphin  died,  but  retained  them  perfectly.  Every  one  takes  no- 
tice of  that  vulgar  error  of  the  painters,  who  always  represent 
this  fish  monstrously  crooked  and  deformed,  when  it  is,  in  reality, 
as  beautiful  and  well-shaped  a  fish  as  any  that  swims.  I  cannot 
think  what  could  be  the  original  of  this  chimera  of  theirs,  since 
there  is  not  a  creature  in  nature  that  in  the  least  resembles  their 
dolphin,  unless  it  proceeded  at  first  from  a  false  imitation  of  a 
fish  in  the  posture  of  leaping,  which  they  have  since  improved 
into  a  crooked  monster,  with  a  head  and  eyes  like  a  bull,  a  hog's 
snout,  and  a  tail  like  a  blown  tulip.  But  the  sailors  give  me 
another  reason,  though  a  whimsical  one,  viz.  that,  as  this  most 
beautiful  fish  is  only  to  be  caught  at  sea,  and  that  very  far  to  the 
southward,  they  say  the  painters  wilfully  deform  it  in  their  rep- 
resentations, lest  pregnant  women  should  long  for  what  it  is  im- 
possible to  procure  for  them. 


560  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX 

Saturday,  September  3d;  Sunday,  4th;  Monday,  5th. — Wind 
still  westerly;  nothing  remarkable. 

Tuesday,  September  6th.  —  This  afternoon,  the  wind,  still  con- 
tinuing in  the  same  quarter,  increased  till  it  blew  a  storm,  and 
raised  the  sea  to  a  greater  height  than  I  had  ever  seen  it  before. 

Wednesday,  September  7th.  —  The  wind  is  somewhat  abated, 
but  the  sea  is  very  high  still.  A  dolphin  kept  us  company  all 
this  afternoon ;  we  struck  at  him  several  times,  but  could  not 
take  him. 

Thursday,  September  Sth.  —  This  day  nothing  remarkable  has 
happened.  Contrary  wind. 

Friday,  September  9th.  —  This  afternoon  we  took  four  large  dol- 
phins, three  with  a  hook  and  line,  and  the  fourth  we  struck  with 
a  fizgig.  The  bait  was  a  candle  with  two  feathers  stuck  in  it, 
one  on  each  side,  in  imitation  of  a  flying-fish,  which  are  the  com- 
mon prey  of  the  dolphins.  They  appeared  extremely  eager  and 
hungry,  and  snapped  up  the  hook  as  soon  as  ever  it  touched  the 
water.  When  we  came  to  open  them,  we  found  in  the  belly 
of  one  a  small  dolphin,  half-digested.  Certainly  they  were  half- 
famished,  or  are  naturally  very  savage,  to  devour  those  of  their 
own  species. 

Saturday,  September  Wth.  —  This  day  we  dined  upon  the  dol- 
phins we  caught  yesterday,  three  of  them  sufficing  the  whole  ship, 
being  twenty-one  persons. 

Sunday,  September  llth. — We  have  had  a  hard  gale  of  wind 
all  this  day,  accompanied  with  showers  of  rain.  'T  is  uncom- 
fortable being  upon  deck ;  and,  though  we  have  been  all  together 
all  day  below,  yet  the  long  continuance  of  these  contrary  winds 
has  made  us  so  dull,  that  scarce  three  words  have  passed  be- 
tween us. 

Monday,  September  l%th ;  Tuesday,  13th. — Nothing  remarka- 
ble ;  wind  contrary. 

Wednesday,  September  14th. — This  afternoon,  about  two  o'clock, 
it  being  fair  weather  and  almost  calm,  as  we  sat  playing  drafts 
upon  deck,  we  were  surprised  with  a  sudden  and  unusual  darkness 
of  the  sun,  which,  as  we  could  perceive,  was  only  covered  with 
a  small,  thin  cloud ;  when  that  was  passed  by,  we  discovered  that 
that  glorious  luminary  labored  under  a  very  great  eclipse.  At 
least  ten  parts  out  of  twelve  of  him  were  hid  from  our  eyes,  and 
we  were  apprehensive  he  would  have  been  totally  darkened. 

Thursday,  September  15th.  —  For  a  week  past,  we  have  fed 
ourselves  with  the  hopes,  that  the  change  of  the  moon  (which 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL   OF    A    VOYAGE.  561 

was  yesterday)  would  bring  us  a  fair  wind;  but,  to  our  great 
mortification  and  disappointment,  the  wind  seems  now  settled  in 
the  westward,  and  shows  as  little  signs  of  an  alteration  as  it  did 
a  fortnight  ago. 

Friday,  September  ^Wth. —  Calm  all  this  day.  This  morning 
we  saw  a  tropic  bird,  which  flew  round  our  vessel  several  times. 
It  is  a  white  fowl,  with  short  wings ;  but  one  feather  appears  in 
his  tail,  and  he  does  not  fly  very  fast.  We  reckon  ourselves  about 
half  our  voyage  ;  latitude  38  and  odd  minutes.  These  birds  are 
said  never  to  be  seen  further  north  than  the  latitude  of  40. 

Saturday,  September  17th.  —  All  the  forenoon  the  calm  contin- 
ued ;  the  rest  of  the  day  some  light  breezes  easterly ;  and  we 
are  in  great  hopes  the  wind  will  settle  in  that  quarter. 

Sunday,  September  18th. — We  have  had  the  finest  weather  imag- 
inable all  this  day,  accompanied  with  what  is  still  more  agree- 
able, a  fair  wind.  Every  one  puts  on  a  clean  shirt  and  a  cheerful 
countenance,  and  we  begin  to  be  very  good  company.  Heaven 
grant  that  this  favorable  gale  may  continue !  for  we  have  had  so 
much  of  turning  to  windward,  that  the  word  helm-a-lee  is  become 
almost  as  disagreeable  to  our  ears  as  the  sentence  of  a  judge  to 
a  convicted  malefactor. 

Monday,  September  IQth. —  The  weather  looks  a  little  uncertain, 
and  we  begin  to  fear  the  loss  of  our  fair  wind.  We  see  tropic 
birds  every  day,  sometimes  five  or  six  together ;  they  are  about 
as  big  as  pigeons. 

Tuesday,  September  %Qth. — The  wind  is  now  westerly  again, 
to  our  great  mortification ;  and  we  are  come  to  an  allowance  of 
bread,  two  biscuits  and  a  half  a  day. 

Wednesday,  September  %lst. —  This  morning  our  steward  was 
brought  to  the  geers  and  whipped,  for  making  an  extravagant  use 
of  flour  in  the  puddings,  and  for  several  other  misdemeanors.  It 
has  been  perfectly  calm  all  this  day,  and  very  hot.  I  was  deter- 
mined to  wash  myself  in  the  sea  to-day,  and  should  have  done  so, 
had  not  the  appearance  of  a  shark,  that  mortal  enemy  to  swim- 
mers, deterred  me ;  he  seemed  to  be  about  five  feet  long,  moves 
round  the  ship  at  some  distance,  in  a  slow,  majestic  manner,  at- 
tended by  near  a  dozen  of  those  they  call  pilot-fish,  of  different 
sizes ;  the  largest  of  them  is  not  so  big  as  a  small  mackerel,  and 
the  smallest  not  bigger  than  my  little  finger.  Two  of  these  di- 
minutive pilots  keep  just  before  his  nose,  and  he  seems  to  govern 
himself  in  his  motions  by  their  direction  ;  while  the  rest  surround 
him  on  every  side  indifferently.  A  shark  is  never  seen  without 

VOL.    I.  71 


562  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

a  retinue  of  these,  who  are  his  purveyors,  discovering  and  dis- 
tinguishing his  prey  for  him  ;  while  he  in  return  gratefully  protects 
them  from  the  ravenous,  hungry  dolphin.  They  are  commonly 
counted  a  very  greedy  fish;  yet  this  refuses  to  meddle  with  the 
bait  thrown  out  for  him.  'T  is  likely  he  has  lately  made  a  full 
meal. 

Thursday,  September  22rf.  —  A  fresh  gale  at  west  all  this  day. 
The  shark  has  left  us. 

Friday,  September  23rf.  —  This  morning  we  spied  a  sail  to  wind- 
ward of  us  about  two  leagues.  We  showed  our  jack  upon  the 
ensign-staff,  and  shortened  sail  for  them  till  about  noon,  when 
she  came  up  with  us.  She  was  the  Snoic,  from  Dublin,  bound 
to  New  York,  having  upwards  of  fifty  servants  on  board,  of  both 
sexes ;  they  all  appeared  upon  deck,  and  seemed  very  much 
pleased  at  the  sight  of  us.  There  is  really  something  strangely 
cheering  to  the  spirits  in  the  meeting  of  a  ship  at  sea,  contain- 
ing a  society  of  creatures  of  the  same  species  and  in  the  same 
circumstances  with  ourselves,  after  we  had  been  long  separated 
and  excommunicated  as  it  were  from  the  rest  of  mankind.  My 
heart  fluttered  in  my  breast  with  joy,  when  I  saw  so  many  human 
countenances,  and  I  could  scarce  refrain  from  that  kind  of  laugh- 
ter, which  proceeds  from  some  degree  of  inward  pleasure.  When 
we  have  been  for  a  considerable  time  tossing  on  the  vast  waters, 
far  from  the  sight  of  any  land  or  ships,  or  any  mortal  creature 
but  ourselves  (except  a  few  fish  and  sea-birds),  the  whole  world, 
for  aught  we  know,  may  be  under  a  second  deluge,  and  we,  like 
Noah  and  his  company  in  the  ark,  the  only  surviving  remnant 
of  the  human  race.  The  two  captains  have  mutually  promised 
to  keep  each  other  company ;  but  this  I  look  upon  to  be  only 
matter  of  course,  for,  if  ships  are  unequal  in  their  sailing,  they 
seldom  stay  for  one  another,  especially  strangers.  This  afternoon, 
the  wind,  that  had  been  so  long  contrary  to  us,  came  about  to  the 
eastward,  (and  looks  as  if  it  would  hold,)  to  our  no  small  satis- 
faction. I  find  our  messmates  in  a  better  humor,  and  more  pleased 
with  their  present  condition,  than  they  have  been  since  they  came 
out;  which  I  take  to  proceed  from  the  contemplation  of  the  mis- 
erable circumstances  of  the  passengers  on  board  our  neighbour, 
and  making  the  comparison.  We  reckon  ourselves  in  a  kind  of 
paradise,  when  we  consider  how  they  live,  confined  and  stifled 
up  with  such  a  lousy,  stinking  rabble,  in  this  sultry  latitude. 

Saturday,  September  24M.  —  Last  night  we  had  a  very  high 
wind,  and  very  thick  weather ;  in  which  we  lost  our  consort. 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL   OF    A    VOYAGE.  563 

This  morning  early  we  spied  a  sail  ahead  of  us,  which  we  took 
to  be  her ;  but  presently  after  we  spied  another,  and  then  we 
plainly  perceived,  that  neither  of  them  could  be  the  Snow;  for 
one  of  them  stemmed  with  us,  and  the  other  bore  down  directly 
upon  us,  having  the  weather-gage  of  us.  As  the  latter  drew  near, 
we  were  a  little  surprised,  not  knowing  what  to  make  of  her; 
for,  by  the  course  she  steered,  she  did  not  seem  designed  for  any 
port,  but  looked  as  if  she  intended  to  clap  us  aboard  immediately. 
I  could  perceive  concern  in  every  face  on  board  ;  but  she  pres- 
ently eased  us  of  our  apprehensions  by  bearing  away  astern  of 
us.  When  we  hoisted  our  jack,  she  answered  with  French  colors, 
and  presently  took  them  down  again;  and  we  soon  lost  sight  of 
her.  The  other  ran  by  us  in  less  than  half  an  hour,  and  answered 
our  jack  with  an  English  ensign  ;  she  stood  to  the  eastward,  but 
the  wind  was  too  high  to  speak  with  either  of  them.  About  nine 
o'clock  we  spied  our  consort,  who  had  got  a  great  way  ahead  of 
us.  She,  it  seems,  had  made  sail  during  the  night,  while  we 
lay  by,  with  our  mainyard  down,  during  the  hard  gale.  She  very 
civilly  shortened  sail  for  us,  and  this  afternoon  we  came  up  with 
her ;  and  now  we  are  running  along  very  amicably  together,  side 
by  side,  having  a  most  glorious  fair  wind. 

"On  either  side  the  parted  billows  flow, 
While  the  black  ocean  foams  and  roars  below." 

Sunday,  September  %5th.  —  Last  night  we  shot  ahead  of  our 
consort  pretty  far.  About  midnight,  having  lost  sight  of  each 
other,  we  shortened  sail  for  them;  but  this  morning  they  were 
got  as  far  ahead  of  us  as  we  could  see,  having  run  by  us  in  the 
dark  unperceived.  We  made  sail  and  came  up  with  them  about 
noon ;  and,  if  we  chance  to  be  ahead  of  them  again  in  the  night, 
we  are  to  show  them  a  light,  that  we  may  not  lose  company  by 
any  such  accident  for  the  future.  The  wind  still  continues  fair, 
and  we  have  made  a  greater  run  these  last  four-and-twenty  hours 
than  we  have  done  since  we  came  out.  All  our  discourse,  now, 
is  of  Philadelphia,  and  we  begin  to  fancy  ourselves  on  shore 
already.  Yet  a  small  change  of  weather,  attended  by  a  westerly 
wind,  is  sufficient  to  blast  all  our  blooming  hopes,  and  quite  spoil 
our  present  good  humor. 

Monday,  September  26£/«.  —  The  wind  continued  fair  all  night 
In  the  twelve  o'clock  watch  our  consort,  who  was  about  a  league 
ahead  of  us,  showed  us  a  lighf.,  and  we  answered  with  another. 
About  six  o'clock  this  morning  we  had  a  sudden  hurry  of  wind 


564  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX 

at  all  points  of  the  compass,  accompanied  with  the  most  violent 
shower  of  rain  I  ever  saw,  insomuch  that  the  sea  looked  like  a 
cream  dish.  It  surprised  us  with  all  our  sails  up,  and  was  so 
various,  uncertain,  and  contrary,  that  the  mizzen  topsail  was  full, 
while  the  head  sails  were  all  aback  ;  and,  before  the  men  could 
run  from  one  end  of  the  ship  to  the  other,  't  was  about  again. 
But  this  did  not  last  long  ere  the  wind  settled  to  the  northeast 
again,  to  our  great  satisfaction.  Our  consort  fell  astern  of  us 
in  the  storm,  but  made  sail  and  came  up  with  us  again  after  it 
was  over.  We  hailed  one  another  on  the  morrow,  congratulating 
upon  the  continuance  of  the  fair  wind,  and  both  ran  on  very  lov- 
ingly together. 

Tuesday,  September  27<7t.  —  The  fair  wind  continues  still.  I 
have  laid  a  bowl  of  punch,  that  we  are  in  Philadelphia  next  Sat- 
urday se'nnight ;  for  we  reckon  ourselves  not  above  one  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues  from  land.  The  Snoio  keeps  us  company  still. 

Wednesday,  September  28/A.  —  We  had  very  variable  winds  and 
weather  last  night,  accompanied  with  abundance  of  rain ;  and 
now  the  wind  is  come  about  westerly  again,  but  we  must  bear  it 
with  patience.  This  afternoon  we  took  up  several  branches  of 
gulf-weed  (with  which  the  sea  is  spread  all  over,  from  the  Western 
Isles  to  the  coast  of  America) ;  but  one  of  these  branches  had 
something  peculiar  in  it.  In  common  with  the  rest,  it  had  a  leaf 
about  three  quarters  of  an  inch  long,  indented  like  a  saw,  and 
a  small  yellow  berry,  filled  with  nothing  but  wind ;  besides  which 
it  bore  a  fruit  of  the  animal  kind,  very  surprising  to  see.  It  was 
a  small  shell-fish  like  a  heart,  the  stalk  by  which  it  proceeded 
from  the  branch  being  partly  of  a  grisly  kind.  Upon  this  one 
branch  of  the  weed,  there  were  near  forty  of  these  vegetable  ani- 
mals ;  the  smallest  of  them,  near  the  end,  contained  a  substance 
somewhat  like  an  oyster,  but  the  larger  were  visibly  animated, 
opening  their  shells  every  moment,  and  thrusting  out  a  set  of 
unformed  claws,  not  unlike  those  of  a  crab ;  but  the  inner  part 
was  still  a  kind  of  soft  jelly.  Observing  the  weed  more  narrowly, 
I  spied  a  very  small  crab  crawling  among  it,  about  as  big  as  the 
head  of  a  ten-penny  nail,  and  of  a  yellowish  color,  like  the  weed 
itself.  This  gave  me  some  reason  to  think,  that  he  was  a  native 
of  the  branch ;  that  he  had  not  long  since  been  in  the  same 
condition  with  the  rest  of  those  little  embryos  that  appeared  in 
the  shells,  this  being  the  method  of  their  generation ;  and  that, 
consequently,  all  the  rest  of  this  odd  kind  of  fruit  might  be  crabs 
in  due  time.  To  strengthen  my  conjecture,  I  have  resolved  to 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL    OF    A   VOYAGE. 

keep  the  weed  in  salt  water,  renewing  it  every  day  till  we  come 
on  shore,  by  this  experiment  to  see  whether  any  more  crabs  will 
be  produced  or  not  in  this  manner. 

I  remember  that  the  last  calm  we  had,  we  took  notice  of  a 
large  crab  upon  the  surface  of  the  sea,  swimming  from  one  branch 
of  weed  to  another,  which  he  seemed  to  prey  upon;  and  I  like- 
wise recollect  that  at  Boston,  in  New  England,  I  have  often  seen 
small  crabs  with  a  shell  like  a  snail's  upon  their  backs,  crawling 
about  in  the  salt  water  ;  and  likewise  at  Portsmouth  in  England. 
It  is  likely,  Nature  has  provided  this  hard  shell  to  secure  them  till 
their  own  proper  shell  has  acquired  a  sufficient  hardness,  which 
once  perfected,  they  quit  their  old  habitation  and  venture  abroad 
safe  in  their  own  strength.  The  various  changes  that  silk-worms, 
butterflies,  and  several  other  insects  go  through,  make  such  altera- 
tions and  metamorphoses  not  improbable.  This  day  the  captain 
of  the  Snow  with  one  of  his  passengers  came  on  board  us ;  but 
the  wind  beginning  to  blow,  they  did  not  stay  dinner,  but  returned 
to  their  own  vessel. 

Thursday,  September  29^7*.  —  Upon  shifting  the  water  in  which 
I  had  put  the  weed  yesterday,  I  found  another  crab,  much  smaller 
than  the  former,  who  seemed  to  have  newly  left  his  habitation. 
But  the  weed  begins  to  wither,  and  the  rest  of  the  embryos  are 
dead.  This  new-comer  fully  convinces  me,  that  at  least  this  sort 
of  crabs  are  generated  in  this  manner.  The  Snow's  captain  dined 
on  board  us  this  day.  Little  or  no  wind. 

Friday,  September  30th. —  I  sat  up  last  night  to  observe  an 
eclipse  of  the  moon,  which  the  calendar,  calculated  for  London,  in- 
formed us  would  happen  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Septem- 
ber 30th.  It  began  with  us  about  eleven  last  night,  and  continued 
till  near  two  this  morning,  darkening  her  body  about  six  digits,  or 
one  half;  the  middle  of  it  being  about  half  an  hour  after  twelve, 
by  which  we  may  discover  that  we  are  in  a  meridian  of  about 
four  hours  and  half  from  London,  or  67^  degrees  of  longitude, 
and  consequently  have  not  much  above  one  hundred  leagues  to 
run.  This  is  the  second  eclipse  we  have  had  within  these  fifteen 
days.  We  lost  our  consort  in  the  night,  but  saw  him  again  this 
morning  near  two  leagues  to  the  windward.  This  afternoon  we 
spoke  with  him  again.  We  have  had  abundance  of  dolphins 
about  us  these  three  or  four  days ;  but  we  have  not  taken  any 
more  than  one,  they  being  shy  of  the  bait.  I  took  in  some  more 
gulf-weed  to-day  with  the  boat-hook,  with  shells  upon  it  like  that 
before  mention  3d,  and  three  living  perfect  crabs,  each  less  than 
VOL.  I.  V  V 


566  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN. 

the  nail  of  my  little  finger.  One  of  them  had  something  particu- 
larly observable,  to  wit,  a  thin  piece  of  the  white  shell  which  I 
before  noticed  as  their  covering  while  they  remained  in  the  con- 
dition of  embryos,  sticking  close  to  his  natural  shell  upon  his 
back.  This  sufficiently  confirms  me  in  my  opinion  of  the  manner 
of  their  generation.  I  have  put  this  remarkable  crab  with  a  piece 
of  the  gulf-weed,  shells,  &,c.,  into  a  glass  phial  filled  with  salt 
water,  (for  want  of  spirits  of  wine,)  in  hopes  to  preserve  the  curi- 
osity till  I  come  on  shore.  The  wind  is  southwest. 

Saturday,  October  1st.  —  Last  night  our  consort,  who  goes  in- 
comparably better  upon  a  wind  than  our  vessel,  got  so  far  to  wind- 
ward and  ahead  of  us,  that  this  morning  we  could  see  nothing 
of  him,  and  it  is  like  shall  see  him  no  more.  These  southwests 
are  hot,  damp  winds,  and  bring  abundance  of  rain  and  dirty 
weather  with  them. 

Sunday,  October  2c?.  —  Last  night  we  prepared  our  line  with  a 
design  to  sound  this  morning  at  four  o'clock ;  but  the  wind  com- 
ing about  again  to  the  northwest,  we  let  it  alone.  I  cannot  help 
fancying  the  water  is  changed  a  little,  as  is  usual  when  a  ship 
comes  within  soundings,  but  it  is  probable  I  am  mistaken ;  for 
there  is  but  one  besides  myself  of  my  opinion,  and  we  are  very 
apt  to  believe  what  we  wish  to  be  true. 

Monday,  October  3d. —  The  water  is  now  very-  visibly  changed 
to  the  eyes  of  all  except  the  captain  and  the  mate,  and  they  will 
by  no  means  allow  it;  I  suppose  because  they  did  not  see  it  first. 
Abundance  of  dolphins  are  about  us,  but  they  are  very  shy,  and 
keep  at  a  distance.  Wind  northwest. 

Tuesday,  October  4th. — Last  night  we  struck  a  dolphin,  and 
this  morning  we  found  a  flying-fish  dead  under  the  windlass.  He 
is  about  the  bigness  of  a  small  mackerel,  a  sharp  head,  a  small 
mouth,  and  a  tail  forked  somewhat  like  a  dolphin,  but  the  lowest 
branch  much  larger  and  longer  than  the  other,  and  tinged  with 
yellow.  His  back  and  sides  of  a  darkish  blue,  his  belly  white,  and 
his  skin  very  thick.  His  wings  are  of  a  finny  substance,  about 
a  span  long,  reaching,  when  close  to  his  body,  from  an  inch  be- 
low  his  gills  to  an  inch  above  his  tail.  When  they  fly  it  is  straight 
forward,  (for  they  cannot  readily  turn,)  a  yard  or  two  above  the 
water;  and  perhaps  fifty  yards  is  the  furthest  before  they  dip  into 
the  water  again,  for  they  cannot  support  themselves  in  the  air  any 
longer  than  while  their  wings  continue  wet.  These  flying-fish 
are  the  common  prey  of  the  dolphin,  who  is  their  mortal  enemy. 
When  he  pursues  them,  they  rise  and  fly ;  and  he  keeps  close  under 


No.  II.]  JOURNAL    OF    A    VOYAGE.  567 

them  till  they  drop,  and  then  snaps  them  up  immediately.  They 
generally  fly  in  flocks,  four  or  five,  or  perhaps  a  dozen  together, 
and  a  dolphin  is  seldom  caught  without  one  or  more  in  his  belly. 
We  put  this  flying-fish  upon  the  hook,  in  hopes  of  catching  one, 
but  in  a  few  minutes  they  got  it  off  without  hooking  themselves; 
and  they  will  not  meddle  with  any  other  bait. 

Tuesday  Night.  —  Since  eleven  o'clock  we  have  struck  three 
fine  dolphins,  which  are  a  great  refreshment  to  us.  This  after- 
noon we  have  seen  abundance  of  grampuses,  which  are  seldom  far 
from  land  ;  but  towards  evening  we  had  a  more  evident  token, 
to  wit,  a  little  tired  bird,  something  like  a  lark,  came  on  board 
us,  who  certainly  is  an  American,  and  't  is  likely  was  ashore  this 
day.  It  is  now  calm.  We  hope  for  a  fair  wind  next. 

Wednesday,  October  5th.  —  This  morning  we  saw  a  heron,  who 
had  lodged  aboard  last  night.  It  is  a  long-legged,  long- necked 
bird,  having,  as  they  say,  but  one  gut.  They  live  upon  fish,  and 
will  swallow  a  living  eel  thrice,  sometimes,  before  it  will  remain 
in  their  body.  The  wind  is  west  again.  The  ship's  crew  was 
brought  to  a  short  allowance  of  water. 

Thursday,  October  6th.  —  This  morning  abundance  of  grass, 
rock-weed,  &,c.,  passed  by  us ;  evident-  tokens  that  land  is  not  far 
off.  We  hooked  a  dolphin  this  morning,  that  made  us  a  good 
breakfast.  A  sail  passed  by  us  about  twelve  o'clock,  and  nobody 
saw  her  till  she  was  too  far  astern  to  be  spoken  with.  'T  is  very 
near  calm  ;  we  saw  another  sail  ahead  this  afternoon ;  but,  night 
coming  on,  we  could  not  speak  with  her,  though  we  very  much 
desired  it ;  she  stood  to  the  northward,  and  it  is  possible  might 
have  informed  us  how  far  we  are  from  land.  Our  artists  on  board 
are  much  at  a  loss.  We  hoisted  our  jack  to  her,  but  she  took 
no  notice  of  it. 

Friday,  October  7th.  —  Last  night,  about  nine  o'clock,  sprung 
up  a  fine  gale  at  northeast,  which  run  us  in  our  course  at  the 
rate  of  seven  miles  an  hour  all  night.  We  were  in  hopes  of 
seeing  land  this  morning,  but  cannot.  The  water,  which  we 
thought  was  changed,  is  now  as  blue  as  the  sky ;  so  that,  unless 
at  that  time  we  were  running  over  some  unknown  shoal,  our 
eyes  strangely  deceived  us.  All  the  reckonings  have  been  out 
these  several  days ;  though  the  captain  says  't  is  his  opinion  we 
are  yet  a  hundred  leagues  from  land  ;  for  my  part  I  know  not 
what  to  think  of  it ;  we  have  run  all  this  day  at  a  great  rate,  and 
now  night  is  come  on  we  have  no  soundings.  Sure  the  American 
continent  is  not  all  sunk  under  water  since  we  left  it. 


568  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

Saturday,  October  8th.  —  The  fair  wind  continues  still ;  we  ran 
all  night  in  our  course,  sounding  every  four  hours,  but  can  find 
no  ground  yet,  nor  is  the  water  changed  by  all  this  day's  run. 
This  afternoon  we  saw  an  Irish  lord,  and  a  bird  which,  flying, 
looked  like  a  yellow  duck.  These,  they  say,  are  not  seen  far 
from  the  coast.  Other  signs  of  land  have  we  none.  Abundance 
of  large  porpoises  ran  by  us  this  afternoon,  and  we  were  followed 
by  a  shoal  of  small  ones,  leaping  out  of  the  water  as  they  ap- 
proached. Towards  evening  we  spied  a  sail  ahead,  and  spoke 
with  her  just  before  dark.  She  was  bound  from  New  York  for 
Jamaica,  and  left  Sandy  Hook  yesterday  about  noon,  from  which 
they  reckon  themselves  forty-five  leagues  distant.  By  this  we 
compute  that  we  are  not  above  thirty  leagues  from  our  Capes, 
and  hope  to  see  land  to-morrow. 

Sunday,  October  Qth.  —  We  have  had  the  wind  fair  all  the 
morning ;  at  twelve  o'clock  we  sounded,  perceiving  the  water  vis- 
ibly changed,  and  struck  ground  at  twenty-five  fathoms,  to  our 
universal  joy.  After  dinner  one  of  our  mess  went  up  aloft  to 
look  out,  and  presently  pronounced  the  long  wished-for  sound, 
LAND !  LAND !  In  less  than  an  hour  we  could  descry  it  from 
the  deck,  appearing  like  tufts  of  trees.  I  could  not  discern  it 
so  soon  as  the  rest;  my  eyes  were  dimmed  with  the  suffusion  of 
two  small  drops  of  joy.  By  three  o'clock  we  were  run  in  within 
two  leagues  of  the  land,  and  spied  a  small  sail  standing  along 
shore.  We  would  gladly  have  spoken  with  her,  for  our  captain 
was  unacquainted  with  the  coast,  and  knew  not  what  land  it  was 
that  we  saw.  We  made  all  the  sail  we  could  to  speak  with  her. 
We  made  a  signal  of  distress;  but  all  would  not  do,  the  ill-natured 
dog  would  not  come  near  us.  Then  we  stood  off  again  till  morn- 
ing, not  caring  to  venture  too  near. 

Monday,  October  10th.  —  This  morning  we  stood  in  again  for 
land  ;  and  we,  that  had  been  here  before,  all  agreed  that  it  was 
Cape  Henlopen  ;  about  noon  we  were  come  very  near,  and  to  our 
great  joy  saw  the  pilot-boat  come  off  to  us,  which  was  exceeding 
welcome.  He  brought  on  board  about  a  peck  of  apples  with 
him;  they  seemed  the  most  delicious  I  ever  tasted  in  my  life; 
the  salt  provisions  we  had  been  used  to  gave  them  a  relish.  We 
had  extraordinary  fair  wind  all  the  afternoon,  and  ran  above  a 
hundred  miles  up  the  Delaware  before  ten  at  night.  The  country 
appears  very  pleasant  to  the  eye,  being  covered  with  woods,  ex- 
cept here  and  there  a  house  and  plantation.  We  cast  anchor  when 
the  tide  turned,  about  two  miles  below  Newcastle,  and  there  lay 
till  the  morning  tide. 


No.  III.]        PROPOSALS    FOR    AN    ACADEMY.  569 

Tuesday,  October  llth.  This  morning  we  weighed  anchor  with 
a  gentle  breeze,  and  passed  by  Newcastle,  whence  they  hailed  us 
and  bade  us  welcome.  It  is  extreme  fine  weather.  The  sun  en- 
livens our  stiff  limbs  with  his  glorious  rays  of  warmth  and  bright- 
ness. The  sky  looks  gay,  with  here  and  there  a  silver  cloud.  The 
fresh  breezes  from  the  woods  refresh  us ;  the  immediate  prospect 
of  liberty,  after  so  long  and  irksome  confinement,  ravishes  us.  In 
short,  all  things  conspire  to  make  this  the  most  joyful  day  I  ever 
knew.  As  we  passed  by  Chester,  some  of  the  company  went  on 
shore,  impatient  once  more  to  tread  on  terra  jirma,  and  design- 
ing for  Philadelphia  by  land.  Four  of  us  remained  on  board,  not 
caring  for  the  fatigue  of  travel  when  we  knew  the  voyage  had  much 
weakened  us.  About  eight  at  night,  the  wind  failing  us,  we  cast 
anchor  at  Redbank,  six  miles  from  Philadelphia,  and  thought  we 
must  be  obliged  to  lie  on  board  that  night ;  but,  some  young  Phil- 
adelphians  happening  to  be  out  upon  their  pleasure  in  a  boat, 
they  came  on  board,  and  offered  to  take  us  up  with  them;  we 
accepted  of  their  kind  proposal,  and  about  ten  o'clock  landed  at 
Philadelphia,  heartily  congratulating  each  other  upon  our  having 
happily  completed  so  tedious  and  dangerous  a  voyage.  Thank 
God! 


No.  III.    pp.  143,  158. 


PROPOSALS    RELATING  TO  THE    EDUCATION    OF  YOUTH   IN 
PENNSYLVANIA.* 

THE  good  education  of  youth  has  been  esteemed  by  wise  men  in 
all  ages,  as  the  surest  foundation  of  the  happiness  both  of  private 
families  and  of  commonwealths.  Almost  all  governments  have 

*  This  tract  was  first  printed  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  year  1749.  It  was  il- 
lustrated by  a  large  body  of  notes,  being  chiefly  extracts  from  the  best  writers 
on  education,  such  as  Milton,  Locke,  Rollin,  Turnbull,  and  others.  The 
principal  part  of  these  notes  was  many  years  afterwards  appended  by  the  au- 
thor to  his  Observations  relative  to  the  Intentions  of  the  original  Founders  of 
the  Academy  in  Philadelphia,  (See  Vol.  II.  p.  133.)  The  following  "  Adver- 
tisement to  the  Reader  "  is  prefixed  to  the  original  edition  of  the  PROPOSALS. 

"  It  has  long  been  regretted  as  a  misfortune  to  the  youth  of  this  province, 
that  we  have  no  Academy,  in  which  they  might  receive  the  accomplishments 
of  a  regular  education.  The  following  paper  of  hints  towards  forming  a  plan 

VOL.  i.  72  vv* 


570  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

therefore  made  it  a  principal  object  of  their  attention,  to  establish 
and  endow  with  proper  revenues  such  seminaries  of  learning,  as 
might  supply  the  succeeding  age  with  men  qualified  to  serve  the 
public  with  honor  to  themselves  and  to  their  country. 

Many  of  the  first  settlers  of  these  provinces  were  men  who  had 
received  a  good  education  in  Europe;  and  to  their  wisdom  and 
good  management  we  owe  much  of  our  present  prosperity.  But 
their  hands  were  full,  and  they  could  not  do  all  things.  The  pres- 
ent race  are  not  thought  to  be  generally  of  equal  ability;  for, 
though  the  American  youth  are  allowed  not  to  want  capacity,  yet 
the  best  capacities  require  cultivation  ;  it  being  truly  with  them,  as 
with  the  best  ground,  which,  unless  well  tilled  and  sowed  with 
profitable  seed,  produces  only  ranker  weeds. 

That  we  may  obtain  the  advantages  arising  from  an  increase  of 
knowledge,  and  prevent,  as  much  as  may  be,  the  mischievous  con- 
sequences that  would  attend  a  general  ignorance  among  us,  the 

for  that  purpose,  is  so  far  approved  by  some  public-spirited  gentlemen,  to 
whom  it  has  been  privately  communicated,  that  they  have  directed  a  number 
of  copies  to  be  made  by  the  press,  and  properly  distributed,  in  order  to  obtain 
the  sentiments  and  advice  of  men  of  learning,  understanding,  and  experience 
in  these  matters ;  and  have  determined  to  use  their  interest  and  best  endeav- 
ours to  have  the  scheme,  when  completed,  carried  gradually  into  execution ; 
in  which  they  have  reason  to  believe  they  shall  have  the  hearty  concurrence 
and  assistance  of  many,  who  are  wellwishers  to  their  country.  Those,  who 
incline  to  favor  the  design  with  their  advice,  either  as  to  the  parts  of  learn- 
ing to  be  taught,  the  order  of  study,  the  method  of  teaching,  the  economy  of 
the  school,  or  any  other  matter  of  importance  to  the  success  of  the  under- 
taking, are  desired  to  communicate  their  sentiments  as  soon  as  may  be,  by 
letter,  directed  to  B.  Franklin,  Printer,  in  Philadelphia." 

Mr.  Secretary  Peters,  speaking  of  the  Academy  in  a  letter  to  the  Proprie- 
taries, says  ;  <;  Our  Academy  cuts  a  figure  in  print ;  the  framers  of  the  scheme 
have  bought  the  new  building  and  lot;  they  have  raised  an  annual  subscrip- 
tion for  five  years,  which  will  amount  to  upwards  of  £  800  a  year,  and  they 
are  now  altering  the  south  half  of  the  great  building  into  four  rooms  for  four 
masters ;  but  what  is  to  be  done  next,  I  cannot  tell.  Mr.  Martin,  it  is  said, 
was  engaged  some  time  ago  to  be  the  head  master ;  but  he  has  been  in  town, 
and,  though  we  are  good  friends,  and,  at  the  importunity  of  Mr.  Allen,  I  be- 
came a  trustee,  yet  he  has  never  opened  his  mouth  to  me  about  it.  I  asked 
Mr.  Franklin,  who  is  the  soul  of  the  whole,  whether  they  would  not  find  it 
difficult  to  collect  masters.  He  said,  with  an  air  of  firmness,  that  money  would 
buy  learning  of  all  sorts,  he  was  under  no  apprehensions  about  masters ;  but, 
for  all  his  sanguine  expectations,  it  is  my  opinion  that  they  have  undertaken 
what  is  too  high  for  them,  and  will  not  be  able  to  carry  it  on ;  not  but  that 
[  heartily  wish  they  may,  and  shall  do  all  in  my  power  to  aid  and  spirit  them 
up,  but  I  find  the  matter  is  not  understood."  —  MS.  Letter,  February  17th,  1749. 
—  EDITOR. 


No.IIL]      PROPOSALS   FOR    AN    ACADEMY.  571 

following  hints  are  offered  towards  forming  a  plan  for  the  education 
of  the  youth  of  Pennsylvania,  viz. 

It  is  proposed, 

That  some  persons  of  leisure  and  public  spirit  apply  for  a  char- 
ter, by  which  they  may  be  incorporated,  with  power  to  erect  an 
Academy  for  the  education  of  youth,  to  govern  the  same,  provide 
masters,  make  rules,  receive  donations,  purchase  lands,  and  to  add 
to  their  number,  from  time  to  time,  such  other  persons  as  they  shall 
judge  suitable. 

That  the  members  of  the  corporation  make  it  their  pleasure,  and 
in  some  degree  their  business,  to  visit  the  Academy  often,  encour- 
age and  countenance  the  youth,  countenance  and  assist  the  mas- 
ters, and  by  all  means  in  their  power  advance  the  usefulness  and 
reputation  of  the  design  ;  that  they  look  on  the  Students  as  in  some 
sort  their  children,  treat  them  with  familiarity  and  affection,  and, 
when  they  have  behaved  well,  and  gone  through  their  studies,  and 
are  to  enter  the  world,  zealously  unite,  and  make  all  the  interest 
that  can  be  made  to  establish  them,  whether  in  business,  offices, 
marriages,  or  any  other  thing  for  their  advantage,  preferably  to  all 
other  persons  whatsoever,  even  of  equal  merit. 

And  if  men  may,  and  frequently  do,  catch  such  a  taste  for  cul- 
tivating flowers,  for  planting,  grafting,  inoculating,  and  the  like, 
as  to  despise  all  other  amusements  for  their  sake,  why  may  not  we 
expect  they  should  acquire  a  relish  for  that  more  useful  culture  of 
young  minds.  Thomson  says, 

"  'T  is  joy  to  see  the  human  blossoms  blow, 
When  infant  reason  grows  apace,  and  calls 
For  the  kind  hand  of  an  assiduous  care. 
Delightful  task!  to  rear  the  tender  thought, 
To  teach  the  young  idea  how  to  shoot; 
To  pour  the  fresh  instruction  o'er  the  mind, 
To  breathe  the  enlivening  spirit,  and  to  fix 
The  generous  purpose  in  the  glowing  breast." 

That  a  house  be  provided  for  the  Academy,  if  not  in  the  town, 
not  many  miles  from  it ;  the  situation  high  and  dry,  and,  if  it  may 
be,  not  far  from  a  river,  having  a  garden,  orchard,  meadow,  and 
a  field  or  two. 

That  the  house  be  furnished  with  a  library  if  in  the  country, 
(if  in  the  town,  the  town  libraries  may  serve),  with  maps  of  all 
countries,  globes,  some  mathematical  instruments,  an  apparatus  for 
experiments  in  natural  philosophy,  and  for  mechanics ;  prints,  of 
all  kinds,  prospects,  buildings,  and  machines. 


572  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

That  the  Rector  be  a  man  of  good  understanding,  good  morals, 
diligent  and  patient,  learned  in  the  languages  and  sciences,  and  a 
correct,  pure  speaker  and  writer  of  the  English  tongue;  to  have 
such  tutors  under  him  as  shall  be  necessary. 

That  the  boarding  scholars  diet  together,  plainly,  temperately, 
and  frugally. 

That,  to  keep  them  in  health,  and  to  strengthen  and  render  ac- 
tive their  bodies,  they  be  frequently  exercised  in  running,  leaping, 
wrestling,  and  swimming. 

That  they  have  peculiar  habits  to  distinguish  them  from  other 
youth,  if  the  Academy  be  in  or  near  the  town;  for  this,  among 
other  reasons,  that  their  behaviour  may  be  the  better  observed. 

As  to  their  studies,  it  would  be  well  if  they  could  be  taught 
every  thing  that  is  useful,  and  every  Iking  that  is  ornamental.  But 
art  is  long,  and  their  time  is  short.  It  is  therefore  proposed,  that 
they  learn  those  things  that  are  likely  to  be  most  useful  and  most 
ornamental;  regard  being  had  to  the  several  professions  for  which 
they  are  intended. 

All  should  be  taught  to  write  a  fair  hand,  and  swift,  as  that  is 
useful  to  all.  And  with  it  may  be  learned  something  of  drawing, 
by  imitation  of  prints,  and  some  of  the  first  principles  of  perspec- 
tive. 

Arithmetic,  accounts,  and  some  of  the  first  principles  of  geome- 
try and  astronomy. 

The  English  language  might  be  taught  by  grammar;  in  which 
some  of  our  best  writers,  as  Tillotson,  Addison,  Pope,  Algernon 
Sidney,  Cato's  Letters,  &c.,  should  be  classics;  the  styles  princi- 
pally to  be  cultivated  being  the  clear  and  the  concise.  Reading 
should  also  be  taught,  and  pronouncing  properly,  distinctly,  em- 
phatically ;  not  with  an  even  tone,  which  under-docs ,  nor  a  theat- 
rical, which  over-does  nature. 

To  form  their  style,  they  should  be  put  on  writing  letters  to 
each  other,  making  abstracts  of  what  they  read,  or  writing  the 
same  things  in  their  own  words;  telling  or  writing  stories  lately 
read,  in  their  own  expressions.  All  to  be  revised  and  corrected 
by  the  tutor,  who  should  give  his  reasons,  and  explain  the  force 
and  import  of  words. 

To  form  their  pronunciation,  they  may  be  put  on  making  dec- 
lamations, repeating  speeches,  and  delivering  orations;  the  tutor 
assisting  at  the  rehearsals,  teaching,  advising,  and  correcting  their 
accent. 

But  if  History  be  made  a  constant  part  of  their  reading,  such 


No  III.]      PROPOSALS   FOR    AN    ACADEMY.  573 

as  the  translations  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  historians,  and  the 
modern  histories  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome,  may  not  almost  all 
kinds  of  useful  knowledge  be  that  way  introduced  to  advantage, 
and  with  pleasure  to  the  student?  As 

Geography,  by  reading  with  maps,  and  being  required  to  point 
out  the  places  where  the  greatest  actions  were  done,  to  give  their 
old  and  new  names,  with  the  bounds,  situation,  and  extent  of  the 
countries  concerned. 

Chronology,  by  the  help  of  Helvicus  or  some  other  writer  of  the 
kind,  who  will  enable  them  to  tell  when  those  events  happened, 
what  princes  were  contemporaries,  and  what  states  or  famous  men 
flourished  about  that  time.  The  several  principal  epochas  to  be 
first  well  fixed  in  their  memories. 

Ancient  Customs,  religious  and  civil,  being  frequently  mentioned 
in  history,  will  give  occasion  for  explaining  them  ;  in  which  the 
prints  of  medals,  basso-rilievos,  and  ancient  monuments  will  great- 
ly assist. 

Morality,  by  descanting  and  making  continual  observations  on 
the  causes  of  the  rise  or  fall  of  any  man's  character,  fortune,  and 
power,  mentioned  in  history ;  the  advantages  of  temperance,  order, 
frugality,  industry,  and  perseverance.  Indeed,  the  general  natural 
tendency  of  reading  good  history  must  be,  to  fix  in  the  minds  of 
youth  deep  impressions  of  the  beauty  and  usefulness  of  virtue  of  all 
kinds,  public  spirit,  and  fortitude. 

History  will  show  the  wonderful  effects  of  oratory,  in  govern- 
ing, turning,  and  leading  great  bodies  of  mankind,  armies,  cities, 
nations.  When  the  minds  of  youth  are  struck  with  admiration  at 
this,  then  is  the  time  to  give  them  the  principles  of  that  art,  which 
they  will  study  with  taste  and  application.  Then  they  may  be  made 
acquainted  with  the  best  models  among  the  ancients,  their  beauties 
being  particularly  pointed  out  to  them.  Modern  political  oratory 
being  chiefly  performed  by  the  pen  and  press,  its  advantages  over 
the  ancient  in  some  respects  are  to  be  shown ;  as  that  its  effects 
are  more  extensive,  and  more  lasting. 

History  will  also  afford  frequent  opportunities  of  showing  the 
necessity  of  a  public  religion,  from  its  usefulness  to  the  public;  the 
advantage  of  a  religious  character  among  private  persons ;  the  mis- 
chiefs of  superstition,  and  the  excellency  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion above  all  others,  ancient  or  modern. 

History  will  also  give  occasion  to  expatiate  on  the  advantage  of 
civil  orders  and  constitutions ;  how  men  and  their  properties  are 
protected  by  joining  in  societies  and  establishing  government ;  their 


574  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

industry  encouraged  and  rewarded,  arts  invented,  and  life  made 
more  comfortable;  the  advantages  of  liberty,  mischiefs  of  licen- 
tiousness, benefits  arising  from  good  laws  and  a  due  execution  of 
justice.  Thus  may  the  first  principles  of  sound  politics  be  fixed 
in  the  minds  of  youth. 

On  historical  occasions,  questions  of  right  and  wrong,  justice 
and  injustice,  will  naturally  arise,  and  may  be  put  to  youth,  which 
they  may  debate  in  conversation  and  in  writing.  When  they  ar- 
dently desire  victory,  for  the  sake  of  the  praise  attending  it,  they 
will  begin  to  feel  the  want,  and  be  sensible  of  the  use,  of  logic, 
or  the  art  of  reasoning  to  discover  truth,  and  of  arguing  to  defend 
it,  and  convince  adversaries.  This  would  be  the  time  to  acquaint 
them  with  the  principles  of  that  art.  Grotius,  Puffendorff,  and 
some  other  writers  of  the  same  kind,  may  be  used  on  these  occa- 
sions to  decide  their  disputes.  Public  disputes  warm  the  imagi- 
nation, whet  the  industry,  and  strengthen  the  natural  abilities. 

When  youth  are  told,  that  the  great  men,  whose  lives  and  ac- 
tions they  read  in  history,  spoke  two  of  the  best  languages  that 
ever  were,  the  most  expressive,  copious,  beautiful ;  and  that  the 
finest  writings,  the  most  correct  compositions,  the  most  perfect  pro- 
ductions of  human  wit  and  wisdom,  are  in  those  languages,  which 
have  endured  for  ages,  and  will  endure  while  there  are  men ;  that 
no  translation  can  do  them  justice,  or  give  the  pleasure  found  in 
reading  the  originals;  that  those  languages  contain  ail  science;  that 
one  of  them  is  become  almost  universal,  being  the  language  of 
learned  men  in  all  countries ;  and  that  to  understand  them  is  a  dis- 
tinguishing ornament;  they  may  be  thereby  made  desirous  of  learn- 
ing those  languages,  and  their  industry  sharpened  in  the  acquisition 
of  them.  All  intended  for  divinity,  should  be  taught  the  Latin  and 
Greek  ;  for  physic,  the  Latin,  Greek,  and  French  ;  for  law,  the  Lat- 
in and  French  ;  merchants,  the  French,  German,  and  Spanish ;  and, 
though  all  should  not  be  compelled  to  learn  Latin,  Greek,  or  the 
modern  foreign  languages,  yet  none  that  have  an  ardent  desire  to 
learn  them  should  be  refused ;  their  English,  arithmetic,  and  other 
studies  absolutely  necessary,  being  at  the  same  time  not  neglected. 

If  the  new  Universal  History  were  also  read,  it  would  give  a 
connected  idea  of  human  affairs,  so  far  as  it  goes,  which  should  be 
followed  by  the  best  modern  histories,  particularly  of  our  mother 
country ;  then  of  these  colonies ;  which  should  be  accompanied 
with  observations  on  their  rise,  increase,  use  to  Great  Britain,  en- 
couragements and  discouragements,  the  means  to  make  them  flour- 
ish, and  secure  their  liberties. 


No.  III.]      PROPOSALS   FOR    AN    ACADEMY.  575 

With  the  history  of  men,  times,  and  nations,  should  be  read  at 
proper  hours  or  days,  some  of  the  best  histories  of  nature,  which 
would  not  only  be  delightful  to  youth,  and  furnish  them  with  mat- 
ter for  their  letters,  as  well  as  other  history,  but  would  afterwards 
be  of  great  use  to  them,  whether  they  are  merchants,  handicrafts, 
or  divines ;  enabling  the  first  the  better  to  understand  many  com- 
modities and  drugs,  the  second  to  improve  his  trade  or  handicraft 
by  new  mixtures  and  materials,  and  the  last  to  adorn  his  discourses 
by  beautiful  comparisons,  and  strengthen  them  by  new  proofs  of 
divine  providence.  The  conversation  of  all  will  be  improved  by  it, 
as  occasions  frequently  occur  of  making  natural  observations,  which 
are  instructive,  agreeable,  and  entertaining  in  almost  all  compan- 
ies. Natural  history  will  also  afford  opportunities  of  introducing 
many  observations,  relating  to  the  preservation  of  health,  which  may 
be  afterwards  of  great  use.  Arbuthnot  on  Air  and  Aliment,  Sanc- 
torius  on  Perspiration,  Lemery  on  Foods,  and  some  others,  may 
now  be  read,  and  a  very  little  explanation  will  make  them  sufficient- 
ly intelligible  to  youth. 

While  they  are  reading  natural  history,  might  not  a  little  garden- 
ing, planting,  grafting,  and  inoculating,  be  taught  and  practised ; 
and  now  and  then  excursions  made  to  the  neighbouring  plantations 
of  the  best  farmers,  their  methods  observed  and  reasoned  upon  for 
the  information  of  youth?  The  improvement  of  agriculture  being 
useful  to  all,  and  skill  in  it  no  disparagement  to  any. 

The  history  of  commerce,  of  the  invention  of  arts,  rise  of  man- 
ufactures, progress  of  trade,  change  of  its  seats,  with  the  reasons 
and  causes,  may  also  be  made  entertaining  to  youth,  and  will  be 
useful  to  all.  And  this,  with  the  accounts  in  other  history  of  the 
prodigious  force  and  effect  of  engines  and  machines  used  in  war, 
will  naturally  introduce  a  desire  to  be  instructed  in  mechanics,  and 
to  be  informed  of  the  principles  of  that  art  by  which  weak  men 
perform  such  wonders,  labor  is  saved,  and  manufactures  expedit- 
ed. This  will  be  the  time  to  show  them  prints  of  ancient  and 
modern  machines;  to  explain  them,  to  let  them  be  copied,  and  to 
give  lectures  in  mechanical  philosophy. 

With  the  whole  should  be  constantly  inculcated  and  cultivated 
that  benignity  of  mind,  which  shows  itself  in  searching  for  and 
seizing  every  opportunity  to  serve  and  to  oblige;  and  is  the  foun- 
dation of  what  is  called  good  breeding ;  highly  useful  to  the  posses- 
sor, and  most  agreeable  to  all. 

The  idea  of  what  is  true  merit  should  also  be  often  presented 
to  youth,  explained  and  impressed  on  their  minds,  as  consisting  in 


576  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX 

an  inclination,  joined  with  an  ability,  to  serve  mankind,  one's  coun- 
try, friends,  and  family  ;  which  ability  is,  with  the  blessing  of  God, 
to  be  acquired  or  greatly  increased  by  true  learning ;  and  should, 
indeed,  be  the  great  aim  and  end  of  all  learning. 


No.  IV.  p.  144. 
AMERICAN   PHILOSOPHICAL   SOCIETY. 

THE  suggestion  of  an  American  Philosophical  Society  was  un- 
doubtedly first  made  by  Franklin.  In  a  paper,  dated  May  14th, 
1743,  and  entitled  A  Proposal  for  Promoting  Useful  Knowledge 
among  the  British  Plantations  in  America,  he  explains  largely  the 
objects  and  advantages  of  such  an  association.  After  mentioning 
the  obstacles  that  existed  in  the  colonies  to  a  free  communication 
of  thoughts  among  men  devoted  to  philosophical  inquiries  and  re- 
flection, in  consequence  of  the  extent  of  the  country  and  the  dis- 
tances they  lived  apart,  by  which  they  were  prevented  from  seeing 
and  conversing  with  each  other,  he  says;  "  To  remedy  this  incon- 
venience for  the  future,  it  is  proposed,  that  a  society  be  formed  of 
virtuosi  or  ingenious  men,  residing  in  the  several  colonies,  to  be 
called  The  American  Philosophical  Society,  who  are  to  maintain 
a  constant  correspondence ;  and  that  Philadelphia,  being  the  city 
nearest  the  centre  of  the  continent  colonies,  communicating  with 
all  of  them  northward  and  southward  by  post,  and  with  all  the  is- 
lands by  sea,  and  having  the  advantage  of  a  good  growing  libra- 
ry, be  the  centre  of  the  society."  He  then  enumerates  in  detail, 
and  very  fully,  the  various  subjects  which  might  properly  engage 
the  labors  and  zeal  of  the  society. 

With  the  view  of  extending  its  benefits,  he  proposed,  "  that,  at 
the  end  of  every  year,  collections  should  be  made  and  printed,  of 
such  experiments,  discoveries,  and  improvements,  as  might  be 
thought  of  public  advantage,  and  that  every  member  should  have  a 
copy  sent  to  him."  He  adds  a  few  brief  hints  concerning  the* 
mode  of  organizing  the  society,  and  concludes  by  saying ;  "  Ben- 
jamin Franklin,  the  writer  of  this  proposal,  offers  himself  to  serve 
the  society  as  their  secretary,  till  they  shall  be  provided  with  one 
more  capable."  Several  copies  of  this  paper  were  printed,  and  he 
sent  them  to  his  friends,  and  to  such  gentlemen  in  different  parts 


No.  IV.]   AMERICAN  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY.    577 

of  the  country,  as  he  supposed  would  be  inclined  to  favor  the  un- 
dertaking. 

The  plan  was  in  some  sort  successful.  A  society  was  formed  a 
few  months  afterwards,  as  appears  by  a  letter  from  Franklin  to  Cad- 
wallader  Golden,  dated  April  5th,  1744.  Thomas  Hopkinson  was 
president,  and  Benjamin  Franklin  secretary.  The  other  original 
members,  as  mentioned  in  that  letter,  were  Thomas  Bond,  John 
Bartram,  Thomas  Godfrey,  Samuel  Rhoads,  William  Parsons,  Phin- 
eas  Bond,  William  Coleman,  all  of  Philadelphia.  A  few  members 
were  likewise  chosen  from  some  of  the  neighbouring  colonies.  This 
society  had  no  connexion  with  the  JUNTO,  which  is  often  men- 
tioned in  Franklin's  autobiography,  and  which  had  been  established 
by  him  many  years  before.* 

Mr.  Golden  suggested  to  Franklin,  that  he  should  print  by  sub- 
scription a  selection  from  the  papers,  that  might  be  furnished  by 
the  members.  It  is  probable,  that  this  project  was  not  encouraged; 
for,  nearly  a  year  afterwards,  November  28th,  1745,  Franklin 
writes  to  him  as  follows.  "  I  am  now  determined  to  publish  an 
American  Philosophical  Miscellany,  monthly  or  quarterly.  I  shall 
begin  with  next  January,  and  proceed  as  I  find  encouragement 
and  assistance.  As  I  purpose  to  take  the  compiling  wholly  upon 
myself,  the  reputation  of  no  gentleman  or  society  will  be  affected 
by  what  I  insert  of  another's;  and  that,  perhaps,  will  make  them 
more  free  to  communicate.  Their  names  shall  be  published  or 
concealed,  as  they  think  proper,  and  care  taken  to  do  exact  justice 
to  matters  of  invention,  &.c.  I  shall  be  glad  of  your  advice  in 
any  particulars,  that  occurred  to  you  in  thinking  of  this  scheme." 
His  design  was  not  executed  ;  perhaps  for  the  want  of  encourage- 
ment. Nor  indeed  is  there  any  evidence,  that  the  society  was  ever 
in  a  flourishing  state.  Nothing  is  known  of  its  transactions.  The 
records  of  its  proceedings  are  lost,  and,  if  any  papers  were  contrib- 
uted by  the  members,  they  were  not  published.  Soon  after  the 
society  was  formed,  Franklin  himself  became  deeply  engaged  in 
his  electrical  experiments,  which  for  some  time  absorbed  his  whole 
attention.  The  society  seems  to  have  languished,  till,  in  a  few 
years,  the  regular  meetings  were  discontinued. 

In  tne  mean  time,  another  society  sprang  up  in  Philadelphia, 
which  was  called  The  Junto,  or  Society  for  the  Promotion  of 
Useful  Knowledge.  The  date  of  the  origin  of  this  association  is 
.^ — — — „(. 

*  See  the  paper  above  mentioned,  and  the  letter  to  Golden,  Vol.  VI.  pp 
14,28. 

VOL.  i.  73  ww 


578  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

not  known.  That  portion  of  the  records,  which  has  been  pre- 
served, begins  September  22d,  1758;  but  it  had  an  earlier  origin. 
If  we  may  judge  from  the  records,  it  seems  to  have  been  a  society 
rather  for  the  mutual  improvement  of  the  members,  by  discussing 
a  great  variety  of  subjects,  than  for  enlarged  philosophical  inquir- 
ies, designed  for  public  as  well  as  private  benefit.  In  1762  this 
society  apparently  began  to  decline.  No  records  have  been  found 
from  October,  of  that  year,  to  April  25th,  1766,  when  the  society 
met,  and  took  the  name  of  The  American  Society  for  Promoting 
and  Propagating  Useful  Knowledge.  Thirty  members  then  signed 
the  constitution  and  rules.  It  was  evidently  intended  now  to  em- 
brace a  larger  compass  of  objects  than  formerly,  and  to  have  more 
of  a  public  character.  Franklin  was  elected  into  this  society  on 
the  19th  of  February,  1768,  and  chosen  president  of  it  on  the  4th 
of  November  following.  He  was  then  absent  in  England. 

In  November,  1767,  the  old  Philosophical  Society  of  1744  was 
revived  by  a  few  of  the  original  members,  then  residing  in  Phila- 
delphia. They  elected  many  new  members.  A  union  was  pro- 
posed by  the  other  society,  which  was  accepted  on  the  2d  of  Febru- 
ary, 1768,  by  choosing  all  the  members  of  that  association  into  this 
society.  But  they  refused  to  unite  on  these  terms,  or  on  any  other, 
which  did  not  imply  a  perfect  equality  between  the  two  associa- 
tions. There  seems  to  have  been  a  jealousy  between  them,  or 
rather  between  some  of  the  prominent  members  of  each.  On  the 
23d  of  September,  1768,  the  American  Society  was  again  organ- 
ized, new  rules  were  adopted,  and  its  title  was  changed  to  The 
American  Society  held  at  Philadelphia  for  Promoting  Useful 
Knowledge',  and,  on  the  4th  of  November,  the  Medical  Society 
of  Philadelphia  was  incorporated  with  it. 

After  much  negotiation  it  was  finally  agreed,  that  the  two  socie- 
ties should  unite  on  equal  terms,  each  electing  all  the  members  of 
the  other.  This  union  was  effected  on  the  2d  of  January,  1769. 
A  new  name  was  formed  by  uniting  those  of  the  two  societies, 
which  thus  became  The  American  Philosophical  Society  held  at 
Philadelphia  for  Promoting  Useful  Knowledge. 

Five  months  after  the  union,  Dr.  Thomas  Bond  said  in  a  letter 
to  Dr.  Franklin,  "  I  long  meditated  a  revival  of  our  American  Phi- 
losophical Society,  and  at  length  I  thought  I  saw  my  way  clear  in 
doing  it,  but  the  old  party  leaven  split  us  for  a  time.  We  are 
now  united,  and,  with  your  presence,  may  make  a  figure ;  but,  till 
that  happy  event,  I  fear  much  will  not  be  done.  The  Assembly 
have  countenanced  and  encouraged  us  very  generously  anti  kindly; 


No.V.]  PRIVATE   JOURNAL.  579 

and  we  are  much  obliged  for  your  care  in  procuring  the  telescope, 
which  was  used  in  the  late  observations  of  the  transit  of  Venus; 
but  the  micrometer  did  not  move  so  well  as  it  ought,  from  whence 
I  fear  there  may  be  some  defect  in  the  calcu  ations.  The  obser- 
vations were  made  with  four  glasses  here,  three  at  Norriton,  and 
one  at  the  Cape ;  all  of  which  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of 
transmitting  to  you  in  a  fortnight." — MS.  Letter,  Philadelphia, 
June  7th,  1769. 

At  the  time  of  the  union,  Dr.  Franklin  was  chosen  president 
of  the  Society,  to  which  office  he  was  annually  elected  till  his 
death. 


No.  V.  p.  505. 

EXTRACTS   FROM   A   PRIVATE   JOURNAL.' 

Passy,  June  %6th,  1784.— Mr.  Walterstorf  called  on  me,  and 
acquainted  me  with  a  duel  that  had  been  fought  yesterday  morn- 
ing, between  a  French  officer  t  and  a  Swedish  gentleman  of  that 
king's  suite,  in  which  the  latter  was  killed  on  the  spot,  and  the 
other  dangerously  wounded;  —  that  the  king  does  not  resent  it, 
as  he  thinks  his  subject  was  in  the  wrong. 

He  asked  me  if  I  had  seen  the  king  of  Sweden  ?  I  had  not 
yet  had  that  honor.  He  said  his  behaviour  here  was  not  liked  ; 
that  he  took  little  notice  of  his  own  ambassador,  who,  being  ac- 
quainted with  the  usages  of  this  court,  was  capable  of  advising 
him,  but  was  not  consulted.  That  he  was  always  talking  of  him- 
self, and  vainly  boasting  of  his  revolution,  though  it  was  known  to 
have  been  the  work  of  M.  de  Vergennes.  That  they  began  to 
be  tired  of  him  here,  and  wished  him  gone ;  but  he  proposed  stay- 
ing till  the  12th  of  July.  That  he  had  now  laid  aside  his  project 
of"  invading  Norway,  as  he  found  Denmark  had  made  preparations 
tc  receive  him.  That  he  pretended  the  Danes  had  designed  to 

*  These  extracts,  and  those  in  the  article  next  following,  were  first  publish- 
ed by  William  Temple  Franklin.  He  observes,  that  the  above  Journal  "  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  continued  further  at  this  period."  Though  Franklin 
was  sometimes  in  the  habit  of  keeping  a  private  diary,  as  may  be  inferred 
also  from  some  of  his  letters,  the  whole  of  it,  except  the  small  portions  iu 
this  Appendix,  is  doubtless  lost.  —  EDITOR. 

t  The  Count  de  la  Marck. 


580  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

invade  Sweden,  though  it  was  a  known  fact,  that  the  Danes  had 
made  no  military  preparations,  even  for  defence,  till  six  months 
after  his  began.  I  asked  if  it  was  clear,  that  he  had  had  an  in- 
tention to  invade  Norway.  He  said  that  the  marching  and  dispo- 
sition of  his  troops,  and  the  fortifications  he  had  erected,  indicated 
it  very  plainly.  He  added,  that  Sweden  was  at  present  greatly 
distressed  for  provisions;  that  many  people  had  actually  died  of 
hunger !  That  it  was  reported,  that  the  king  came  here  to  borrow 
money,  and  to  offer  to  sell  Gottenburg  to  France ;  a  thing  not  very 
probable. 

M.  Dussaulx  called,  and  said,  it  is  reported  there  is  an  alliance 
treating  between  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  Russia,  and  England ; 
the  purpose  not  known;  and  that  a  counter-alliance  is  proposed 
between  France,  Prussia,  and  Holland,  in  which  it  is  supposed 
Spain  will  join.  He  added,  that  changes  in  the  ministry  are  talked 
of;  that  there  are  cabals  against  M.  de  Vergennes ;  that  M.  de 
Calonne  is  to  be  Garde  des  Sceaux,  with  some  other  rumors,  fab- 
ricated perhaps  at  the  Palais  Royal. 

June  29<A.  —  Mr.  Hammond,  secretary  to  Mr.  Hartley,  called  to 
tell  me,  that  Mr.  Hartley  had  not  received  any  orders  by  the  last 
courier,  either  to  stay  or  return,  which  he  had  expected ;  and  that 
he  thought  it  occasioned  by  their  uncertainty  what  terms  of  com- 
merce to  propose,  till  the  report  of  the  committee  of  Council  was 
laid  before  Parliament,  and  its  opinion  known  ;  and  that  he  looked 
on  the  delay  of  writing  to  him  as  a  sign  of  their  intending  to  do 
something. 

He  told  me  it  was  reported,  that  the  king  of  Sweden  had  grant- 
ed the  free  use  of  Gottenburg  as  a  port  for  France,  which  alarmed 
the  neighbouring  powers.  That,  in  time  of  war,  the  northern 
coast  of  England  might  be  much  endangered  by  it. 

June  30th.  —  M.  Dupont,  inspector  of  commerce,  came  to  talk 
with  me  about  the  free  port  of  L'Orient,  and  some  difficulties  re- 
specting it;  I  referred  him  to  Mr.  Barclay,  an  American  merchant 
and  commissioner  for  accounts;  and,  as  he  said  he  did  not  well 
understand  English  when  spoken,  and  Mr.  Barclay  did  not  speak 
French,  I  offered  my  grandson  to  accompany  him  as  interpreter, 
which  he  accepted. 

I  asked  him  whether  the  Spaniards  from  the  continent  of  Amer- 
ica did  not  trade  to  the  French  sugar  islands?  He  said  not.  The 
only  commerce  with  the  Spaniards  was  for  cattle  between  them 
and  the  French  at  St.  Domingo.  I  had  been  told  the  Spaniards 
brought  flour  to  the  French  islands  from  the  continent.  He  had 


No.  V.]  PRIVATE   JOURNAL.  581 

not  heard  of  it.  If  we  can  find  that  such  a  trade  is  allowed  (per- 
haps from  the  Mississippi),  have  not  the  United  States  a  claim  by 
treaty  to  the  same  privilege  ? 

July  1st. — The  Pope's  Nuncio  called,  and  acquainted  me  that 
the  Pope  had,  on  my  recommendation,  appointed  Mr.  John  Carroll, 
superior  of  the  Catholic  clergy  in  America,  with  many  of  the  pow- 
ers of  a  bishop ;  and  that  probably  he  would  be  made  a  bishop  in 
partibus  before  the  end  of  the  year.  He  asked  me  which  would 
be  most  convenient  for  him,  to  come  to  France,  or  go  to  St.  Do- 
mingo, for  ordination  by  another  bishop,  which  was  necessary.  I 
mentioned  Quebec  as  more  convenient  than  either.  He  asked 
whether,  as  that  was  an  English  province,  our  government  might 
not  take  offence  at  his  going  thither?  I  thought  not,  unless  the 
ordination  by  that  bishop  should  give  him  some  authority  over  our 
bishop.  He  said,  not  in  the  least ;  that  when  our  bishop  was  once 
ordained,  he  would  be  independent  of  the  others,  and  even  of  the 
Pope ;  which  I  did  not  clearly  understand.  He  said  the  Congrega- 
tion de  Propaganda  Fide  had  agreed  to  receive,  and  maintain  and 
instruct,  two  young  Americans  in  the  languages  and  sciences  at 
Rome;  (he  had  formerly  told  me  that  more  would  be  educated  gra- 
tis in  Fiance.)  He  added,  they  had  written  from  America  that 
there  are  twenty  priests,  but  that  they  are  not  sufficient;  as  the 
new  settlements  near  the  Mississippi  have  need  of  some. 

The  Nuncio  said  we  should  find,  that  the  Catholics  were  not 
so  intolerant  as  they  had  been  represented  ;  that  the  Inquisition  in 
Rome  had  not  now  so  much  power  as  that  in  Spain ;  and  that  in 
Spain  it  was  used  chiefly  as  a  prison  of  state.  That  the  Congre- 
gation would  have  undertaken  the  education  of  more  American 
youths,  and  may  hereafter,  but  that  at  present  they  are  overburden- 
ed, having  some  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  He  spoke  lightly  of 
their  New  Bostonian  convert  Thayer's  conversion;  that  he  had 
advised  him  not  to  go  to  America,  but  settle  in  France.  That 
he  wanted  to  go  to  convert  his  countrymen;  but  he  knew  nothing 
yet  of  his  new  religion  himself,  &.c. 

Received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Bridgen  of  London,  dated  the  22d 
past,  acquainting  me,  that  the  Council  of  he  Royal  Society  had 
voted  me  a  gold  medal,  on  account  ol  my  letter  in  favor  of  Captain 
Cook.  Lord  Howe  had  sent  me  his  Journal,  3  vols.  4to,  with  a 
large  volume  of  engravings,  on  the  same  account,  and,  as  he  writes, 
"  icith  the  King's  approbation." 

July  3d.  —  Mr.  Smeathman  comes  and  brings  two  English  or 
Scotch  gentlemen ;  one  a  chevalier  of  some  order,  the  other  a  phy- 

VOL.  i       No.   12.  w  w* 


582  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

sician  who  had  lived  long  in  Russia.  Much  conversation.  Putrid 
fevers  common  in  Russia,  and  in  winter  much  more  than  in  sum- 
mer ;  therefore  supposed  to  be  owing  to  their  hot  rooms.  In  a 
gentleman's  house  there  are  sometimes  one  hundred  domestics ; 
these  have  not  beds,  but  sleep  twenty  or  thirty  in  a  close  room 
warmed  by  a  stove,  lying  on  the  floor  and  on  benches.  The 
stoves  are  heated  by  wood.  As  soon  as  it  is  burnt  to  coals,  the 
chimney  is  stopped  to  prevent  the  escape  of  hot  and  entry  of  cold 
air.  So  they  breathe  the  same  air  over  and  over  again  all  night 
These  fevers  he  cured  by  wrapping  the  patient  in  linen  wet  with 
vinegar,  and  making  them  breathe  the  vapor  of  vinegar  thrown  on 
hot  bricks.  The  Russians  have  the  art  of  distilling  spirit  from 
milk.  To  prepare  it  for  distillation  it  must,  when  beginning  to 
sour,  be  kept  in  continual  motion  or  agitation  for  twelve  hours ;  it 
then  becomes  a  uniform  vinous  liquor,  the  cream,  curd,  and  aque- 
ous part  or  whey,  all  intimately  mixed.  Excellent  in  this  state  for 
restoring  emaciated  bodies.  This  operation  on  milk  was  discov- 
ered long  since  by  the  Tartars,  who  in  their  rambling  life  often 
carry  milk  in  leather  bags  on  their  horses,  and  the  motion  pro- 
duced the  effect.  It  may  be  tried  with  us  by  attaching  a  large  keg 
of  milk  to  some  part  of  one  of  our  mills. 

July  Gth.  —  Directed  Temple  Franklin,  who  goes  to  court  to-day, 
to  mention  three  things  to  the  minister.  The  main  levee  of  the  ar- 
rested goods,  the  port  of  L'Orient,  and  the  consular  convention ; 
which  he  did  with  effect.  The  port  is  fixed,  and  the  convention 
preparing.  Hear  that  Gottenburg  is  to  be  a  free  port  for  France, 
where  they  may  assemble  northern  stores,  &c. 

Mr.  Hammond  came  and  dined  with  me.  He  acquaints  me, 
from  Mr.  Hartley,  that  no  instructions  are-yet  come  from  England 

July  7th.  —  A  very  hot  day.  Received  a  visit  from  the  secretary 
of  the  king  of  Sweden,  M.  Franke,  accompanied  by  the  secretary 
of  the  embassy. 

July  8th.  —  M.  Franke  dines  with  me,  in  company  with  M.  de 
Helvetius,  Abbe  de  la  Roche,  M.  Cabanis,  and  an  American  cap- 
tain. The  king  of  Sweden  does  not  go  to  England. 

July  IQth.  —  Mr.  Grand  carne  to  propose  my  dining  with  the 
Swedish  court  at  his  house,  which  is  next  door,  and  I  consented. 
While  he  was  with  me,  the  consul  came.  We  talked  about  the 
Barbary  powers ;  they  are  four,  Morocco,  Algiers,  Tunis,  and 
Tripoli.  He  informed  me  that  Salee,  the  principal  port  belonging 
to  the  Emperor  of  Morocco,  had  formerly  been  famous  for  corsairs. 
That  this  prince  had  discouraged  them,  and  in  176S  published  an 


No.V.]  PRIVATE   JOURNAL.  583 

edict  declaring  himself  in  peace  with  all  the  world,  and  forbade 
their  cruising  any  more,  appointing  him  consul  for  those  Christian 
states  who  had  none  in  his  country.  That  Denmark  pays  him 
25,000  piastres  fortes  yearly,  in  money ;  Sweden  is  engaged  to 
send  an  ambassador  every  two  years  with  presents ;  and  the  other 
powers  buy  their  peace  in  the  same  manner,  except  Spain  and  the 
Italian  states,  with  whom  they  have  constant  war.  That  he  is 
consul  for  Sardinia  and  Prussia,  for  whom  he  procured  treaties  of 
peace.  That  he  proposed  a  peace  for  Russia ;  but  that,  the  Empe- 
ror having  heard  that  Russia  was  going  to  war  with  his  brother, 
the  Grand  Seignior,  he  refused  it. 

M.  Audibert  Caille,  the  consul,  thinks  it  shameful  for  Christen- 
dom to  pay  tribute  to  such  canaille,  and  proposes  two  ways  of  re- 
ducing the  barbarians  to  peace  with  all  Europe,  and  obliging  them 
to  quit  their  piratical  practices.  They  have  need  of  many  articles 
from  Europe,  and  of  a  vent  for  their  superfluous  commodities.  If 
therefore  all  Europe  would  agree  to  refuse  any  commerce  with  them 
but  on  condition  of  their  quitting  piracy,  and  such  an  agreement 
could  be  faithfully  observed  on  our  part,  it  would  have  its  effect 
upon  them.  But,  if  any  one  power  would  continue  the  trade  with 
them,  it  would  defeat  the  whole.  There  was  another  method  he 
had  projected,  and  communicated  in  a  memorial  to  the  court  here, 
by  M.  de  Rayneval ;  which  was,  that  France  should  undertake  to 
suppress  their  piracies  and  give  peace  to  all  Europe,  by  means  of 
its  influence  with  the  Porte.  For,  all  the  people  of  these  states 
being  obliged  by  their  religion  to  go  at  times  in  caravans  to  Mecca, 
and  to  pass  through  the  Grand  Seignior's  dominions,  who  gives 
them  escorts  of  troops  through  the  desert,  to  prevent  their  being 
plundered  and  perhaps  massacred  by  the  Arabs,  he  could  refuse 
them  passage  and  protection  but  on  condition  of  their  living  peace- 
ably with  the  Europeans,  &c.  He  spoke  of  Montgomery's  trans- 
action, and  of  Crocco,  who,  he  understands,  was  authorized  by  the 
court.  The  barbarians,  he  observed,  having  no  commercial  ships 
at  sea,  had  vastly  the  advantage  of  the  Europeans ;  for  one  could 
not  make  reprisals  on  their  trade.  And  it  has  long  been  my  opin- 
ion, that,  if  the  European  nations,  who  are  powerful  at  sea,  were  to 
make  war  upon  us  Americans,  it  would  be  better  for  us  to  re- 
nounce commerce  in  our  own  bottoms,  and  convert  them  all  into 
cruisers.  Other  nations  would  furnish  us  with  what  we  wanted, 
and  take  off  our  produce.  He  promised  me  a  note  of  the  com- 
merce of  Barbary,  and  we  are  to  see  each  other  again,  as  he  is  to 
stay  here  a  month. 


584  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

Dined  at  Mr.  Grand's,  with  the  Swedish  gentlemen.  They  were 

M.  Rosenstein,  secretary  of  the  embassy,  and ,  with  whom  I 

had  a  good  deal  of  conversation  relating  to  the  commerce  possible 
between  our  two  countries.  I  found  they  had  seen  at  Rome 
Charles  Stuart,  the  Pretender.  They  spoke  of  his  situation  as  very 
hard  ;  that  France,  who  had  formerly  allowed  him  a  pension,  had 
withdrawn  it,  and  that  he  sometimes  almost  wanted  bread  ! 

July  llth.  —  M.  Walterslorf  called.  He  hears  that  the  agree- 
ment with  Sweden  respecting  the  port  of  Gottenburg  is  not  likely 
to  be  concluded ;  that  Sweden  wanted  an  island  in  the  West  In- 
dies in  exchange.  I  think  she  is  better  without  it. 

July  13</t.  —  MM.  Mirabeau  and  Champfort  came  and  read 
their  translation  of  (American)  Mr.  Burke's  pamphlet  against  the 
Cincinnati,*  which  they  have  much  enlarged,  intending  it  as  a  cov- 
ered satire  against  noblesse  in  general.  It  is  well  done.  There  are 
also  remarks  on  the  last  letter  of  General  Washington  on  that  sub- 
ject. They  say  General  Washington  missed  a  beau  moment,  when 
he  accepted  to  be  of  that  society  (which  some  affect  to  call  an  or- 
der]. The  same  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette. 

July  14M. — Mr.  Hammond  calls  to  acquaint  me,  that  Mr.  Hart- 
ley is  still  without  any  instructions  relating  to  the  treaty  of  com- 
merce ;  and  supposes  it  occasioned  by  their  attention  to  the  India 
bill.  I  said  to  him,  "  Your  court  and  this  seem  to  be  waiting  for 
one  another,  with  respect  to  the  American  trade  with  your  respec- 
tive islands.  You  are  both  afraid  of  doing  too  much  for  us,  and 
yet  each  wishes  to  do  a  little  more  than  the  other.  You  had  bet- 
ter have  accepted  our  generous  proposal  at  first,  to  put  us  both  on 
the  same  footing  of  free  intercourse  that  existed  before  the  war. 
You  will  make  some  narrow  regulations,  and  then  France  will  go 
beyond  you  in  generosity.  You  never  see  your  follies  till  too  late 
to  mend  them."  He  said,  Lord  Sheffield  was  continually  exasper- 
ating the  Parliament  against  America.  He  had  lately  been  pub- 
lishing an  account  of  loyalists  murdered  there,  &c.  Probably  in- 
vented. 

Thursday,  July  15th. — The  Duke  de  Chartres's  balloon  went 
off  this  morning  from  St.  Cloud,  himself  and  three  others  in  the 
gallery.  It  was  foggy,  and  they  were  soon  out  of  sight.  But,  the 
machine  being  disordered,  so  that  the  trap  or  valve  could  not  be 
opened  to  let  out  the  expanding  air,  and  fearing  that  the  balloon 
would  burst,  they  cut  a  hole  in  it,  which  ripped  larger,  and  they 

*  A  pamphlet  by  ^Sdanus  Burke,  of  South  Carolina,  entitled  "  Consider- 
ations upon  the  Order  of  the  Cincinnati."  —  EDITOR. 


No.  V.]  PRIVATE    JOURNAL. 

fell  rapidly,  but  received  no  harm.  They  had  been  a  vast  height, 
met  with  a  cloud  of  snow,  and  a  tornado,  which  frightened  them. 

JFriday,  16th.  —  Received  a  letter  from  two  young  gentlemen  in 
London,  who  are  come  from  America  for  ecclesiastical  orders,  and 
complain  that  they  have  been  delayed  there  a  year,  and  that  the 
Archbishop  will  not  permit  them  to  be  ordained  unless  they  will 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance  ;  and  desiring  to  know  if  they  may  be 
ordained  here.  Inquired,  and  learned  that,  if  ordained  here,  they 
must  vow  obedience  to  the  Archbishop  of  Paris.  Directed  my 
grandson  to  ask  the  Nuncio,  if  their  bishop  in  America  might  not 
be  instructed  to  do  it  literally? 

Saturday,  17th.  —  The  Nuncio  says  the  thing  is  impossible,  un- 
less the  gentlemen  become  Roman  Catholics.  Wrote  them  an  an- 
swer. 

Sunday,  \8th.  —  A  good  abbe  brings  me  a  large  manuscript  con- 
taining a  scheme  of  reformation  of  all  churches  and  states,  religion, 
commerce,  laws,  &,c.,  which  he  has  planned  in  his  closet,  without 
much  knowledge  of  the  world.  I  have  promised  to  look  it  over, 
and  he  is  to  call  next  Thursday.  It  is  amazing  the  number  of 
legislators  that  kindly  bring  me  new  plans  for  governing  the  United 
States. 

Monday,  July  IQth. — Had  the  Americans  at  dinner,  with  Mr. 
White  and  Mr.  Arbuthnot  from  England.  The  latter  was  an  offi- 
cer at  Gibraltar  during  the  late  siege.  He  says  the  Spaniards 
might  have  taken  it ;  and  that  it  is  now  a  place  of  no  value  to 
England.  That  its  supposed  use  as  a  port  for  a  fleet,  to  prevent 
the  junction  of  the  Brest  and  Toulon  squadrons,  is  chimerical. 
That  while  the  Spaniards  are  in  possession  of  Algeziras,  they  can 
with  their  gun-boats,  in  the  use  of  which  they  are  grown  very  ex- 
pert, make  it  impossible  for  any  fleet  to  lie  there. 

Tuesday,  20M.  —  My  grandson  went  to  court.  No  news  there, 
except  that  the  Spanish  fleet  against  Algiers  is  sailed.  Receive 
only  one  American  letter  by  the  packet,  which  is  from  the  College 
of  Rhode  Island,  desiring  me  to  solicit  benefactions  of  the  King, 
which  I  cannot  do,  for  reasons  which  I  shall  give  them.  Ii  is  in- 
conceivable why  I  have  no  letters  from  Congress.  The  treaties  with 
Denmark,  Portugal,  &/c.,  all  neglected  !  Mr.  Hartley  makes  the 
same  complaint.  He  is  still  without  orders.  Mr.  Hammond  called 
and  dined  with  me ;  says  Mr.  Pitt  begins  to  lose  his  popularity ;  his 
new  taxes,  and  project  about  the  navy  bills,  give  great  discontent. 
He  has  been  burnt  in  effigy  at  York.  His  East  India  bill  not  like- 
ly to  gn  down  ;  and  it  is  thought  he  cannot  stand  long.  Mr.  Ham- 
VOL.  i.  74 


586  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

mond  is  a  friend  of  Mr.  Fox ;  whose  friends,  that  have  lost  their 
places,  are  called  Fox's  Martyrs. 

Wednesday,  July  21. —  Count  de  Haga*  sends  his  card  to  take 
leave.  M.  Grand  tells  me  he  has  bought  here  my  bust  with  that 
of  M.  D'Alembert  or  Diderot,  to  take  with  him  to  Sweden.  He  set 
out  last  night. 

Thursday,  22e?.— Lord  Fitzmaurice,  son  of  Lord  Shelburne,  ar- 
rives ;  brought  me  sundry  letters  and  papers. 

He  thinks  Mr.  Pitt  in  danger  of  losing  his  majority  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  though  great  at  present;  for  he  will  not  have  where- 
withal to  pay  them.  I  said,  that  governing  by  a  Parliament  which 
must  be  bribed,  was  employing  a  very  expensive  machine,  and  that 
the  people  of  England  would  in  time  find  out,  though  they  had  not 
yet,  that,  since  the  Parliament  must  always  do  the  will  of  the  minis- 
ter, and  be  paid  for  doing  it,  and  the  people  must  find  the  money 
to  pay  them,  it  would  be  the  same  thing  in  effect,  but  much  cheap- 
er, to  be  governed  by  the  minister  at  first  hand,  without  a  Parlia- 
ment. Those  present  seemed  to  think  the  reasoning  clear.  Lord 
Fitzmaurice  appears  a  sensible,  amiable  young  man. 

Tuesday,  27<A.  — Lord  Fitzmaurice  called  to  see  me.  His  fath- 
er having  requested  that  I  would  give  him  such  instructive  hints 
as  might  be  useful  to  him,  I  occasionally  mentioned  the  old  story 
of  Demosthenes'  answer  to  one  who  demanded  what  was  the  first 
point  of  oratory.  Action.  The  second  ?  Action.  The  third  ? 
Action.  Which,  I  said,  had  been  generally  understood  to  mean  the 
action  of  an  orator  with  his  hands,  &c.,  in  speaking;  but  that  I 
thought  another  kind  of  action  of  more  importance  to  an  orator, 
who  would  persuade  people  to  follow  his  advice,  viz.  such  a  course 
of  action  in  the  conduct  of  life,  as  would  impress  them  with  an 
opinion  of  his  integrity  as  well  as  of  his  understanding;  that,  this 
opinion  once  established,  all  the  difficulties,  delays,  and  oppositions, 
usually  occasioned  by  doubts  and  suspicions,  were  prevented  ;  and 
such  a  man,  though  a  very  imperfect  speaker,  would  almost  always 
carry  his  points  against  the  most  flourishing  orator,  who  had  not  the 
character  of  sincerity.  To  express  my  sense  of  the  importance  of 
a  good  private  character  in  public  affairs  more  strongly,  I  said  the 
advantage  of  having  it,  and  the  disadvantage  of  not  having  it,  were 
so  great,  that  I  even  believed,  if  George  the  Third  had  had  a  bad 
private  character,  and  John  Wilkes  a  good  one,  the  latter  might 
have  turned  the  former  out  of  his  kingdom.  Lord  Shelburne,  the 

•  The  King  of  Sweden. 


No.  VI.]  PRIVATE  JOURNAL.  587 

father  of  Lord  Fitzmaurice,  has  unfortunately  the  character  of  be- 
ing insincere ;  and  it  has  hurt  much  his  usefulness ;  though,  in  all 
iny  concerns  with  him,  I  never  saw  any  instance  of  that  kind. 


No.  VI.    p.  509. 
EXTRACTS   FROM   A   PRIVATE   JOURNAL. 

HAVING  stayed  in  France  about  eight  years  and  a  half,  I  took 
leave  of  the  court  and  my  friends,  and  set  out  on  my  return  home, 
July  12th,  1785,  leaving  Passy  with  my  two  grandsons,  at  four 
P.  M. ;  arrived  about  eight  o'clock  at  St.  Germain.  M.  de  Chau 
mont,  with  his  daughter  Sophia,  accompanied  us  to  Nanterre.  M. 
Le  Veillard  will  continue  with  us  to  Havre.  We  met  at  St.  Germain 
the  Miss  Alexanders,  with  Mrs.  Williams  our  cousin,  who  had  pro- 
vided a  lodging  for  me  at  M.  Benoit's.  I  found  that  the  motion  of 
the  litter,  lent  me  by  the  Duke  de  Coigny,  did  not  much  incom- 
mode me.  It  was  one  of  the  Queen's,  carried  by  two  very  large 
mules,  the  muleteer  riding  another ;  M.  Le  Veillard  and  my  children 
in  a  carriage.  We  drank  tea  at  M.  Benoit's,  and  went  early  to  bed. 

Wednesday,  July  13th.  —  Breakfast  with  our  friends,  take  leave 
and  continue  our  journey,  dine  at  a  good  inn  at  Meulan,  and  get 
to  Mantes  in  the  evening.  A  messenger  from  the  Cardinal  de  la 
Rochefoucauld  meets  us  there,  with  an  invitation  to  us  to  stop  at 
his  house  at  Gaillon  the  next  day,  acquainting  us  at  the  same  time, 
that  he  would  take  no  excuse  ;  for,  being  all-powerful  in  his  arch- 
bishopric, he  would  stop  us  nolens  volens  at  his  habitation,  and  not 
permit  us  to  lodge  anywhere  else.  We  consented.  Lodged  at 
Mantes.  Found  myself  very  little  fatigued  with  the  day's  journey, 
the  mules  going  only  foot  pace. 

July  14th.  —  Proceed  early,  and  breakfast  at  Vernon  Received 
a  visit  there  from  Vicomte  de  Tilly  and  his  Comtesse.  Arrive  at 
the  Cardinal's  without  dining,  about  six  in  the  afternoon.  It  is  a 
superb  ancient  chateau,  built  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  years 
since,  but  in  fine  preservation,  on  an  elevated  situation,  with  an  ex- 
tensive and  beautiful  view  over  a  well-cultivated  country.  The  Car- 
dinal is  archbishop  of  Rouen.  A  long  gallery  contains  the  pictures 
of  all  his  predecessors.  The  chapel  is  elegant  in  the  old  style, 
with  well-painted  glass  windows.  The  terrace  magnificent.  We 


588  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX 

supped  early.  The  entertainment  was  kind  and  cheerful.  We 
were  allowed  to  go  early  to  bed,  on  account  of  our  intention  to  de- 
part early  in  the  morning.  The  Cardinal  pressed  us  to  pass  another 
day  with  him,  offering  to  amuse  us  with  hunting  in  his  park  ;  but 
the  necessity  we  are  under  of  being  in  time  at  Havre,  would  not 
permit.  So  we  took  leave  and  retired  to  rest.  The  Cardinal  is 
much  respected  and  beloved  by  the  people  of  this  country,  bearing 
in  all  respects  an  excellent  character. 

July  15th.  —  Set  out  about  five  in  the  morning,  travelled  till  ten, 
then  stopped  to  breakfast,  and  remained  in  the  inn  during  the 
heat  of  the  day.  We  had  heard  at  the  Cardinal's,  that  our  friend 
Mr.  Holker,  of  Rouen,  had  been  out  that  day  as  far  as  Port  St. 
Antoine  to  meet  us ;  expecting  us  there  from  a  letter  of  M.  de 
Chaumont's.  Here  came  to  us  one  of  his  servants,  who  was  sent 
to  inquire  if  any  accident  had  happened  to  us  on  the  road,  and  was 
ordered  to  proceed  till  he  got  intelligence.  He  went  directly  back, 
and  we  proceeded.  We  passed  a  chain  of  chalk  mountains  very 
high,  with  strata  of  flints.  The  quantity  that  appears  to  have  been 
washed  away  on  one  side  of  these  mountains,  leaving  precipices 
of  three  hundred  feet  high,  gives  an  idea  of  extreme  antiquity. 
It  seems  as  if  done  by  the  beating  of  the  sea.  We  got  to  Rouen 
about  five;  were  most  affectionately  received  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hol- 
ker. A  great  company  of  genteel  people  at  supper,  which  was  our 
dinner.  The  chief  President  of  the  Parliament  and  his  lady  in- 
vite us  to  dine  the  next  day ;  but,  being  preengaged  with  Mr. 
Holker,  we  compounded  for  drinking  tea.  We  lodge  all  at  Mr. 
Holker's. 

July  16th.  —  A  deputation  from  the  Academy  of  Rouen  came 
with  their  compliments,  which  were  delivered  in  form,  and  a  pres- 
ent for  me  by  one  of  the  directors,  being  a  magical  square,  which 
I  think  he  said  expressed  my  name.  I  have  perused  it  since,  but 
do  not  comprehend  it.  The  Duke  de  Chabot's  son,  lately  married 
to  a  Montmorency,  and  colonel  of  a  regiment  now  at  Rouen,  was 
present  at  the  ceremony,  being  just  come  in  to  visit  me.  I  forgot 
to  mention  that  I  saw  with  pleasure,  in  the  Cardinal's  cabinet,  a 
portrait  of  this  young  man's  -grandmother,  Madame  la  Duchesse 
d'Enville,  who  had  always  been  our  friend,  and  treated  us  with  great 
civilities  at  Paris ;  a  lady  of  uncommon  intelligence  and  merit. 

I  received  here  also  a  present  of  books,  3  vols.  4to.,   from  Dr 
,  with  a  very  polite  letter,  which  I  answered. 

We  had  a  great  company  at  dinner;  and  at  six  went  in  a  chair 
to  the  President's,  where  were  assembled  some  gentlemen  of  the 


No.  VI.]  PRIVATE   JOURNAL.  589 

robe.  We  drank  tea  there,  awkwardly  made,  for  want  of  practice, 
very  little  being  drunk  in  France.  I  went  to  bed  early ;  but  my 
company  supped  with  a  large  invited  party,  and  were  entertained 
with  excellent  singing. 

July  17th. — Set  out  early.  Mr.  Holker  accompanied  us  some 
miles,  when  we  took  an  affectionate  leave  of  each  other.  Dine  at 
Yvetot  a  large  town,  and  arrive  at  Bolbec,  being  the  longest  day's 
journey  we  have  yet  made.  It  is  a  market-town  of  considerable 
bigness,  and  seems  thriving ;  the  people  well  clad,  and  appear  bet- 
ter fed  than  those  of  the  wine  countries.  A  linen-printer  here  of- 
fered to  remove  to  America,  but  I  did  not  encourage  him. 

July  18th.  —  Left  Bolbec  about  ten  o'clock,  and  arrive  at  Havre 
at  five  P.  M.,  having  stopped  on  the  road  at  a  miserable  inn  to  bait. 
We  were  very  kindly  received  by  M.  and  Mde.  Ruellan.  The 
governor  makes  us  a  visit,  and  some  other  gentlemen. 

July  IQth.  —  We  receive  visits  in  form  from  the  intendant,  the 
governor  or  commandant,  the  officers  of  the  regiment  of  Poitou  and 
Picardy,  the  corps  of  engineers,  and  M.  Limosin. 

M.  Limosin  proposes  several  vessels  ;  all  very  dear.  We  wait  for 
the  packet  from  Southampton.  Dine  at  M.  Ruellan's,  where  we 
lodge.  Receive  the  affiliation  of  the  lodge  at  Rouen. 

July  20f/i.  —  Return  the  visits.  Receive  one  from  the  corps  de 
marine;  and  one  from  the  corps  (Fartillerie.  M.  Houdon  arrives 
and  brings  me  letters.  Dine  at  M.  Limosin's.  Present  M.  and 
Mde.  Le  Mesurier  and  their  sister,  agreeable  people  of  Alderney 
(Aurigny).  Kindly  entertained  by  M.  Limosin  and  his  daughter. 
Return  the  last  visits. 

The  packet-boat  arrives,  and,  the  captain  (Jennings)  calling  at 
our  lodging,  we  agree  with  him  to  carry  us  and  the  baggage  we 
have  here  for  ten  guineas,  to  land  us  at  Covves.  We  are  to  depart 
to-morrow  evening. 

July  21  st. — We  had  another  visit  from  M.  de  Villeneuve,  the 
commandant,  inviting  us  to  dine  with  him  to-morrow ;  but,  intend- 
ing to  go  off  this  evening,  we  could  not  accept  that  honor. 

Dine  with  our  friendly  host  and  hostess.  Mde.  Feines,  Mde.  de 
Clerval,  and  two  other  ladies,  visit  M.  Le  Veillard,  with  several 
gentlemen. 

In  the  evening,  when  we  thought  we  were  on  the  point  of  depart- 
ing, the  captain  of  the  packet  comes  and  acquaints  us  that  the 
wind  is  right  against  us,  and  blows  so  hard,  that  it  is  impossible  to 
get  out,  and  we  give  up  the  project  till  to-morrow. 
VOL.    I.  XX 


590  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

July  22</.  —  Breakfast,  and  take  leave  of  some  friends,  and  go 
on  board  the  packet  at  half  after  ten.  Wind  not  very  fair. 

July  23rf. —  Buffet  all  night  against  the  northwest  wind,  which 
was  full  in  our  teeth.  This  continued  till  two  o'clock  to-day,  then 
came  fair,  and  we  stand  our  course.  At  seven  P.  M.  we  discover 
land,  the  Isle  of  Wight. 

July  24<A.  —  We  had  a  fair  wind  all  night,  and  this  morning  at 
seven  o'clock,  being  off  Cowes,  the  captain  represented  to  me  the 
difficulty  of  getting  in  there  against  the  flood  ;  and  proposed  that 
we  should  rather  run  up  to  Southampton,  which  we  did,  and  landed 
there  between  eight  and  nine.  Met  my  son,  who  had  arrived  from 
London  the  evening  before,  with  Mr.  Williams  and  Mr.  J.  Alexan- 
der. Wrote  a  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  acquainting  him 
with  my  arrival,  and  he  came  with  his  lady  and  daughter,  Miss 
Kitty,  after  dinner,  to  see  us ;  they  talk  of  staying  here  as  long  as 
we  do.  Our  meeting  was  very  affectionate.  I  write  letters  to  Lon- 
don, viz.  to  Messrs.  W.  J.  M.  and  Co.,  to  acquaint  them  with  our 
arrival,  and  desire  to  know  when  the  ship  will  sail,  and  to  Mr.  Wil- 
liams. These  letters  went  by  post,  before  we  knew  of  his  being 
here.  Wrote  also  to  Mr.  B.  Vaughan. 

July  25</j.  —  The  Bishop  and  family  lodging  in  the  same  inn, 
the  Star,  we  all  breakfast  and  dine  together.  I  went  at  noon  to 
bathe  in  Martin's  salt-water  hot-bath,  and,  floating  on  my  back,  fell 
asleep,  and  slept  near  an  hour  by  my  watch,  without  sinking  or 
turning  !  a  thing  I  never  did  before,  and  should  hardly  have  thought 
possible.  Water  is  the  easiest  bed  that  can  be.  Read  over  the 
writings  of  conveyance,  &c.,  of  my  son's  lands  in  New  Jersey  and 
New  York  to  my  grandson.  Write  to  M.  Ruellan,  M.  Limosin, 
M.  Holker,  and  M.  Grand.  Southampton  a  very  neat,  pretty  place. 
The  two  French  gentlemen,  our  friends,  much  pleased  with  it. 
The  Bishop  gives  me  a  book  in  4to,  written  by  Dean  Paley,  and 
the  family  dine  with  us.  Sundry  friends  came  to  see  me  from  Lon- 
don ;  by  one  I  receive  a  present  of  my  friend  Dr.  FothergilFs 
works,  from  Dr.  Lettsom,  and  a  book  on  finance,  from  Mr.  Gale. 
Mr.  Williams  tells  me  the  ship  had  fallen  down  to  Gravesend  the 
22d,  so  that  she  might  be  in  the  Downs  the  24th,  and  possibly 
here  to-morrow,  that  is  on  the  Mother  Bank,  which  we  can  see 
hence.  Mr.  Williams  brought  a  letter  from  Mr.  Nepean,  secretary 
to  Lord  Townshend,  addressed  to  Mr.  Vaughan,  expressing  that  or- 
ders would  be  sent  to  the  custom-house  at  Cowes  not  to  trouble  our 
baggage,  &c.  It  is  still  here  on  board  the  packet  that  brought  it 
over.  Mr  Alexander  takes  leave  for  London;  write  by  him  to 


No.  VI.]  PRIVATE   JOURNAL.  591 

Mr.  Jackson,  Dr.  Jeffries,  Dr.  Lettsom,  and  my  son-in-law  Bache, 
the  latter  to  je  sent  by  the  packet. 

July  %6th  — Deeds  signed  between  W.  Franklin  and  W.  T. 
Franklin. 

Mr.  Williams,  having  brought  sundry  necessaries  for  me,  goes 
down  with  them  to  Cowes,  to  be  ready  for  embarking.  Captain 
Jennings  carries  down  our  baggage  that  he  brought  from  Havre. 
My  dear  friend,  M.  Le  Veillard,  takes  leave  to  go  with  him.  Mr. 
Vaughan  arrives  from  London,  to  see  me. 

July  27th.  —  Give  a  power  to  my  son  to  recover  what  may  be 
due  to  me  from  the  British  government.  Hear  from  J.  Williams 
that  the  ship  is  come. 

We  all  dine  once  more  with  the  Bishop  and  family,  who  kindly 
accept  our  invitation  to  go  on  board  with  us.  We  go  down  in  a 
shallop  to  the  ship.  The  captain  entertains  us  at  supper.  The 
company  stay  all  night. 

July  28th.  —  When  I  waked  in  the  morning  found  the  company 
gone,  and  the  ship  under  sail. 


Tuesday,  September  13th.  —  The  wind  springing  fair  last  evening 
after  a  calm,  we  found  ourselves  this  morning,  at  sun-rising,  abreast 
of  the  lighthouse,  and  between  Capes  May  and  Henlopen.  We 
sail  into  the  bay  very  pleasantly ;  water  smooth,  air  cool,  day  fair 
and  fine. 

We  passed  Newcastle  about  sunset,  and  went  on  near  to  Red 
Bank  before  the  tide  and  wind  failed ;  then  came  to  an  anchor. 

Wednesday,  September  14<A.  —  With  the  flood  in  the  mornin^ 
came  a  light  breeze,  which  brought  us  above  Gloucester  Point,  in 
full  view  of  dear  Philadelphia !  when  we  again  cast  anchor  to  wait 
for  the  health  officer,  who,  having  made  his  visit,  and  finding  no 
sickness,  gave  us  leave  to  land.  My  son-in-law  came  with  a  boat 
for  us ;  we  landed  at  Market-Street  wharf,  where  we  were  received 
by  a  crowd  of  people  with  huzzas,  and  accompanied  with  accla- 
mations quite  to  my  door.  Found  my  family  well. 

God  be  praised  and  thanked  for  all  his  mercies ! 


592  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX 


No.  VII.  p.  533. 

PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS,  AND  OF  THE  NATIONAL  AS- 
SEMBLY OF  FRANCE,  ON  THE  DEATH  OF  FRANKLIN. 

THE  Congress  of  the  United  States  was  in  session  at  New  York 
at  the  time  of  Franklin's  death.  On  receiving  the  news  of  that 
event,  they  passed  the  following  joint  resolution. 

"  The  House,  being  informed  of  the  decease  of  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin, a  citizen  whose  native  genius  was  not  more  an  ornament  to 
human  nature,  than  his  various  exertions  of  it  have  been  precious 
to  science,  to  freedom,  and  to  his  country,  do  resolve,  as  a  mark 
of  the  veneration  due  to  his  memory,  that  the  members  wear  the 
customary  badge  of  mourning  for  one  month." 

Honors  still  more  distinguished  were  paid  to  him  by  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  of  France.  On  the  morning  after  the  intelligence 
reached  Paris,  June  llth,  when  the  Assembly  was  convened, 
Mirabeau  rose  and  spoke  as  follows. 

"  Franklin  is  dead !  The  genius,  that  freed  America  ana 
poured  a  flood  of  light  over  Europe,  has  returned  to  the  bosom  of 
the  Divinity. 

"  The  sage  whom  two  worlds  claim  as  their  own,  the  man  for 
whom  the  history  of  science  and  the  history  of  empires  contend 
with  each  other,  held,  without  doubt,  a  high  rank  in  the  human 
race. 

"  Too  long  have  political  cabinets  taken  formal  note  of  the  death 
of  those  who  were  great  only  in  their  funeral  panegyrics.  Too 
long  has  the  etiquette  of  courts  prescribed  hypocritical  mourning. 
Nations  should  wear  mourning  only  for  their  benefactors.  The 
representatives  of  nations  should  recommend  to  their  homage 
none  but  the  heroes  of  humanity. 

"  The  Congress  has  ordained,  throughout  the  United  States, 
a  mourning  of  one  month  for  the  death  of  Franklin ;  and,  at  this 
moment,  America  is  paying  this  tribute  of  veneration  and  grat- 
itude to  one  of  the  fathers  of  her  Constitution. 

"  Would  it  not  become  us,  Gentlemen,  to  join  in  this  religious 
act,  to  bear  a  part  in  this  homage,  rendered,  in  the  face  of  the 
world,  both  to  the  rights  of  man,  and  to  the  philosopher  who  has 
most  contributed  to  extend  their  sway  over  the  whole  earth  ?  An- 
tiquity would  have  raised  altars  to  this  mighty  genius,  who,  to  the 


No.  VII.]  FUNERAL   HONORS.  593 

advantage  of  mankind,  compassing  in  his  mind  the  heavens  and 
the  earth,  was  able  to  restrain  alike  thunderbolts  and  tyrants. 
Europe,  enlightened  and  free,  owes  at  least  a  token  of  remembrance 
and  regret  to  one  of  the  greatest  men  who  have  ever  been  en- 
gaged in  the  service  of  philosophy  and  of  liberty. 

"  I  propose  that  it  be  decreed,  that  the  National  Assembly,  dur- 
ing three  days,  shall  wear  mourning  for  Benjamin  Franklin." 

Rochefoucauld  and  Lafayette  rose  immediately  to  second  the 
motion.  The  Assembly  adopted  it  by  acclamation ;  and  after- 
wards decreed,  that,  on  the  14th  of  June,  they  should  go  into 
mourning  for  three  days ;  that  the  discourse  of  M.  Mirabeau  should 
be  printed ;  and  that  the  President  should  write  a  letter  of  con- 
dolence on  the  occasion  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  The 
following  letter  was  accordingly  written,  and  directed  to  President 
Washington. 

"  Paris,  20  June,  1790.* 
"  MR.  PRESIDENT, 

"  The  National  Assembly  has  during  three  days  worn  mourning 
for  Benjamin  Franklin,  your  fellow-citizen,  your  friend,  and  one 
of  the  most  useful  of  your  cooperators  in  the  establishment  of 
American  liberty.  They  charge  me  to  communicate  their  reso- 
lution to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  In  consequence,  I 
have  the  honor  to  address  to  you,  Mr.  President,  an  extract  from 
the  proceedings  of  their  session  of  the  llth,  which  contains  the 
deliberation. 

"  The  National  Assembly  have  not  been  stopped  in  their  decree 
by  the  consideration  that  Franklin  was  a  stranger.  Great  men 
are  the  fathers  of  universal  humanity ;  their  loss  ought  to  be  felt, 
as  a  common  misfortune,  by  all  the  tribes  of  the  great  human 
family;  and  it  belongs  without  doubt  to  a  nation  still  affected  by 
all  the  sentiments,  which  accompany  the  achievement  of  their 
liberty,  and  which  owes  its  enfranchisement  essentially  to  the 
progress  of  the  public  reason,  to  be  the  first  to  give  the  example 
of  the  filial  gratitude  of  the  people  towards  their  true  benefactors. 
Besides  that  these  ideas  and  this  example  are  so  proper  to  dis- 
seminate a  happy  emulation  of  patriotism,  and  thus  to  extend  more 
and  more  the  empire  of  reason  and  virtue,  which  could  not  fail 
promptly  to  determine  a  body,  devoted  to  the  most  important  legis- 
lative combinations,  charged  with  assuring  to  the  French  the  rights 

*  The  translation  of  this  letter  seems  unskilful  and  imperfect,  but  the  origi- 
nal has  not  been  found. 

VOL.  I.  75  X  X  * 


594  LIFE  OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

of  men  and  citizens,  it  has  believed,  without  doubt,  that  fruitful 
and  great  truths  were  likewise  numbered  among  the  rights  of 
man. 

"  The  name  of  Benjamin  Franklin  will  be  immortal  in  the  rec- 
ords of  freedom  and  philosophy  ;  but  it  is  more  particularly  dear 
to  a  country,  where,  conducted  by  the  most  sublime  mission,  this 
venerable  man  knew  how  very  soon  to  acquire  an  infinite  number 
of  friends  and  admirers,  as  well  by  the  simplicity  and  sweetness 
of  his  manners,  as  by  the  purity  of  his  principles,  the  extent  of 
his  knowledge,  and  the  charms  of  his  mind. 

"  It  will  be  remembered,  that  every  success,  which  he  obtained 
in  his  important  negotiation,  was  applauded  and  celebrated  (so  to 
express  it)  all  over  France,  as  so  many  crowns  conferred  on  genius 
and  virtue. 

"  Even  then  the  sentiment  of  our  rights  existed  in  the  bottom 
of  our  souls.  It  was  easily  perceived,  that  it  feelingly  mingled  in 
the  interest  which  we  took  in  behalf  of  America,  and  in  the  pub- 
lic vows  which  we  preferred  for  your  liberty. 

"  At  last  the  hour  of  the  French  has  arrived  ;  we  love  to  think, 
that  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  not  regarded  with  in- 
difference our  steps  towards  liberty.  Twenty-six  millions  of  men 
breaking  their  chains,  and  seriously  occupied  in  giving  themselves 
a  durable  constitution,  are  not  unworthy  of  the  esteem  of  a  gen- 
erous people,  who  have  preceded  them  in  that  noble  career. 

"  We   hope   they  will   learn  with  interest  the  funeral   homage, 

which  we   have   rendered   to   the   Nestor  of  America.     May  this 

/solemn   act  of  fraternal   friendship  serve  more  and  more  to  bind 

Vthe  tie,  which  ought   to   unite   two   free  nations  !     May  the  c6m- 

mon  enjoyment  of  liberty  shed   itself  over  the  whole  globe,   and 

become  an  indissoluble  chain  of  connexion  among  all  the  people 

of  the  earth !     For  ought  they  not  to  perceive,  that  they  will  march 

more   steadfastly  and   more   certainly  to   their   true   happiness,  in 

understanding  and  loving  each  other,  than  in  being  jealous   and 

fighting  ? 

"May  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  and  the  National  As- 
sembly of  France  be  the  first  to  furnish  this  fine  spectacle  to  the 
world  !  And  may  the  individuals  of  the  two  nations  connect  them- 
selves by  a  mutual  affection,  worthy  of  the  friendship  which  unites 
the  two  men,  at  this  day  most  illustrious  by  their  exertions  for 
liberty,  WASHINGTON  and  LAFAYETTE  ! 

"  Permit  me,  Mr.  President,  to  offer  on  this  occasion  my  par- 
ticular homage  of  esteem  and  admiration. 


No.  Vll.]  FUNERAL   HONORS.  595 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  respectful  consideration,  Mr.  Pres- 
ident, your  most  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

"  SIEVES,  President." 

Washington  transmitted  this  letter  to  Congress,  and  it  was  re- 
solved, that  he  should  be  requested  "  to  communicate  to  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  of  France  the  peculiar  sensibility  of  Congress 
to  the  tribute  paid  to  the  memory  of  Benjamin  Franklin  by  the 
enlightened  and  free  representatives  of  a  great  nation."  In  com- 
pliance with  this  request,  Washington  wrote  an  answer,  dated 
January  27th,  1791,  in  which  he  said ; 

"  I  received  with  particular  satisfaction,  and  imparted  to  Con- 
gress, the  communication  made  by  the  President's  letter  of  the 
20th  of  June  last,  in  the  name  of  the  National  Assembly  of  France. 
So  peculiar  and  so  signal  an  expression  of  the  esteem  of  that 
respectable  body  for  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  whose  emi- 
nent and  patriotic  services  are  indelibly  engraved  on  the  minds 
of  his  countrymen,  cannot  fail  to  be  appreciated  by  them  as  it 
ought  to  be.  On  my  part,  I  assure  you,  Sir,  that  I  am  sensible 
of  all  its  value." 

Two  days  after  the  decree  of  the  National  Assembly,  M.  de  la 
Rochefoucauld  read  to  the  Society,  called  the  "  Society  of  1789," 
a  paper  on  the  life  and  character  of  Franklin.  The  members 
then  voted,  that  they  would  wear  mourning  for  three  days,  and 
that  the  bust  of  Franklin  should  be  placed  in  the  hall  of  the 
Assembly,  with  this  inscription.  "  Homage  rendered  by  the  unani- 
mous voice  of  the  Society  of  1789  to  Benjamin  Franklin,  the 
object  of  the  admiration  and  regrets  of  the  friends  of  liberty." 

The  Commune  of  Paris  ordered  a  public  celebration  in  honor 
of  the  memory  of  Franklin.  On  this  occasion  the  Abbe  Fauchet 
pronounced  a  Civic  Eulogy  (Eloge  Civique)  in  the  presence  of  a 
very  large  concourse  of  auditors,  consisting  of  the  deputies  of 
the  National  Assembly,  the  deputies  of  the  departments,  the  pres- 
idents of  the  districts,  the  public  officers  and  electors  of  Paris, 
and  private  citizens.  The  ceremony  took  place  in  the  vast  rotun- 
da of  the  Grain-Market,  which  was  hung  in  black,  and  deco- 
rated in  an  imposing  manner.  The  auditors  were  all  dressed 
in  mourning.  The  Abbe  Fauchet's  Eulogy  was  printed,  and 
twenty-six  copies  were  forwarded  to  Congress,  with  a  letter  from 
the  President  of  the  Commune  of  Paris,  which  were  acknowledged 
by  the  following  vote. 

"  The  House  being  highly  sensible  of  the  polite  attention  of 


596  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

the  Commons  of  Paris,  in  directing  copies  of  an  Eulogium  lately 
pronounced  before  them,  as  a  tribute  to  the  illustrious  memory  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,  to  be  transmitted  to  Congress ;  Resolved,  that 
the  Speaker  do  accordingly  communicate  the  sense  of  the  House 
thereon  to  the  President  of  the  Commons  of  Paris." 

Condorcet  pronounced  a  Eulogy  of  Franklin  (Eloge  de  Frank- 
lin) before  the  French  Academy  of  Sciences,  on  the  13th  of  No- 
vember, 1790.  This  discourse  is  very  elaborate,  full  in  its  details, 
able,  and  eloquent. 

A  society  of  printers  in  Paris  celebrated  the  event  in  a  novel 
manner.  They  assembled  in  a  large  hall,  in  which  there  was  a 
column  surmounted  by  a  bust  of  Franklin,  with  a  civic  crown.  Be- 
low the  bust  were  arrayed  printers'  cases  and  types,  with  a  press, 
and  all  the  apparatus  of  the  art,  which  the  philosopher  had  prac- 
tised with  such  distinguished  success.  While  one  of  the  fraternity 
pronounced  a  eulogy  on  Franklin,  several  printers  were  employed 
in  composing  it  at  the  cases ;  and,  as  soon  as  it  was  finished,  im- 
pressions of  it  were  taken,  and  distributed  to  the  large  concourse 
of  people,  who  had  been  drawn  together  as  spectators  of  the  cer- 
emony.* 

The  American  Philosophical  Society  honored  the  memory  of 
their  President  by  appointing  Dr.  William  Smith  to  deliver  a  Eu- 
logy ;  and  a  similar  honor  was  conferred  in  Yale  College  by  a 
Latin  Oration  from  President  Stiles.  Both  these  performances 
have  been  published. 


No.  VIII. 
EPITAPH. 

THERE  have  been  various  conjectures  respecting  the  source,  from 
which  Dr.  Franklin  took  the  first  idea  of  the  following  epitaph. 
William  Temple  Franklin  says,  that  he  wrote  it  "  when  he  was 
only  twenty-three  years  of  age,  as  appears  by  the  original  (with 
various  corrections)  found  among  his  papers,  and  from  which  this 
is  a  faithful  copy."  He  then  prints  it  in  these  words. 

*  See  Madame  CAMPAN'S  Mdmoires,  Tom.  I.  p.  233. 


No.VIH.1  EPITAPH.  597 

"The  Body 
Of 

Benjamin  Franklin, 

Printer, 
(Like  the  cover  of  an  old  book, 

Its  contents  torn  out, 
And  stript  of  its  lettering  and  gilding,) 

Lies  here,  food  for  worms. 

But  the  work  shall  not  be  lost, 

For  it  will,  as  he  believed,  appear  once  more, 

In  a  new  and  more  elegant  edition, 

Revised  and  corrected 

By 
THE  AUTHOR." 

It  had  before  been  printed  somewhat  differently  in  Mr.  Vaughan's 
edition.  The  variation  is  in  the  following  lines,  which  are  thus 
printed  by  Mr.  Vaughan. 

"  Yet  the  work  itself  shall  not  be  lost, 
For  it  will,  as  he  believed,  appear  once  more, 

In  a  new 

And  more  beautiful  edition, 
Corrected  and  amended 

By 

The  Author." 

In  a  note  Mr.  Vaughan  adds;  "  A  newspaper,  in  which  I  have 
seen  this  copy  of  Dr.  Franklin's  epitaph  on  himself,  says,  that  it 
first  appeared  in  a  Boston  newspaper,  established  and  printed  by  Dr. 
Franklin."  As  a  copy  of  Mr.  Vaughan's  edition  was  examined  by 
Dr.  Franklin,  after  a  full  impression  was  taken  off,  and  before  the 
work  was  published,  it  is  presumed  that  the  epitaph  as  here  printed, 
and  this  note,  passed  under  his  eye.  He  made  several  corrections, 
which  Mr.  Vaughan  included  in  the  errata,  but  no  error  is  noted 
in  his  remark  on  the  epitaph.  Hence  the  date  must  have  been  ear- 
lier than  is  mentioned  by  William  Temple  Franklin,  because  the 
New  England  Courant,  the  only  newspaper  in  which  Dr.  Franklin 
was  concerned  in  Boston,  ceased  in  the  year  1727,  when  he  was 
only  twenty-one  years  old. 

It  is  intimated  in  the  Edinburgh  Review,  (Vol.  II.  p.  448,)  that 
he  took  the  first  hint  of  this  epitaph  from  one  in  Latin,  written  on 
Jacob  Tonson,  the  bookseller,  by  an  Eton  scholar,  which  was  print- 
ed, with  an  English  translation,  in  the  Gentlemcui's  Magazine  for 
February,  1736.  The  translation  is  an  unsuccessful  paraphrase. 
The  original  is  likewise  inserted  in  the  biographical  notice  of  Ton- 


598  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

son,  m  the  Memoirs  of  the  Kit-Cat  Club      The  last  four  lines  are 
all  that  bear  on  the  subject. 

"  Hie  jacet  Bibliopola, 
Folio  vitffi  dilapso, 
Expectans  novam  editionera 
Auctiorem  et  emendatiorem." 

There  is  certainly  a  striking  resemblance  between  these  lines  and 
the  closing  part  of  Franklin's  epitaph;  but,  as  this  latter  was  written 
nine  or  ten  years  at  least  before  the  other,  it  is  obvious,  that,  if 
there  is  any  plagiarism  in  the  case,  it  must  lie  at  the  door  of  the 
Eton  scholar. 

It  has  been  supposed,  also,  that  an  epitaph  on  the  celebrated 
John  Cotton,  written  by  Mr.  Woodbridge,  about  the  year,  1653, 
may  have  suggested  the  first  hint  to  Franklin. 

"A  living,  breathing  Bible;  tables  where 
Both  covenants  at  large  engravers  were; 
Gospel  and  law  in's  heart  had  each  its  column, 
His  head  an  index  to  the  sacred  volume ; 
His  very  name  a  title-page ;  and  next, 
His  life  a  commentary  on  the  text. 
O,  what  a  monument  of  glorious  worth, 
When  in  a  new  edition  he  comes  forth ; 
Without  errata  may  we  think  he  '11  be 
In  leaves  and  covers  of  eternity." 

Others  again  have  imagined,  that  they  have  discovered  the  origin 
cf  Franklin's  epitaph  in  the  following  lines  on  the  death  of  John 
Foster,  who  set  up  the  first  printing-press  in  Boston,  written  by 
Joseph  Capen,  and  published  in  1681. 

"  Thy  body,  which  no  activeness  did  lack, 
Now  's  laid  aside  like  an  old  almanac ; 
But  for  the  present  only  's  out  of  date, 
'T  will  have  at  length  a  far  more  active  state. 
Yea,  though  with  dust  thy  body  soiled  be, 
Yet  at  the  resurrection  we  shall  see 
A  fair  edition,  and  of  matchless  worth, 
Free  from  errata,  new  in  Heaven  set  forth ; 
'T  is  but  a  word  from  God,  the  great  Creator, 
It  shall  be  done  when  he  eaith  Imprimatur." 

That  Franklin  had  seen  one  or  both  of  these  pieces  is  probable; 
it  is  moreover  possible,  that  he  may  have  derived  from  them  the 
first  thought  of  the  epitaph;  yet,  even  if  this  could  be  proved,  which 


No.  IX.]  FRANKLIN'S   WILL.  599 

it  cannot  be,  the  resemblance  between  them  is  so  very  remote,  that 
it  would  not  detract  from  the  claim  which  the  epitaph  may  justly 
have  to  be  considered  as  an  original  composition. 


No.  IX. 
FRANKLIN'S  WILL. 

I,  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  of  Philadelphia,  printer,  late  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States  of  America  to  the  Court 
of  France,  now  President  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  do  make 
and  declare  my  last  will  and  testament  as  follows. 

To  my  son,  William  Franklin,  late  Governor  of  the  Jerseys,  I 
give  and  devise  all  the  lands  I  hold  or  have  a  right  to  in  the 
Province  of  Nova  Scotia,  to  hold  to  him,  his  heirs  and  assigns 
for  ever.  I  also  give  to  him  all  my  books  and  papers,  which  he  has 
in  his  possession,  and  all  debts  standing  against  him  on  my  account- 
books,  willing  that  no  payment  for,  nor  restitution  of,  the  same 
be  required  of  him  by  my  executors.  The  part  he  acted  against 
me  in  the  late  war,  which  is  of  public  notoriety,  will  account  for 
my  leaving  him  no  more  of  an  estate  he  endeavoured  to  deprive 
me  of. 

Having  since  my  return  from  France  demolished  the  three 
houses  in  Market  Street,  between  Third  and  Fourth  Streets,  front- 
ing my  dwelling-house,  and  erected  two  new  and  larger  houses  on 
the  ground,  and  having  also  erected  another  house  on  the  lot 
which  formerly  was  the  passage  to  my  dwelling,  and  also  a  print* 
ing-office  between  my  dwelling  and  the  front  houses ;  now  I  do 
give  and  devise  my  said  dwelling-house,  wherein  I  now  live,  my 
said  three  new  houses,  my  printing-office,  and  the  lots  of  ground 
thereto  respectively  belonging ;  also  my  small  house  and  lot  in 
Sixth  Street,  which  I  bought  of  the  Widow  Henmarsh ;  also  my 
pasture  ground,  which  I  have  in  Hickory  Lane,  with  the  buildings 
thereon  :  also  my  house  and  lot  on  the  north  side  of  Market  Street, 
now  occupied  by  Mary  Jacobs,  together  with  two  houses  and  lots 
behind  the  same,  and  fronting  on  Pewter-Platter  Alley;  also  my 
lot  of  ground  in  Arch  Street,  opposite  the  Church  burying-ground, 
with  the  buildings  thereon  erected;  also  all  my  silver  plate,  pic- 
tures, and  household  goods,  of  every  kind,  now  in  my  said  dwelling- 


600  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

house,  to  my  daughter,  Sarah  BacJie,  and  to  her  husband,  Richard 
Bacfie,  to  hold  to  them  for  and  during  their  natural  lives,  and 
the  life  of  the  longest  liver  of  them.  And  from  and  after  the 
decease  of  the  survivor  of  them,  I  do  give,  devise,  and  bequeath 
the  same  to  all  children  already  born,  or  to  be  born  of  my  said 
daughter,  and  to  their  heirs  and  assigns  for  ever,  as  tenants  in 
common,  and  not  as  joint  tenants. 

And,  if  any  or  either  of  them  shall  happen  to  die  under  age, 
and  without  issue,  the  part  and  share  of  him,  her,  or  them,  so 
dying,  shall  go  to  and  be  equally  divided  among  the  survivors  or 
survivor  of  them.  But  my  intention  is,  that,  if  any  or  either  of 
them  should  happen  to  die  under  age,  leaving  issue,  such  issue 
shall  inherit  the  part  and  share  that  would  have  passed  to  his, 
her,  or  their  parent,  had  he,  she,  or  they  been  living.  And,  as 
some  of  my  said  devisees  may,  at  the  death  of  the  survivor  of  their 
father  and  mother,  be  of  age,  and  others  of  them  under  age,  so 
as  that  all  of  them  may  not  be  of  capacity  to  make  division  ;  I 
in  that  case  request  and  authorize  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Judicature  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the  time  being,  or  any  three 
of  them,  not  personally  interested,  to  appoint  by  writing,  under 
their  hands  and  seals,  three  honest,  intelligent,  impartial  men  to 
make  the  said  division,  and  to  assign  and  allot  to  each  of  my 
devisees  their  respective  share,  which  division,  so  made  and  com- 
mitted to  writing  under  the  hands  and  seals  of  the  said  three 
men,  or  of  any  two  of  them,  and  confirmed  by  the  said  Judges, 
I  do  hereby  declare  shall  be  binding  on,  and  conclusive  between, 
the  said  devisees. 

All  the  lands  near  the  Ohio,  and  the  lots  near  the  centre  of 
Philadelphia,  which  I  lately  purchased  of  the  State,  I  give  to  my 
son-in-law,  Richard  Bache,  his  heirs  and  assigns  for  ever.  I  also 
give  him  the  bond  I  have  against  him,  of  two  thousand  one  hun 
dred  and  seventy-two  pounds,  five  shillings,  together  with  the  in- 
terest that  shall  or  may  accrue  thereon,  and  direct  the  same  to 
be  delivered  up  to  him  by  my  executors  cancelled,  requesting  that, 
in  consideration  thereof,  he  would  immediately  after  my  decease 
manumit  and  set  free  his  negro  man  Bob.  I  leave  to  him,  also, 
the  money  due  to  me  from  the  State  of  Virginia  for  types.  I  also 
give  to  him  the  bond  of  William  Goddard  and  his  sister,  and  the 
counter  bond  of  the  late  Robert  Grace,  and  the  bond  and  judg- 
ment of  Francis  Childs,  if  not  recovered  before  my  decease,  or 

any  other  bonds  then  due,  except  the  bond  due  from  Killan, 

of  Delaware  State,  which  I  give  to  my  grandson,  Benjamin  Frank- 


No.  IX.1  FRANKLIN'S   WILL.  601 

lin  Bachc.  I  also  discharge  him,  my  said  son-in-law,  from  all 
claim  of  rent  and  moneys  due  to  me,  on  book  account  or  other- 
wise. I  also  give  him  all  my  musical  instruments. 

The  King  of  France's  picture,  set  with  four  hundred  and  eight 
diamonds,  I  give  to  my  daughter,  Sarah  Bache,  requesting,  how- 
ever, that  she  would  not  form  any  of  those  diamonds  into  orna- 
ments, either  for  herself  or  daughters,  and  thereby  introduce  or 
countenance  the  expensive,  vain,  and  useless  fashion  of  wearing 
jewels  in  this  country;  and  that  those  immediately  connected  with 
the  picture  may  be  preserved  with  the  same. 

I  give  and  devise  to  my  dear  sister,  Jane  Mecom,  a  house  and 
lot  I  have  in  Unity  Street,  Boston,  now  or  late  under  the  care  of 
Mr.  Jonathan  Williams,  to  her  and  to  her  heirs  and  assigns  for 
ever.  I  also  give  her  the  yearly  sum  of  fifty  pounds  sterling, 
during  life,  to  commence  at  my  death,  and  to  be  paid  to  her  an- 
nually out  of  the  interest  or  dividends  arising  on  twelve  shares, 
which  I  have  since  my  arrival  at  Philadelphia  purchased  in  the 
Bank  of  North  America,  and,  at  her  decease,  I  give  the  said  twelve 
shares  in  the  bank  to  my  daughter,  Sarah  Bache,  and  her  hus- 
band, Richard  Bache.  But  it  is  my  express  will  and  desire,  that, 
after  payment  of  the  above  fifty  pounds  sterling  annually  to  my 
said  sister,  my  said  daughter  be  allowed  to  apply  the  residue  of 
the  interest  or  dividends  arising  on  those  shares  to  her  sole  and 
separate  use,  during  the  life  of  my  said  sister,  and  afterwards 
the  whole  of  the  interest  or  dividends  thereof  as  her  private 
pocket  money. 

I  give  the  right  I  have  to  take  up  three  thousand  acres  of  land 
In  the  State  of  Georgia,  granted  to  me  by  the  government  of  that 
State,  to  my  grandson,  William  Temple  Franklin,  his  heirs  and 
assigns  for  ever.  I  also  give  to  my  grandson,  William  Temple 
Franklin,  the  bond  and  judgment  I  have  against  him  of  four 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  my  right  to  the  same  to  cease  upon 
the  day  of  his  marriage;  and,  if  he  dies  unmarried,  my  will  is,  that 
the  same  be  recovered  and  divided  among  my  other  grandchildren, 
the  children  of  my  daughter,  Sarah  Bache,  in  such  manner  and 
form  as  I  have  herein  before  given  to  them  the  other  parts  of  my 
estate. 

The  philosophical  instruments  I  have  in  Philadelphia  I  give 
to  my  ingenious  friend,  Francis  Hopkinson. 

To  the  children,  grandchildren,  and  great-grandchildren  of  my 
brother,  Samuel  Franklin,  that  may  be  living  at  the  time  of  my 
decease,  I  give  fifty  pounds  sterling,  to  be  equally  divided  among 
VOL.  I.  76  YY 


602  LIFE   OP   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

them.  To  the  children,  grandchildren,  and  great-grandchildren 
of  my  sister,  Anne  Harris,  that  may  be  living  at  the  time  of  my 
decease,  I  give  fifty  pounds  sterling,  to  be  equally  divided  among 
them.  To  the  children,  grandchildren,  and  great-grandchildren 
of  my  brother,  James  Franklin,  that  may  be  living  at  the  time  of 
my  decease,  I  give  fifty  pounds  sterling,  to  be  equally  divided 
among  them.  To  the  children,  grandchildren,  and  great-grand- 
children  of  my  sister,  Sarali  Davenport,  that  may  be  living  at  the 
time  of  my  decease,  I  give  fifty  pounds  sterling,  to  be  equally 
divided  among  them.  To  the  children,  grandchildren,  and  great- 
grandchildren of  my  sister,  Lyclia  Scott,  that  may  be  living  at 
the  time  of  my  decease,  I  give  fifty  pounds  sterling,  to  be  equally 
divided  among  them.  To  the  children,  grandchildren,  and  great- 
grandchildren of  my  sister,  Jane  Mecom,  that  may  be  living  at 
the  time  of  my  decease,  I  give  fifty  pounds  sterling,  to  be  equally 
divided  among  them. 

I  give  to  my  grandson,  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  all  the  types 
and  printing  materials,  which  I  now  have  in  Philadelphia,  with 
the  complete  letter  foundery,  which,  in  the  whole,  I  suppose  to  be 
worth  near  one  thousand  pounds ;  but,  if  he  should  die  under  age, 
and  without  children,  then  I  do  order  the  same  to  be  sold  by 
my  executors,  the  survivors  or  survivor  of  them,  and  the  moneys 
thence  arising  to  be  equally  divided  among  all  the  rest  of  my 
said  daughter's  children  or  their  representatives,  each  one  on 
coming  of  age  to  take  his  or  her  share,  and  the  children  of  such 
of  them  as  may  die  under  age  to  represent,  and  to  take  the  share 
and  proportion  of,  the  parent  so  dying,  each  one  to  receive  his 
or  her  part  of  such  share  as  they  come  of  age. 

With  regard  to  my  books,  those  I  had  in  France  and  those  1 
left  in  Philadelphia  being  now  assembled  together  here,  and  a 
catalogue  made  of  them,  it  is  my  intention  to  dispose  of  the  same 
as  follows.  My  "  History  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences,"  in  sixty 
or  seventy  volumes  quarto,  I  give  to  the  Philosophical  Society  of 
Philadelphia,  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  President.  My 
collection  in  folio  of  Lcs  Arts  et  les  Metiers,  I  give  to  the  Amer- 
ican Philosophical  Society  established  in  New  England,*  of  which 
I  am  a  member.  My  quarto  edition  of  the  same  Arts  tt  Metiers, 
I  give  to  the  Library  Company  of  Philadelphia.  Such  and  so 
many  of  my  books,  as  I  shall  mark  on  the  said  catalogue  with 
the  name  of  my  grandson,  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  I  do  hereby 

*  The  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences.  —  EDITOR. 


No.  IX.]  FRANKLIN'S   WILL.  603 

give  to  him  ;  and  such  and  so  many  of  my  books,  as  I  shall  mark 
on  the  said  catalogue  with  the  name  of  my  grandson,  William 
Bache,  I  do  hereby  give  to  him  ;  and  such  as  shall  be  marked 
with  the  name  of  Jonathan  Williams,  I  hereby  give  to  my  cousin 
of  that  name.  The  residue  and  remainder  of  all  my  books,  man- 
uscripts, and  papers,  I  do  give  to  my  grandson,  William  Temple 
Franklin.  My  share  in  the  Library  Company  of  Philadelphia, 
I  give  to  my  grandson,  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  confiding  that 
he  will  permit  his  brothers  and  sisters  to  share  in  the  use  of  it. 

I  was  born  in  Boston,  New  England,  and  owe  my  first  instruc- 
tions in  literature  to  the  free  grammar-schools  established  there. 
I  therefore  give  one  hundred  pounds  sterling  to  my  executors,  to 
be  by  them,  the  survivors  or  survivor  of  them,  paid  over  to  the 
managers  or  directors  of  the  free  schools  in  my  native  town  of 
Boston,  to  be  by  them,  or  those  person  or  persons,  who  shall  have 
the  superintendence  and  management  of  the  said  schools,  put  out 
to  interest,  and  so  continued  at  interest  for  ever,  which  interest 
annually  shall  be  laid  out  in  silver  medals,  and  given  as  honorary 
rewards  annually  by  the  directors  of  the  said  free  schools,  for  the 
encouragement  of  scholarship  in  the  said  schools  belonging  to 
the  said  town,  in  such  manner  as  to  the  discretion  of  the  select- 
men of  the  said  town  shall  seem  meet.* 

Out  of  the  salary  that  may  remain  due  to  me  as  President  of 
the  State,  I  do  give  the  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds  to  my  exec- 
utors, to  be  by  them,  the  survivors  or  survivor  of  them,  paid  over 
to  such  person  or  persons  as  the  legislature  of  this  State  by  an  act 
of  Assembly  shall  appoint  to  receive  the  same  in  trust,  to  be  em- 
ployed for  making  the  river  Schuylkill  navigable. 

And  what  money  of  mine  shall,  at  the  time  of  my  decease,  re- 
main in  the  hands  of  my  bankers,  Messrs.  Ferdinand  Grand  &  Son, 
at  Paris,  or  Messrs.  Smith,  Wright,  &.  Gray,  of  London,  I  will 
that,  after  my  debts  are  paid  and  deducted,  with  the  money  lega- 
cies of  this  my  will,  the  same  be  divided  into  four  equal  parts, 
two  of  which  I  give  to  my  dear  daughter,  Sarah  Bache,  one  to 
her  son  Benjamin,  and  one  to  my  grandson,  William  Temple 
Franklin. 

During  the  number  of  years  I  was  in  business  as  a  stationer, 
printer,  and  postmaster,  a  great  many  small  sums  became  due 

*  This  donation  has  been  successfully  applied.  The  fund  now  (1840) 
amounts  to  $1,000,  which  is  invested  in  six  per  cent  city  stock.  The  in- 
terest is  annually  appropriated  for  purchasing  medals,  which  are  distributed 
in  the  schools.  —  EDITOR. 


604  LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

to  me  for  books,  advertisements,  postage  of  letters,  and  other 
matters,  which  were  not  collected  when,  in  1757,  I  was  sent  by 
the  Assembly  to  England  as  their  agent,  and  by  subsequent  ap- 
pointments continued  there  till  1775,  when,  on  my  return,  I  was 
immediately  engaged  in  the  affairs  of  Congress,  and  sent  to  France 
in  1776,  where  I  remained  nine  years,  not  returning  till  1785; 
and  the  said  debts,  not  being  demanded  in  such  a  length  of  time, 
are  become  in  a  manner  obsolete,  yet  are  nevertheless  justly  due. 
These,  as  they  are  stated  in  my  great  folio  leger  E,  I  bequeath 
to  the  contributors  to  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital,  hoping,  that 
those  debtors,  and  the  descendants  of  such  as  are  deceased,  who 
now,  as  I  find,  make  some  difficulty  of  satisfying  such  antiquated 
demands  as  just  debts,  may,  however,  be  induced  to  pay  or  give 
them  as  charity  to  that  excellent  institution.  I  am  sensible,  that 
much  must  inevitably  be  lost,  but  I  hope  something  considerable 
may  be  recovered.  It  is  possible,  too,  that  some  of  the  parties 
charged  may  have  existing  old,  unsettled  accounts  against  me;  in 
which  case  the  managers  of  the  said  Hospital  will  allow  and  de- 
duct the  amount,  or  pay  the  balance  if  they  find  it  against  me. 

My  debts  and  legacies  being  all  satisfied  and  paid,  the  rest  and 
residue  of  all  my  estate,  real  and  personal,  not  herein  expressly 
disposed  of,  I  do  give  and  bequeath  to  my  son  and  daughter, 
Richard  and  Sarah  Bache. 

I  request  my  friends,  Henry  Hill,  Esquire,  John  Jay,  Esquire, 
Francis  Hopkinson,  Esquire,  and  Mr.  Edward  Duffield,  of  Ben- 
field,  in  Philadelphia  County,  to  be  the  executors  of  this  my  last 
will  and  testament;  and  I  hereby  nominate  and  appoint  them  for 
that  purpose. 

I  would  have  my  body  buried  with  as  little  expense  or  cere- 
mony as  may  be. 

I  revoke  all  former  wills  by  me  made,  declaring  this  only  to  be 
my  last. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal,  this 
seventeenth  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  eighty-eight. 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

Signed,  sealed,  published,  and  declared 
by  the  abovenamed  Benjamin  Franklin, 
for  and  as  his  last  will  and  testament,  in 
the  presence  of  us. 

ABRAHAM  SHOEMAKER, 
JOHN  JONES, 
GEORGE  MOORE. 


No  IX.J  FRANKLIN'S    WILL.  605 


CODICIL. 

I,  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  in  the  foregoing  or  annexed  last  will 
and  testament  named,  having  further  considered  the  same,  do  think 
proper  to  make  and  publish  the  following  codicil  or  addition  thereto. 

It  having  long  been  a  fixed  political  opinion  of  mine,  that,  in  a 
democratical  state,  there  ought  to  be  no  offices  of  profit  for  the 
reasons  I  had  given  in  an  article  of  my  drawing  in  our  Constitu- 
tion, it  was  my  intention,  when  I  accepted  the  office  of  President, 
to  devote  the  appointed  salary  to  some  public  uses.  Accordingly, 
I  had  already,  before  I  made  my  will  in  July  last,  given  large  sums 
of  it  to  colleges,  schools,  building  of  churches,  &c. ;  and  in  that 
will  I  bequeathed  two  thousand  pounds  more  to  the  State  for  the 
purpose  of  making  the  Schuylkill  navigable.  But,  understanding 
since,  that  such  a  sum  will  do  but  little  towards  accomplishing 
such  a  work,  and  that  the  project  is  not  likely  to  be  undertaken 
for  many  years  to  come,  and  having  entertained  another  idea, 
that  I  hope  may  be  more  extensively  useful,  I  do  hereby  revoke 
and  annul  that  bequest,  and  direct  that  the  certificates  I  have 
for  whai  remains  due  to  me  of  that  salary  be  sold,  towards  raising 
the  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds  sterling,  to  be  disposed  of  as  I 
am  now  about  to  order. 

It  has  been  an  opinion,  that  he  who  receives  an  estate  from  his 
ancestors  is  under  some  kind  of  obligation  to  transmit  the  same 
to  their  posterity.  This  obligation  does  not  lie  on  me,  who  never 
inherited  a  shilling  from  any  ancestor  or  relation.  I  shall,  how- 
ever, if  it  is  not  diminished  by  some  accident  before  my  death, 
leave  a  considerable  estate  among  my  descendants  and  relations. 
The  above  observation  is  made  merely  as  some  apology  to  my 
family  for  my  making  bequests,  that  do  not  appear  to  have  any 
immediate  relation  to  their  advantage. 

I  was  born  in  Boston,  New  England,  and  owe  my  first  instruc- 
tions in  literature  to  the  free  grammar-schools  established  there. 
I  have,  therefore,  already  considered  those  schools  in  my  will. 
But  I  am  also  under  obligations  to  the  State  of  Massachusetts  for 
having,  unasked,  appointed  me  formerly  their  agent  in  England, 
with  a  handsome  salary,  which  continued  some  years ;  and,  although 
I  accidentally  lost  in  their  service,  by  transmitting  Governor  Hutch- 
inson's  letters,  much  more  than  the  amount  of  what  they  gave 
me,  I  do  not  think  that  ought  in  the  least  to  diminish  my  grati- 
tude. 

I  have  considered,  that,  among  artisans,  good  apprentices  are 

Y  Y* 


(JOG  I. Ill:    OF   FRANKLIN.  [  \i-i-i  .i.m, 

mo  i  iii..|y  to  make  good  citizens,  and,  having  myself  been  orcd 
to  *  manual  an,  pnnim;;.  m  my  native  town,  and  afterward*  at* 
fitted  to  tet  up  my  hiinin*™*  in  Philadelphia  by  kind  loant  of  money 

i  liH-nd'i   HKM-,    whirl,    UM-.   tin:    |r  HI  ml  ;i  I  ion   i  A'  my    fortune, 

litiil  of  all    II..-    utility  MI  lil<-    II,., I    nny   !,••  a   .,,1,,-d    |,,    ,„.-,   I   ui -I,    t., 

bo  usoftil  even  after  rny  death,  if  pottible,  in  forming  and  advanc- 
ing oll..-r  youn^  in. -n,  tli.it  may  h«:  M-mr,<-ahk  to  ll..-ir  ronnlry  in 
l,oih  l!  ,  i,  N  T,,  il,i-  .  ,i.|  I  .kvolc  two  Ihou-and  poundi 

.•i.-iliiijf,  of  which  I  give  one  thousand  th.-r.-of  t..  tin-  inh..l,ii.mi-i 
.-!  1 1,.  i., an  of  i',o-i.,n  in  Massachusetts,  and  tho  other  thoutand 

to    ML-    mli.il.ilanl".  of  lli<-    r.Hy •  o|    I'lnla.klphi.i,    in    tru-.l,    to    :iinl    lor 

tin  linen,  intent*,  and  purpotet  hereinafter  mentioned  and  declared. 

Tho  AII id  MUM  of  on«  thousand  pound*  Hterlin^,  if  accepted  by 
the  inhabitants  of  tho  town  of  Boston,  thall  be  managed  under 
the  direction  of  the  selectmen,  united  with  i  >  >,i  th<: 

o|.|.--.l.  Kpi  .•o|,;ili;in,  Coi,!M.-;r:ilioii;il,  and  I'M-  l,\i.rian  r.hui  rlu-i  III 
tl... I.  IM  10  ;u.-  to  I. -I  .,.,1  ll,.-  inn-  -i|.on  n,i.-i,-,-.l(  :it  In  ••  p.  r 

cent  per  annum,  to  such  young  married  artificers,  i.»,.l.  r  tl,<  ;.;••• 
of  twmity-fivo  yenrn,  aa  have  nerved  nn  .,|.|,i-  i,n«  <  -Inp  m  tin-  f.:ml 

town,  .IN. I  I  nllifnlly  liillilk.l  tin-  <li.'  <  r  ,  nr.-d  m  lli.-n  i,id<  nlur<-i, 
;•«,  :i  :  lo  ol.l  nn  ;i  ;M,O«|  inoi.,1  .  '  i  li  om  .it  l.-.r  I  I  v,  .>  , .  •],•  -,-t  ;i  l,l<- 

citi/oriN,  who  are  willing  to  become  thdr  Min-tii-i,  in  A  hond  with 
the  applicantn,  for  tin:  repayment  of  the  money*  no  l>.it,  mil,  m 

I.  I.  I,  .n  .  Olillli;'.  to  (I,.-  l.-llii".  I,'  -I-  -III. ill. T  |, I. --.el  .I..-.I  ,  all  whirl, 
I.OIM I  ....-  I .,  !  -  I  .!..  i,  I- 1  .  nl  I,  null.  . I  .I.JI.'.f,  «.<  Ihi-  v;tliii: 

thereof  m  < -mront  gold  coin;  and  the  managera  whnll  keep  a  bound 

hook    or    l.ool;.;,    wh.i.-iii    -hill    In-    I-II|I-M-<|    tin-    n.in.c:   of  llio-.i:    uho 

i  hill  iijiply  lor  and  receive  tho  benefit*  of  thi*  institution,  and  of 
HH 'H  MM  IP  .  together  with  the  mirna  lent,  the  date*,  an.i  .,ih.-r 
nocoNNttry  iii.'l  prop' T  ...oidi  respecting  the  buaineM  and  ..>.,..  n,- 
<,i  ih.  n,  i.M.iion.  And,  n*  these  loans  are  intended  to  aisint  young 
n,  mi.. i  .niiii.i-rs  in  Mntinir  up  their  business,  they  are  to  be  pro- 
poiiioni-d,  hy  the  diicretion  <>f  tho  managers,  so  as  not  to  exceed 
sixty  pound*  Hturling  to  one  person,  nor  to  be  less  th.m  fiii«  n 
pound  ,  .in.i,  ii  tlxt  number  of  appliers  so  entitled  nliould  he  HO 
largo  as  that  the  sum  will  not  nuflico  to  afford  to  each  ii  n.u.  h 

as   might  olh.-iuiM-    not    I,,-    impiop.-r,    ll..-   piopoit.on    to   cadi   .-Icdl 

I.-  .iiinmiHlicd  no  »n  L,  ,ii., ..I  to  every  one  some  assistance.  These 
uidN  may,  tlii-n-lorc,  ho  Mnall  at  lir.Ht.  hut,  as  the  capital  increase! 
hy  tho  accumulated  interoHt,  they  will  I,.-  m.,n-  ampi.-.  And,  m 
-•id.  -r  to  servo  as  many  as  po**ihlc  in  thoir  turn,  nn  well  o*  to  md..- 

Ih.-    r<-p.i\in.-nl    of    ||,.-    pnn.'.p.d     horrou.-d    m ,    .   ,.  h     l,.,r- 


No.IX.J  FRANKLIN'S    WILL.  007 

rower  hhall  be  obliged  to  pay,  with  the  yearly  intere  t,  OIK:  tcnili 
part  (}f  the  principal,  which  sums  of  principal  and  interest,  SO  paid 
in,  shall  \><-  again  let  out  to  fresh  borro. 

And,  as  it  is  presumed  thai.   there  will    always  be  found   in    l> 
virtuous   and  benevolent  citi/ens,  willing   to   b<-  to-.v    a   part   of  their 
time  in   doing  good  to  the   ri  ing   generation,  by  superintends 

••ing  this  institution  gratis,  it  in  hoped,  that  no  part  of  I  he 
money  will  at  any  time  be  dead,  or  be  diverted  \,t  other  purposes, 
but  be  continually  augmenting  by  the  ml«-n- I.  ;  in  which  case  there 
may,  in  time,  be  more  than  the  MCMKMM  m  !'•  il  require, 

and  then  some  may  be  hpared  to  the   neighbouring  or  olher   to 

..d    Stale   of  Massachusetts,  who    may  de-ire    to    have    it; 
towns   engaging  to   pay  punctually  the    interest   and    tlie    portions   of 
the  principal,  annually,  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  JJoston. 

If  thin  plan  is  executed,  and  -uccei-d-,  as  [projected  without  inter- 
ruptiou  for  one  hundred  year--:,  the  MJI/I  will  then  be  one  hundred 
and  thirty-one  thousand  pounds;  of  which  I  wouhl  have  the  man- 
agers of  the  donation  to  the  town  of  Ho  Ion  then  lay  out,  at  their 

".',11,  i, in:  hundred  thousand  pounds  in  public  work*,  which 
may  be  judged  of  most  general  utility  to  the  inhabitant^;  huch  as 
fortification-.,  b;  ;.ublic  buildings,  bath-,  pavements, 

or  whatever  may  make  living  in  the  town  more  convenient  to  its 
people,  and  render  it  more  agreeable  to  strangers  resorting  thither 
for  health  or  a  temporary  residence.  The-  remaining  thir' 

:id  pounds  I  wouhl  have  continued  to  be  let  out  on  interest, 
in  the  manner  above  directed,  for  another  hundred  y  I  hope 

it  will  have  b'-en  found  that  the   institution   has  had  a  good   ej> 

.nduct  of  youth,  and   been   of  service    to   many  worthy  c: 

•id  useful  eiti/ens.  At  the  end  of  this  second  term,  if  no  un- 
fortunate accident  has  prevented  the  operation,  the  hum  will  he- 
four  million-;  and  sixty-one  thousand  pounds  hterling;  of  which  J 

one  million  sixty-one  thousand  pounds  to  the  di-po'.ilion  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Ho--ton,  and  three  millions  to  the 

,tion  of  the  government  of  the  Stale,  not  presuming  to 
my  views  farther. 

All  the  directions   herein    •  ;>ecting   the  disposition    and 

managem'Tit  of  the  donation  to  the  inhabitants  of  I'oston.  I  would 
have  observed  respecting  that  to  the  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia,  on- 
ly, as  Philadelphia  is  incorporated,  I  request  the  corporal  ion  of 
that  city  to  undertake  the  management  agreeably  to  the  haid  direc- 
tions; and  I  do  hereby  vest  them  with  full  and  ample  powers  for 
that  purpose.  And,  having  considered  that  the  covering  a  ground 


608  LIFE   OF   FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

plat  with  buildings  and  pavements,  which  carry  off  most  of  the  rain, 
and  prevent  its  soaking  into  the  earth  and  renewing  and  purifying 
the  springs,  whence  the  water  of  the  wells  must  gradually  grow 
worse,  and  in  time  be  unfit  for  use,  as  I  find  has  happened  in  all 
old  cities,  I  recommend,  that  at  the  end  of  the  first  hundred  years, 
if  not  done  before,  the  corporation  of  the  city  employ  a  part  of  the 
hundred  thousand  pounds  in  bringing,  by  pipes,  the  water  of  Wis- 
sahickon  Creek  into  the  town,  so  as  to  supply  the  inhabitants,  which 
I  apprehend  may  be  done  without  great  difficulty,  the  level  of  that 
Creek  being  much  above  that  of  the  city,  and  may  be  made  higher 
by  a  dam.  I  also  recommend  making  the  Schuylkill  completely 
navigable.  At  the  end  of  the  second  hundred  years,  I  would  have 
the  disposition  of  the  four  million  and  sixty  one  thousand  pounds 
divided  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  and  the 
government  of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  same  manner  as  herein  directed 
with  respect  to  that  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  and  the  govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts. 

It  is  my  desire,  that  this  institution  should  take  place  and  begin 
to  operate  within  one  year  after  my  decease;  for  which  purpose, 
due  notice  should  be  publicly  given  previous  to  the  expiration  of  that 
year,  that  those  for  whose  benefit  this  establishment  is  intended 
may  make  their  respective  applications.  And  I  hereby  direct  my 
executors,  the  survivors  or  survivor  of  them,  within  six  months  after 
my  decease,  to  pay  over  the  said  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds  ster- 
ling to  such  persons  as  shall  be  duly  appointed  by  the  selectmen 
of  Boston,  and  the  corporation  of  Philadelphia,  to  receive  and 
take  charge  of  their  respective  sums,  of  one  thousand  pounds  each, 
for  the  purposes  aforesaid. 

Considering  the  accidents  to  which  all  human  affairs  and  projects 
are  subject  in  such  a  length  of  time,  I  have,  perhaps,  too  much  flat- 
tered myself  with  a  vain  fancy,  that  these  dispositions,  if  carried  into 
execution,  will  be  continued  without  interruption  and  have  the  ef- 
fects proposed.  I  hope,  however,  that  if  the  inhabitants  of  the  two 
cities  should  not  think  fit  to  undertake  the  execution,  they  will,  at 
least,  accept  the  offer  of  these  donations  as  a  mark  of  my  good  will, 
a  token  of  my  gratitude,  and  a  testimony  of  my  earnest  desire  to 
be  useful  to  them  after  my  departure.  I  wish,  indeed,  that  they 
may  both  undertake  to  endeavour  the  execution  of  the  project,  be- 
cause I  think,  that,  though  unforeseen  difficulties  may  arise,  expe- 
dients will  be  found  to  remove  them,  and  the  scheme  be  found 
practicable.  If  one  of  them  accepts  the  money,  with  the  condi- 
tions, and  the  other  refuses,  my  will  then  is,  that  both  sums  be 


No.  IX.]  FRANKLIN'S  WILL.  609 

given  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  accepting  the  whole,  to  be 
applied  to  the  same  purposes,  and  under  the  same  regulations  di- 
rected for  the  separate  parts;  and,  if  both  refuse,  the  money  of  course 
remains  in  the  mass  of  my  estate,  and  is  to  be  disposed  of  therewith 
according  to  my  will  made  the  seventeenth  day  of  July,  1788. 

I  wish  to  be  buried  by  the  side  of  my  wife,  if  it  may  be,  and 
that  a  marble  stone,  to  be  made  by  Chambers,  six  feet  long,  four 
feet  wide,  plain,  with  only  a  small  moulding  round  the  upper  edge, 
and  this  inscription, 

BENJAMIN  ^ 

AND       >  FRANKLIN. 
DEBORAH  ) 

178- 

to  be  placed  over  us  both. 

My  fine  crabtree  walking-stick,  with  a  gold  head  curiously 
wrought  in  the  form  of  the  cap  of  liberty,  I  give  to  my  friend,  and 
the  friend  of  mankind,  General  Washington.  If  it  were  a  sceptre, 
he  has  merited  it  and  would  become  it.  It  was  a  present  to  me 
from  that  excellent  woman,  Madame  de  Forbach,  the  Dowager 
Duchess  of  Deux-Ponts,  connected  with  some  verses,  which  should 
go  with  it. 

I  give  my  gold  watch  to  my  son-in-law  Richard  Bache,  and  also 
the  gold  watch-chain  of  the  thirteen  United  States,  which  I  have 
not  yet  worn.  My  time-piece,  that  stands  in  my  library,  I  give  to 
my  grandson,  William  Temple  Franklin.  I  give  him  also  my  Chi- 
nese gong.  To  my  dear  old  friend,  Mrs.  Mary  Hewson,  I  give  one 
of  my  silver  tankards  marked,  for  her  use  during  her  life,  and  after 
her  decease  I  give  it  to  her  daughter  Eliza.  1  give  to  her  son, 
William  Hewson,  who  is  my  godson,  my  new  quarto  bible,  Oxford 
edition,  to  be  for  his  family  bible,  and  also  the  botanic  description 
of  the  plants  in  the  Emperor's  garden  at  Vienna,  in  folio,  with  col- 
ored cuts.  And  to  her  son,  Thomas  Hewson,  I  give  a  set  of  Spec- 
tators, Tatlers,  and  Guardians,  handsomely  bound. 

There  is  an  error  in  my  will,  where  the  bond  of  William  Tem- 
ple Franklin  is  mentioned  as  being  for  four  thousand  pounds  ster- 
ling, whereas  it  is  but  for  three  thousand  five  hundred  pounds. 

I  give  to  my  executors,  to  be  divided  equally  among  those  that  act, 

the  sum  of  sixty  pounds  sterling,  as  some  compensation  for  their 

trouble  in  the  execution  of  my  will ;  and  I  request  my  friend,  Mr. 

Dufficld,  to  accept  moreover  my  French  Wayweiser,  a  piece  of 

VOL.  i.  77 


610  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  [APPENDIX, 

clockwork  in  brass,  to  be  fixed  to  the  wheel  of  any  carriage  ;  and 
that  my  friend,  Mr.  Hill,  may  also  accept  my  silver  cream-pot,  for- 
merly given  to  me  by  the  good  Dr.  Fothergill,  with  the  motto, 
Keep  bright  the  chain.  My  reflecting  telescope,  made  by  Short, 
which  was  formerly  Mr.  Canton's,  I  give  to  my  friend,  Mr.  David 
Rittenhouse,  for  the  use  of  his  observatory. 

My  picture,  drawn  by  Martin  in  1767,  I  give  to  the  Supreme 
Executive  Counc?.  of  Pennsylvania,  if  they  shall  be  pleased  to  do 
me  the  honor  of  accepting  it,  and  placing  it  in  their  chamber. 

Since  my  will  was  made,  I  have  bought  some  more  city  lots  near 
the  centre  part  of  the  estate  of  Joseph  Dean.  I  would  have  them 
go  with  the  other  lots,  disposed  of  in  my  will :  and  I  do  give  the 
same  to  my  son-in-law,  Richard  BacJie,  his  heirs  and  assigns  for- 
ever. 

In  addition  to  the  annuity  left  to  my  sister  in  my  will,  of  fifty 
pounds  sterling  during  her  life,  I  now  add  thereto  ten  pounds 
sterling  more,  in  order  to  make  the  sum  sixty  pounds. 

I  give  twenty  guineas  to  my  good  friend  and  physician,  Dr.  John 
Jones. 

With  regard  to  the  separate  bequests  made  to  my  daughter  Sarah 
in  my  will,  my  intention  is,  that  the  same  shall  be  for  her  sole  and 
separate  use,  notwithstanding  her  coverture,  or  whether  she  be 
covert  or  sole ;  and  I  do  give  my  executors  so  much  right  and  power 
therein,  as  may  be  necessary  to  render  my  intention  effectual  in 
that  respect  only.  This  provision  for  my  daughter  is  not  made  out 
of  any  disrespect  I  have  for  her  husband. 

And  lastly,  it  is  my  desire,  that  this  my  present  codicil  be  an- 
nexed to,  and  considered  as  part  of,  my  last  will  and  testament  to 
all  intents  and  purposes. 

In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal  this 
twenty-third  day  of  June,  anno  Domini  one  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred and  eighty-nine. 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

Signed,  sealed,  published,  and  de- 
clared by  the  abovenamed  Benjamin 
Franklin  to  be  a  Codicil  to  his  last  will 
and  testament,  in  the  presence  of  us. 

FRANCIS  BAILEY, 

THOMAS  LANG, 

ABRAHAM  SHOEMAKER. 


No.  IX.]  PRANLIN'S  WILL.  611 


NOTE    BY    THE    EDITOR. 

THE  experiment  of  nearly  half  a  century  has  not  produced  all  the  beneficial 
results,  which  were  anticipated  by  Dr.  Franklin,  from  his  bequest  to  Boston  and 
Philadelphia.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  printed  Report  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Legacies  and  Trusts,  made  in  the  Common  Council  of  Philadelphia, 
April  27th,  1837,  by  Mr.  John  Thomason,  chairman  of  the  Committee. 

"  From  official  returns,"  says  the  Report,  "  it  appears,  that  up  to  the  1st 
of  January,  Ib37,  the  fund  has  been  borrowed  by  one  hundred  and  ninety- 
three  individuals,  in  sums  mostly  of  $  260  each.  At  that  date,  the  fund  was 
in  the  hands  of  one  hundred  and  twelve  beneficiaries,  of  whom  nineteen 
have  paid  neither  principal  nor  interest,  although  the  accounts  of  some  of 
them  have  been  open  for  a  period  of  thirty-four  years.  Ninety  other  persons 
stand  indebted  in  sums  from  $  21  to  $  292 ;  and  three,  having  borrowed  with- 
in the  year,  were  not,  at  the  last-mentioned  date,  liable  to  any  demand  by  the 
trustees.  Of  these  one  hundred  and  nine  cases  of  non-compliance  with 
the  terms  of  the  will,  fifty-eight  bonds  may  be  subject  to  a  plea  of  the  statute 
of  limitation,  and  the  rest  are  still  valid.  In  this  condition  of  the  fund,  it 
becomes  difficult  to  estimate  its  present  value.  Should  all  the  debts  be  re- 
covered, the  amount  of  the  fund  would  be  $23,627-09;  but,  from  the  length 
of  time  elapsed  since  the  date  of  many  of  those  bonds,  such  a  result  is  hope- 
less ;  and  even  this  latter  sum,  large  as  it  is,  is  below  the  amount  it  would 
have  attained  at  this  time,  had  the  intentions  of  the  testator  been  fully  carried 
out.  The  original  bequest  of  $  4,444-44,  at  compound  interest  for  forty-five 
years,  would  be  $  39,833-29 ;  and,  although  the  immediate  conversion  of  in- 
terest into  principal,  as  the  former  becomes  due,  is  not  always  practicable, 
yet  it  is  believed,  that,  with  careful  management,  the  fund  would,  at  this  time, 
have  lacked  but  little  of  that  amount.  How  far  the  fund  falls  short,  may  be 
partly  judged  from  the  actual  receipts  on  account  of  this  legacy  for  the  last 
ten  years.  During  that  time  the  sum  of  $  10,191-92  has  been  paid  in.  As  this 
period  included  the  term  for  lending  out,  and  receiving  back  with  interest, 
the  whole  fund,  the  receipts  within  that  term  may  be  taken  as  a  safe  approxi- 
mation to  its  real  value;  to  which  must  be  added  the  sum  to  be  obtained 
through  the  enforcing  of  payment,  by  legal  process,  from  such  securities  as 
may  be  good  at  this  late  day.  Had  the  fund  been  placed  at  simple  interest, 
it  would  have  amounted  to  the  last-mentioned  sum  by  this  time. 

"  Had  the  requirements  of  the  will  been,  in  former  years,  fully  complied 
with,  the  operation  of  the  fund,  at  this  day,  would  be  sensibly  felt  by  the 
mechanics  of  Philadelphia.  Passing  from  one  borrower  to  another,  and  in- 
creasing in  a  compound  ratio,  its  effect  would  be  to  stimulate  useful  industry, 
which,  without  such  capital,  would  have  remained  unproductive.  It  would 
have  increased  the  number  of  those  who  do  business  on  their  own  stock.  It 
would  be  a  standing  lesson  on  the  immutable  connexion  between  capital  and 
productive  industry,  thus  constantly  inciting  to  economy  and  prudence.  It 
would  have  become  the  reward  of  every  faithful  apprentice,  who  could  look  for- 
ward to  a  participation  in  its  benefit.  It  is  deeply  to  be  regretted,  that  this  state 
of  things,  which  had  so  captivated  the  imagination  of  Franklin  that  he  devoted 
a  portion  of  his  hard-earned  wealth  to  realize  it  for  the  mechanics  of  Phila- 
delphia, should,  in  the  emphatic  language  of  his  will,  prove  '  a  vain  fancy. ' " 

By  this  statement  it  would  seem,  that  there  had  been  at  some  time  a  remark- 
able want  of  fidelity  in  administering  the  trust,  especially  in  allowing  so  large 


612  LIFE    OP   FRANKLIN.     [APPENDIX,  No.  IX. 

a  number  of  bonds  to  become  worthless  by  the  statute  of  limitation,  and  neg- 
lecting to  make  seasonable  demands  upon  the  sureties. 

Appended  to  the  same  report  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  William  Minot,  treasurer 
of  the  Franklin  Fund  in  Boston,  dated  December  23d,  1836,  which  contains 
the  following  state  of  the  fund  in  that  city. 

"  The  whole  number  of  loans  from  this  Fund,"  Mr.  Minot  says,  "  from  May, 
1791,  to  the  present  time,  has  been  255,  in  sums  varying  from  $70  to  $266 
up  to  the  year  1800,  since  which  time  they  have  usually  been  $  200. 

"  From  July,  1811,  to  the  present  time,  the  number  of  loans  has  been  91, 
of  which  50,  at  least,  have  been  repaid  (in  whole  or  in  part)  by  sureties,  and  on 
four  of  these  are  balances  which  cannot  be  collected,  both  principals  and 
sureties  being  insolvent. 

"  Dr.  Franklin's  donation  was  £  1,000  sterling.  The  present  value  of  the 
Fund,  is  as  follows ; 

"  Estimate  of  13  bonds,  considered  good,      ...  <$  1,428-63 

"  Amount  deposited,  on  interest,  in  the  office  of  the  Massachusetts 

Hospital  Life  Insurance  Company,         -  -  -  22,739-00 

"  Cash  in  the  hands  of  the  Treasurer,  ...  158-15 


$  24,325-83 

"  It  is  apparent,  from  these  facts,  that  the  benevolent  intentions  of  the 
donor  have  not  been  realized,  and  that,  in  the  present  condition  of  our  coun- 
try, it  is  not  advantageous  to  married  mechanics,  under  the  age  of  twenty- 
four  years,  to  borrow  money  to  be  repaid  in  easy  instalments,  at  a  low  rate 
of  interest ;  and  the  improvidence  of  early  marriages,  among  that  class  of 
men,  may  fairly  be  inferred. 

"  The  great  number  of  instances,  in  which  sureties  have  been  obliged  to 
pay  the  loans,  has  rendered  it  not  so  easy,  as  formerly,  for  applicants  to  ob- 
tain the  required  security.  This  is  proved  by  the  small  number  of  loans  from 
the  fund,  averaging  for  the  last  five  years,  not  more  than  one  a  year. 

"  Until  within  the  last  twenty  years,  no  great  care  was  taken  in  accumu- 
lating the  fund.  It  is  now  carefully  attended  to ;  and  money  not  required 
for  actual  use  is  placed  in  the  Life  Insurance  Company,  where  it  increases 
at  the  rate  of  about  five  and  one-third  per  cent  a  year. 

"  The  loans  are  made  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent,  but,  on  instalments  past 
due,  six  per  cent  is  charged,  from  the  time  they  were  payable,  and  the  bonds 
of  delinquents  are  put  in  suit  after  reasonable  notice.  Two  sureties,  at  least, 
are  required  on  each  bond." 

According  to  the  treasurer's  return  on  the  1st  of  January,  1840,  the  amount 
of  the  fund  in  Boston  was  at  that  time  as  follows. 

Deposited  in  the  Life  Insurance  office,  $  26,595-64 

Bonds  for  Loans       ......  j   1,846-35 


I    l,H4lr: 
2$28,441-99 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


RECT)  CD-HRB 


DEC 


JAN2  5 


FEB  04  ZdOO 
REC'DYRL  FEB, 3, 

DUE  2  WKS  FROM  DAT13 
JUN  1  1 


RECEIVED 


315 


L  005  488  127  1 


